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Journal articles on the topic 'Albanais'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 December 2024

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1

Koka, Enkelejda, Denard Veshi, Carlo Venditti, and Fiorela Cekaj. "Implementation of the Commission Recommendation of 7 December 1994 on the Transfer of Small-and Medium-Sized Enterprises in Albania: A German or Italian Model?" European Review of Private Law 32, Issue 5 (2024): 925–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2024040.

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Abstract: In recent years, the European legislature and national parliaments have become more interested in allowing some types of intergenerational transfer before death. While the Albanian Civil Code establishes the invalidation of any succession agreement, other civil codes recognize some rights to dispose of or renounce the inheritance before death. This research investigates the possibility of implementing the Commission Recommendation of 7 December 1994 on the transfer of small-and medium-sized enterprises (94/1069/EC) in Albania by considering the Italian and German models. This contribution suggests that Albanian lawmakers could consider these models to align the Albanian legislation with the EU law Résumé: Ces dernières années, le législateur européen et les parlements nationaux se sont davantage intéressés à autoriser certains types de transfert intergénérationnel avant le décès. Alors que le Code civil albanais prévoit l’invalidation de tout accord successoral, d’autres codes civils reconnaissent certains droits de disposer ou de renoncer à l’héritage avant le décès. Cette recherche étudie la possibilité de mettre en oeuvre la recommandation de l’UE du 7 décembre 1994 sur le transfert des petites et moyennes entreprises (94/1069/CE) en Albanie en considérant les modèles italien et allemand. Cette contribution suggère que les législateurs albanais pourraient envisager ces modèles pour aligner la legislation albanaise sur le droit de l’UE.Zusammenfassung: In den letzten Jahren sind der europäische Gesetzgeber und die nationalen Parlamente stärker daran interessiert, bestimmte Formen der Übertragung von Erbschaftsansprüchen zwischen Generationen vor dem Tod zuzulassen. Während das albanische Zivilgesetzbuch die Ungültigkeit aller Erbschaftsvereinbarungen festlegt, erkennen andere Zivilgesetze bestimmte Rechte an, über das Erbe vor dem Tod zu verfügen oder darauf zu verzichten. Der vorliegende Aufsatz untersucht die Möglichkeit, die Empfehlung der Kommission vom 7. Dezember 1994 zur Übertragung kleiner und mittlerer Unternehmen (94/1069/EG) in Albanien umzusetzen, indem die italienischen und deutschen Modelle berücksichtigt werden. Der Beitrag schlägt vor, dass der albanische Gesetzgeber diese Modelle in Betracht zieht, um die albanische Gesetzgebung an das EU-Recht anzupassen.Resumen: En los últimos años, el legislador europeo y los parlamentos nacionales se han interesado más en permitir algunos tipos de transmisión intergeneracional antes de la muerte. Si bien el Código Civil albanés establece la invalidez de cualquier acuerdo sucesorio, otros códigos civiles reconocen algunos derechos para disponer o renunciar a la herencia antes de la muerte. Este trabajo investiga la posibilidad de implementar en Albania la Recomendación de la Comisión de 7 de diciembre de 1994 sobre la transmisión de pequeñas y medianas empresas (94/1069/CE) teniendo en cuenta los modelos italiano y alemán. Esta contribución sugiere que los legisladores albaneses podrían considerar estos modelos para alinear la legislación albanesa con la legislación de la UE.
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2

Parapatits, Felicitas. "Albania: Reform of Consumer Protection Law." European Review of Private Law 18, Issue 1 (2010): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2010009.

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Abstract: The Republic of Albania ranks as a potential candidate country of the European Union. In order to become a candidate country, Albania agreed to ensure that its existing laws and future legislation shall be gradually made compatible with the acquis communautaire. In 2008, the Albanian legislator made an attempt to fulfil this obligation in the field of consumer law replacing the old Consumer Protection Act (CPA) 2003 by the new CPA 2008, which aims at a full implementation of the European directives on consumer protection law. The CPA 2008 constitutes a great improvement to the legal situation in Albania and marks an important step towards European Union accession. Nevertheless, the CPA 2008 did not implement all the directives to a full extent. Moreover, the relationship between the specific provisions on consumer protection in the CPA 2008 and the more general provisions on contract law in the Albanian Civil Code is not clear. This article first provides an outline of the past developments and recent regulations on consumer protection law in Albania and then illustrates the need of further harmonization between the CPA and the Albanian Civil Code. Résumé: L’Albanie est un potentiel pays candidat à l’Union européenne. Afin de devenir un pays candidat, l’Albanie a accepté de rendre sa législation, présente et future, compatible avec l’acquis communautaire. En 2008, le législateur albanais tenta de remplir cette obligation en matière de protection des consommateurs, en remplaçant l’ancienne loi sur la protection des consommateurs (datant de 2003) par une nouvelle législation visant à transposer complètement les directives européennes sur la protection des consommateurs. La loi sur la protection des consommateurs de 2008 est un pas important en direction d’une adhésion à l’Union européenne. Néanmoins, elle n’a pas transposé l’ensemble des directives dans toute leur étendue. Cet article donne dans un premier temps un aperçu des développements passés et des réglementations récentes en matière de protection des consommateurs en Albanie. Il démontre ensuite le besoin d’une plus grande harmonisation entre la loi sur la protection des consommateurs de 2008 et le Code civil albanais.
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3

Verli, Jorina, and Bujar DUGOLLI. "The Rivalry between Italy and Great Britain to Obtain a Monopolistic Concession on the Albanian Oil." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 3 (2023): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.4.

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After his return to power in 1924, the problems of the weak Albanian economy made Ahmet Zogu seek quick solutions to stabilize both the state and his regime. Albania started welcoming foreign financial capitals to solve its economic problems, which were also political. Meanwhile, the longtime competitors, Italy and Great Britain, through their powerful companies, tried to invest in strategic sectors of the Albanian economy. In this way, big international companies, such as the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, the Standard Oil Company, the powerful Italian company “Ferrovie dello Stato Italiano”, “Le Syndicat Franco-Albanais” representing the French capital etc., emerged in Albania. This created a political scene charged with tensions and ongoing negotiations between all the affected actors, including the Albanian state. In 1925, the aftermath of the international diplomatic efforts put under the spotlight the two main rivals for prevalence in Albania, Italy and Great Britain. While the first was directly and vitally concerned about Albania and the Balkans, the second was merely interested in the stability of the region. Speaking of Albania’s interests, in the achieved agreements with the different foreign companies, there were indeed a series of articles that were disadvantageous for the state and its economy. However, Ahmet Zogu made an utmost effort to play a significant role, above the real possibilities Albania had at that time.
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4

Eljana Mosko. "Modélisation complémentaire - Un aperçu des verbes de prédication incomplets en albanais." ENDLESS : International Journal of Future Studies 3, no. 2 (2020): 23–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endless.v3i2.29.

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L'objectif principal de cet article est de démontrer certains groupes de verbes intransitifs en albanais qui nécessitent un mot ou une phrase pour compléter le prédicat et donner un sens à la phrase. C'est le cas des compléments et de la distinction complément / complément. Il existe différentes propositions sur la notion d’additif. Cela vaut à la fois dans la syntaxe et la sémantique. Notre objectif est d'étudier comment la notion complémentaire est appliquée en linguistique albanaise; il y a des preuves des cas où des compléments sont utilisés comme partie facultative d'une phrase ou d'une phrase qui, s'ils sont supprimés, n'affecteront pas autrement le reste de la phrase et les cas utilisés comme partie obligatoire de la phrase ou de la phrase verbale. On dit que les auxiliaires ne remplissent pas les conditions de sélection. Au lieu de cela, on pense que les compléments eux-mêmes sélectionnent le type de leur hôte. Pour cette raison, nous présentons des preuves provenant de groupes de verbes intransitifs albanais qui considèrent les adjoints comme une classe complémentaire. La recherche est basée sur les données rassemblées à partir de tous les verbes intransitifs donnés dans le Dictionary of the Albanian Language (2006).
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5

Bria, Gianfranco. "musulmans albanais entre enjeux locaux et perspectives globales." Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 23, no. 2 (2024): 255–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jais.10874.

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Peut-on considérer que les musulmans albanais sont un élément intégré de l’islam global ? Cet article essaie de répondre à cette question à partir de la définition de « Islam global » de Nile Green. À cet égard, il se concentre sur les processus de reconstruction postsocialiste dans lesquels divers acteurs, locaux ou étrangers, ont été impliqués. Des acteurs qui, ensemble, ont façonné la pluralisation de l’arène islamique, au sein de laquelle ils agissent de manière stratégique, parfois conflictuelle. Une action qui est toutefois affectée par des orientations gouvernementales mais aussi géopolitiques, mais qui semble en même temps partiellement détachée du comportement religieux des musulmans albanais. Key words: Islam global; Albanie; Balkans; Postsocialisme; Gülen; mojāhedin-e khalq; wahhābisme; Bektā­shiyya, Iran, Turquie, Soufisme.
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6

Sugarman, Jane C., Jean-Pierre Graziani, Marcel Cellier, Herman C. Vuylsteke, and Kaim Murtishi. "Folklore Instrumental Albanais." Ethnomusicology 30, no. 3 (1986): 547. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/851598.

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7

Adhami, Stilian. "Les Musées Albanais." Museum International (Edition Francaise) 13, no. 2 (2009): 67–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1755-5825.1960.tb01903.x.

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8

Bichurina, Natalia. "Le nom d’idiome et la substitution linguistique : les Albanais d’Ukraine." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 35 (September 18, 2013): 139–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2013.773.

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Dans cette contribution nous explorons le lien entre la politique de l’URSS, ou plus largement la construction politico-étatique soviétique, et la substitution linguistique [‘language shift’] qui a eu lieu dans une communauté linguistique albanaise en Ukraine orientale dans la seconde moitié du XXe siècle. L’analyse se base essentiellement sur 56 entretiens enregistrés dans le village albanais de Georgievka. Une attention particulière est portée à la question de la nomination : le système soviétique a identifié la communauté comme albanaise en la dotant ainsi d’un nom pour désigner ses membres et l’idiome qu’ils parlaient. Ce nom, institutionnalisé dans le cadre soviétique, a eu un impact considérable sur les représentations identitaires et linguistiques des locuteurs, en introduisant une référence à l’Albanie et à sa «vraie langue albanaise». Paradoxalement, cela n’a servi qu’à baisser la valeur de l’idiome aux yeux de ses locuteurs et à précipiter la substitution linguistique.
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9

Besa Shingjergji. "Réflexions sur les dispositions néoclassiques d'un dramaturge interdit." ENDLESS : International Journal of Future Studies 3, no. 2 (2020): 16–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/endless.v3i2.28.

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L'œuvre littéraire du dramaturge albanais Etëhem Haxhiademi avait été interdite, en raison de principes politiques vengeurs, pendant plus de quatre décennies. Il a été l'un des créateurs les plus notables de la tragédie albanaise révélant à l'époque moderne la littérature albanaise. En 1924, il écrivit la tragédie «Ulysse» à Berlin, en 1926 il écrivit la tragédie «Achille» à Vienne et en 1928 il écrivit la tragédie «Alexander» à Lushnje, Albanie. Les trois tragédies ont été publiées à Tirana, Albanie, en 1931. Plus tard, il écrit et publie la tragédie «Pyrrhus» (1934), «Scanderbeg» «Skënderbeu» (1935), «Diomedes» (1936) et «Abeles» (1938) ). Il était également connu comme le créateur du volume poétique «Lyra», (1939). Son œuvre dramatique a été mise en place selon des modèles de tragédie classique, utilisant des sujets antiques ou médiévaux, remontant même à la pré- biblique. histoire. Son œuvre littéraire devient fonctionnelle à des révélations qui peuvent être comparées à des phénomènes, des idées et des problèmes mettant en scène la réalité de l'époque où il a écrit ses œuvres. En nous efforçant de clarifier les notions de classicisme dans cette écriture, nous avons directement contribué à l'estimation de l'œuvre littéraire d'E. Haxhiademi qui, à notre avis, présente des concomitances excessives dans les idées, les idéaux esthétiques et les pratiques de conception des expériences néoclassiques. en Europe.
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10

Campani, Giovanna. "L'Italie et les Albanais." Hommes et Migrations 1155, no. 1 (1992): 38–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/homig.1992.1846.

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11

Sintès, Pierre. "Les albanais en Grèce." Balkanologie 7, no. 1 (2003): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/balkanologie.474.

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12

Athanassopoulou, Angélique. "« Nos Albanais à nous »." Ethnologie française 35, no. 2 (2005): 267. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.052.0267.

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13

Vătăşescu, Cătălina. "Termes albanais pour ‘incantation’." Incantatio. An International Journal on Charms, Charmers and Charming 2, no. 1 (2012): 71–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.7592/incantatio2012_1_vatacescu.

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14

Martzloff, Vincent. "L’albanien (albanais du Caucase)." Lalies 42 (2024): 135–229. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/1232d.

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Les palimpsestes du Sinaï Sin.Geo. N 13 et N 55, déchiffrés et publiés par Z. Aleksidzé, J. Gippert, W. Schulze et J.-P. Mahé, ouvrent de nouvelles perspectives sur l’albanien du Caucase, une langue caucasique de l’Est attestée sous forme écrite au premier millénaire de l’ère chrétienne, et nous permettent d’étudier les contacts linguistiques entre l’albanien et les langues voisines.
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15

Lafontaine, Annie. "Réfugié ou « Local Staff »?" Anthropologie et Sociétés 26, no. 1 (2003): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/000704ar.

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Résumé Cet article porte sur les implications individuelles et collectives du passage du statut de réfugié à celui de « local staff ». En effet, certains Albanais du Kosovo sont passés d’un statut à l’autre durant la guerre, après celle-ci et lors de l’exode massif du Kosovo au printemps 1999. En prenant l’exemple d’une femme en particulier, l’article étudie d’abord les relations entre les dimensions normatives et subjectives des statuts de réfugié et de local staff pour montrer ensuite comment ce transfert de statut entraîne deux phénomènes. D’une part, il permet l’acquisition de pouvoirs socio-économique, politique et familial qui avaient été, dans l’expérience de l’exil et du refuge, réduits au minimum. D’autre part, il provoque, surtout chez les femmes dans la vingtaine, des remises en question des mentalités et des valeurs qui ont largement contribué à la constitution d’une résistance des Albanais du Kosovo au régime yougoslave pendant les décennies 1980 et 1990. Finalement, ce statut, quoique temporaire, étant donné qu’il est lié à la présence éphémère des organisations étrangères au Kosovo, est un facteur de changement social qui ébranle certaines bases identitaires telles que l’organisation familiale albanaise.
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Samara, Miço. "Sur la politique linguistique et le travail des linguistes sous le régime autoritaire en Albanie (1945 - 1990)." Cahiers du Centre de Linguistique et des Sciences du Langage, no. 17 (April 9, 2022): 191–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/la.cdclsl.2004.1604.

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Dans cet exposé sommaire, je me concentrerai sur la politique linguistique de cette époque, principalement sur la standardisation de l'albanais littéraire, en tâchant de mettre au jour les bases théoriques et philosophiques sur lesquelles elle s'appuyait, et de démontrer comment se matérialisait ou s'appliquait cette politique dans la pratique, quelle voie l'on suivait pour résoudre les problèmes de la langue littéraire unifiée, en rappelant très brièvement certains des résultats obtenus dans le domaine de la linguistique albanaise pendant cette période difficile et assez complexe de l'histoire de la nation et du peuple albanais.
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17

Courbage, Youssef. "Surmortalité féminine chez les Musulmans en Yougoslavie : Islam ou culture méditerranéenne ?" Population Vol. 46, no. 2 (1991): 299–325. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/popu.p1991.46n2.0325.

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Résumé Courbage (Youssef)- - Surmortalité féminine chez les musulmans de Yougoslavie : Islam ou culture méditerranéenne ? Par ses données longues et fiables, la Yougoslavie offre un bon laboratoire pour l'étude de la mortalité musulmane, notamment sa spécificité par sexe et ses causes de décès. Son schéma diffère beaucoup au sein des deux principales communautés musulmanes de Yougoslavie : les Musulmans au sens national (souvent appelés « Bosniaques ») et les Albanais. Les Albanais ont intensément vécu une surmortalité féminine considérable dans l'enfance encore présente et aux âges féconds virtuellement disparue, contrairement aux Musulmans (au sens national), constamment plus proches des Serbes et Croates, dont ils ne diffèrent que par la religion. Les conditions économiques et sociales voisines et la fécondité qui fut élevée n'expliquent pas ces différences de comportement. La différence culturelle entre Musulmans (au sens national) et Albanais, plus que l'identité religieuse commune, rend mieux compte de la surmortalité féminine chez les seconds. L'isolement relatif des Albanais de Yougoslavie et le caractère excentré du Kosovo, a favorisé le maintien de traditions méditerranéennes vivaces dont la mise à l'écart des femmes, principale responsable de cette surmortalité féminine.
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18

Halili, Rigels, and Sylvie Muller. "Le folklore et l’ethnographie des Albanais (Albanie et Kosovo, 1945 ‑ 1991)." Ethnologie française 166, no. 2 (2017): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ethn.172.0203.

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19

Guevara-Braun, Tibissai. "Les experts albanais de l’environnement." Revue d’études comparatives Est-Ouest N° 4, no. 4 (2021): 113–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/receo1.514.0113.

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20

Campani, Giovanna. "Des réfugiés albanais en Toscane." Hommes et Migrations 1194, no. 1 (1996): 17–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/homig.1996.2588.

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21

Goytisolo, Juan. "Les Albanais sont parmi nous." Horizons Maghrébins - Le droit à la mémoire 28, no. 1 (1995): 144–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/horma.1995.1332.

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22

Kraft, Ekkehard. "Le père fissuré des Albanais." Books N° 5, no. 4 (2009): 45. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/books.005.0045.

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23

Gishti, Eglantina. "albanais aux confluences de la Méditerranée : le domaine maritime." Langues & Parole 6 (December 22, 2021): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/languesparole.78.

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Nous nous fixons comme objectif de cerner les influences linguistiques et culturelles méditerranéennes en albanais. Pour ce faire, nous choisissons deux domaines : celui de la mer et celui du patrimoine culinaire. Les données tirées des ressources lexicographiques et textuelles nous permettront d'analyser les emprunts lexicaux du domaine maritime en albanais. Pour ce qui est des influences culturelles, nous ne présenterons que la dimension culturelle et symbolique des emprunts du domaine culinaire.
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Clayer, Nathalie. "Islam et identité nationale dans l’espace albanais (Albanie, Macédoine, Kosovo) 1989-1998." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 115 (October 1, 2001): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.18443.

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Duchet, Jean-Louis, and Remzi Përnaska. "L'hypothèse de l'accord objectal en albanais." Faits de langues 4, no. 8 (1996): 165–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/flang.1996.1125.

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Galaty, Michael L., and Ols Lafe. "Le peuplement préhistorique du littoral albanais." Études Balkaniques-Cahiers Pierre Belon 15, no. 1 (2008): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/balka.015.0257.

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27

Arsovska, Jana, and John Jay. "Europe : la razzia des groupes albanais." Alternatives Internationales 49, no. 12 (2010): 31. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/ai.049.0031.

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28

Fuga, Artan. "Médias albanais entre Églises et mosquées." Diogène 210, no. 2 (2005): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/dio.210.0059.

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Bébien, Jean, Nora Dautaj, Minella Shallo, Ismaïl Turku, and Bernard Barbarin. "Diversité des plagiogranites ophiolitiques: l'exemple albanais." Comptes Rendus de l'Académie des Sciences - Series IIA - Earth and Planetary Science 324, no. 11 (1997): 875–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1251-8050(97)82500-1.

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30

RAMETI, Besnik. "SECRET COMMITTEE "DEATH OR LIBERTY" THE MAIN PROPONENTS OF THE INDEPENDENCE OF ALBANIA." International Journal of Social and Human Sciences - PHILOSOPHICA 11, no. 22-23 (2024): 37–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.62792/ut.philosophica.v11.i22-23.p2719.

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The injustices towards the Albanian people began from the decisions of the Congress of Berlin in 1878 and the bloody suppression of the uprising of the Albanian League of Prizren in 1881, where many Balkan states gained independence from the Ottoman Empire, while Albanians remained an integral part of it. At the beginning of the 20th century, Albanians were very unprepared both politically and organizationally. Thanks to some Albanian activists and patriots, in November 1905 the Secret Committee for the Freedom of Albania "Death or Freedom" was formed, which will organize the armed struggle against the Ottoman rule and the neighboring chauvinist circles that attempted to dismember the Albanian lands. This organization was formed in the city of Bitola under the leadership of Bajo Topulli, Fehmi Zavalani, Halit Bërzeshtës, Gjergj Qeriazit, Çerçiz Topullit, Mikhail Gramenos, Nuçi Naçit and many other patriots. The purpose of this organization was to raise awareness, brotherhood, love and unity in a joint fight against every ruler for the Freedom of Albania. This organization played the role of the central committee by sending patriots and activists to every province of the country where it formed its branches in the most important centers of the Albanian vilayets. It has also expanded its activity with patriotic societies abroad. In 1906 the Secret Committee for "Freedom of Albania" in the area of Korça formed the first armed units that operated until 1908 when the Congress of Bitola will be held. The bravery and courage of the armed groups together with the Congress of Bitola contributed so that the act of Albania's independence was to be written with these letters. 1912.
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31

Doja, Albert. "Entre Invention Et Construction Des Traditions: L'héritage Historique et Culturel Des Albanais." Nationalities Papers 28, no. 3 (2000): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/713687477.

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Les événements dramatiques qui ont secoué l'Europe durant dix années à la suite du démembrement de la Yougoslavie, surtout le dernier épisode retentissant qui a affronté les Serbes et les Albanais pour le droit sur le Kosovo, ont impliqué aussi l'ensemble de la communauté internationale pour la défense d'un certain modèle de société et de relations entre groupes ethniques. Les opinions publiques en revanche, abasourdies par les bruits médiatiques et intellectualistes, n'ont toujours pas saisi la signification et les raisons du conflit, que tout le monde espère voir finir une fois pour toutes avec ce dernier et final épisode sanglant. En intégrant l'approche anthropologique aux considérations historiques et géopolitiques sur la région et la culture albanaise, cet article tentera de poser une question qui me paraît essentielle pour la compréhension des phénomènes actuels, à savoir si l'héritage historique et les identités culturelles peuvent raisonnablement, sinon justifier, au moins expliquer les conflits ethniques et le nationalisme, ou si au contraire ils servent tout simplement à déterminer et au mieux à rationaliser les relations interethniques entre groupes sociaux.
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Makhmudova, S. M., and A. A. Muradyan. "New Translations of Written Monuments of Caucasian Albania: Historical and Philological Analysis." Язык и текст 11, no. 2 (2024): 19–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2024110202.

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<p>For many centuries, the history of the oldest state in the Eastern Caucasus was forgotten, there were no studies of Caucasian Albania, no mention of the fact that Albanians had their own written language, that the king of Albania was almost the first in the world to adopt Christianity as an official religion, although Greco-Roman sources (Strabo, Plutarch, Pliny the Elder, Arrian and others) wrote about this country. History knows Albania's wars with Pompey, Trajan and Alexander the Great. However, the history of Caucasian Albania cannot fade into oblivion, as monumental monuments of architecture still stand in modern Azerbaijan, Karabakh, Eretia and Dagestan. Our work will be devoted to the analysis of some written sources and artefacts containing inscriptions in Albanian.</p>
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Rushiti, Bujar, and Carmen Dobrovie-Sorin. "Les superlatifs et la définitude en albanais." Scolia, no. 35 (July 9, 2021): 125–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/scolia.1854.

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34

Jera, Evalda. "Albania, a Wonderful Example of Coexistence and Religious Tolerance." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 4, no. 1 (2015): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v4i1.p153-156.

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If we refear to the history of humanity we note that the tolerance of human society is too early, it was born togather with the man. It should be noted that religious beliefs in Albania are and has always been characterized by a strong feeling and a sincere harmony which is reflected in the relations between people with different religious beliefs, as well as between religious people and atheists. Albanians are both Christian and Muslim, Catholic, Orthodox, and Bektashi. For centuries territories populated by Albanians has been remarkable for a unique interfaith tolerance. Religion has never been in the past and is not now a source of conflict in society. In the history of the Albanian religious, communities have always succeeded with a peacefully cooperation. This tolerance stems from the awareness of the Albanians that they belong to the same nation having a strong ethnic identity regardless of external factors affecting the determination of Albanians from other religions. In the Albanian national tradition, religious tolerance is one of the main characteristics of Albanian people morality . The interest of the nation has always been primary in relation to religious matters, it is first of all beeing Albanian. Albanian as well said Pasko Vasa in the nineteenth century "never churches and mosques can separate usbecouse the religion of Albanians is Albanianhood" and so, because of this we create a big example, a wonderful cooperation, a peaceful atmosphere and open the way for peace and friendship between people not only in Albani but worldwide.
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Stamova, Mariyana. "Albanci na Balkanu tokom Drugog svetskog rata." Historijski pogledi 5, no. 8 (2022): 152–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2022.5.8.152.

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After the end of the First World War, some countries in the Balkans remained dissatisfied with the status quo achieved with the Versailles system of peace treaties. The Albanian movement for territorial and ethnic Albania failed to fully realize - Kosovo and Metohija remained in the Royal Yugoslavia, established in 1918, which emerged from the First World War as a victorious state. The large Albanian population is a serious problem for the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. One of the culprits, according to some researchers, is Belgrade's own political circles in the interwar period. Nationally, culturally, economically and politically, the Albanians in this period are in the worst position of any other national minority in the royal Yugoslavia. Here are a few examples to support the above. In the period between the two world wars, the Albanian minority in Yugoslavia did not have a single school in their mother tongue, nor did it have a single cultural, educational or economic association. Dissatisfaction among Albanians from Kosovo and Metohija is growing with the policy of colonizing the Serb population from other parts of the country. This policy of repression against the Albanian population in Kosovo and Metohija provoked his numerous emigration to Albania. Much of the progressive emigration, in the person of Hassan Prishtina, Bedri Peyani, Ibrahim Gjakova and others, is extremely hostile to the Yugoslav state. This was cleverly used by the Albanian and Italian governments to break up Yugoslavia years later. In this regard, it is very important for Italian intelligence to engage Kosovo emigration in order to achieve full Italian control over Albania and weaken Yugoslavia's position in the south. With the impending new military confrontation on the international field, which would undoubtedly affect this region of Europe as well, Albanians see a real opportunity to achieve their national goals. Undoubtedly, the Albanian territory is also included in the geostrategic plans of the major countries for conducting military operations in the Balkans and implementing their further plans. In this regard, Italy's goal of making Albania a bridgehead in the Balkans for control of the Straits and the Middle East is to support the aspirations of Albanian nationalists after their long struggle to create a state that unites all Albanians. The status quo of the Balkans, reached by the Versailles system of peace treaties, was destroyed in the course of the Second World War. From all the Balkan states Albania was the first to experience the new order of Hitler and Mussolini and with their help accomplished its national program, precisely с the unification of the Albanian people and establishment of an Albanian identity in the Balkans. With the capitulation of Yugoslavia on April 7, 1941, a new territorial situation was created for the Axis forces and their satellite allies. The partition of Yugoslavia is one of the conditions for the realization of the „New Order“ in Southeast Europe. Convinced that the time was coming when, with the help of Italy and Germany, Kosovo and Metohija, western Macedonia, the eastern regions of Montenegro, etc. would enter Albania's borders, the Kosovo Committee with leading figures of Albanian nationalism, such as Bedri Pejani, Rexhep Mitrovica, Ibrahim Gjakova and Rexhep Krasniqi, have elevated political concepts for ethnic and territorial Albania familiar from the interwar period. In these years „Greater Albania” was a wartime creature, which did not get international recognition. The end of the war also put to rest the idea of a national unification of the Albanian people. The Albanian state again had its boundaries established after the end of the World War I; a large part of the Albanian population was left outside of these borders.
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Kadi, Fabiola, and Helona Pani. "THE ALBANIAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH – A POWERFUL SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE IN THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 6 (2019): 1749–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34061749k.

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It is a fact that Christianity is deeply rooted in the history of the Albanian nation, but, unfortunately, such a fact has opened the gate to endless discussions. This paper aims to highlight an important event in the history of Albania, which will influence the future history of this nation. During the nineteenth century, Protestants contributed significantly to the Albanian national issue through performing translations of several books of the Bible, at a time when books in Albanian language were very rare. Different foreign missionaries came to Albania to spread their religious views. They strongly influenced the opening of Albanian schools while Albanians, under Turkish rule, were forbidden to use their language, to learn to write, or read it. Gradually, the foreign missionaries were attended by Albanian intellectuals, who insist on the opening of the Albanian school and the education of Albanians in Albanian language. Interestingly, Protestantism was the only religious belief that supported Albanian writing and reading, while other religious beliefs exercised in Albania were the fiery opponents of every Albanian component. The Albanian language on one hand was opposed by the Greek Orthodox Church, on the other hand, by the Latin Catholic Church and above all, Ottoman rule opposed the teaching of the Albanian language in order to keep the Albanian people as subordinate as possible. It seems that Protestantism has emerged in all the countries where it has spread, supporting various national identities, but especially in Albania, it has played an important role in supporting the national identity of Albanians and the education of generations, especially of girls. The opening of the first Albanian girls' school in the city of Korça keeps the seal of the Protestant church and it has had a great impact in the future for the emancipation of Albanian society, of women and girls who are oppressed and printed in many directions. Sevasti Qiriazi, as a representative of the Protestant church in Korça, and the first teacher in Albania, will protect the school and try to support the spread of the Albanian language at all costs. Through the spread of faith in Albanian, the first Protestants in Albania conveyed not only knowledge, but also great human, moral, and educational values to people who were suffering, but eager for knowledge and development. The Protestant Albanian movement was actually an 'Albanian spiritual movement' with religious, educational, national and cultural values and purposes. For several decades, during the communist regime in Albania, a good part of the influence of protestants in the country was denied and all efforts were made to overshadow the influence of Protestantism towards education and emancipation of Albanians in this period. Today, after many years of shadow, Protestantism is again one of the religions that are practiced in Albania and numerous efforts are being made to discover many of the unknown elements of the positive influence that this belief had in educating Albanians over the years.
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Pllana, Mimoza Hasani –., and Agnesa Hasimja Pasha. "The Influence of Albanian Renaissance Writers: Pashko Vasa and Sami Frashëri, as Catalysts for the League of Prizren." International Journal of Religion 5, no. 11 (2024): 8041–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.61707/pkthwt40.

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During the National Albanian Renaissance, writers played a pivotal role in sparking the political movement known as "The Prizren League" in 1878. This league, emerging from the cultural and literary fervor of the Renaissance, symbolized the spirit of Albanian nationalism. The Renaissance, which began manifesting in the early 19th century and reached its zenith by the late 19th century, culminated in the declaration of Albania's independence in 1912. The League of Prizren, as the embodiment of the Renaissance ideals, legally endorsed concepts advocated by Renaissance figures for the formation of Albania. These principles included adopting a common language, asserting a shared territory (demonstrated in literary and historical works as belonging to the Albanians since ancient times), cultivating a unified cultural identity rooted in oral literature, and establishing Albanian schools. While all Albanian intellectuals played a part, this study delves into the specific contributions of key Renaissance figures, illuminating their catalytic roles within the Prizren League movement.
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38

Batakovic, Dusan. "Ahmed Bey Zogou et la Serbie Une coopération inachevée (1914-1916)." Balcanica, no. 43 (2012): 169–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1243169b.

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Dans la premi?re phase de la Grande Guerre, les relations entre la Serbie et l?Albanie furent tendues, marqu?es par les conflits et les disputes territoriales ainsi que par la rivalit? avec les autres puissances, surtout l?Autriche-Hongrie et la Turquie, dans l?Albanie, en tant que nouvel ?tat balkanique. Afin de d?passer les conflits et de r?tablir l?influence politique de la Serbie en Albanie le Pr?sident du Conseil serbe, Nikola P. Pasic, ?tablit les liens proches et strat?giques avec le puissant chef d?Albanie centrale Essad Pacha Toptani. En vue d??largir le r?seau des chefs claniques amicaux ? travers les ?missaires sp?ciaux en Albanie, Pasic recruta Ahmed bey Zogou, le chef de la r?gion des Mati et le neveu d?Essad Pacha. Cette ?tude d?montre les diff?rentes phases, avec les r?sultats mitig?s, d?une coop?ration entre la Serbie et Ahmed bey Zogou, chef de la r?gion Mati (futur roi d?Albanie Zog Ier entre-deux-guerres), destin?e d?apaiser l?inimiti? des clans albanais contre la Serbie et de cr?er un cadre de coop?ration bilat?rale plus stable et plus durable.
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39

Nikjari, Xherardo. "Aspekte të Hartës së Parë të Shqipërisë me Toponimastikënë Gjuhën Shqipe (1902)." Journal of Balkan Studies 4, no. 2 (2024): 29–51. https://doi.org/10.51331/a045.

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Abstract: Over the ages, cartographers, historians, and institutions from diverse European nations and beyond have produced numerous maps and atlases, illustrating the spatial distribution of Albanians and Albania. While these maps hold significant cartographic and historical value, showcasing the ancient authentic ethnicity of Albanians in the Balkans, none have been in Albanian but rather in the languages of foreign cartographers who compiled them. The publication of the first map of Albanian territories with Albanian toponymy in 1902 marks a pivotal historical moment, establishing Albanian cartography. This paper delves into the historical, geographical, linguistic, and cultural importance of this notable achievement. The map was the product of a fruitful collaboration during the Albanian National Awakening between Don Juan Pedro de Aladro Kastrioti, known to Albanians as Gjin Aladro Kastrioti, and Faik bey Konica, the founder and editor of the Albanian National Awakening magazine “Albania”. The paper examines the cartographic and geographical characteristics of the first map with Albanian toponymy from 1902. Noteworthy among the descriptive data of this cartographic work is the extent of the ethnic Albanian presence in the Western Balkans during the early 1900s. Additionally, this paper will detail the invaluable assistance provided by Élisée Reclus, one of the foremost geographers of the time, in guiding the working group involved in constructing the first map of Albania with Albanian toponymy.
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40

Golemi, Marinela. "Othello in the Balkans: Performing Race Rhetoric on the Albanian Stage." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 22, no. 37 (2020): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-8530.22.08.

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This essay examines the racialized rhetoric in Fan Noli’s 1916 Othello translation and the racialized performance techniques employed in A.J. Ricko’s 1953 National Theatre of Albania production. Hoping to combat racial discrimination in Albania, Noli’s translation of Othello renders the Moor an exceptional Turk whose alienation in Venice was designed to mirror the Albanophobic experiences of Albanian immigrants. Moreover, the Albanian Othello can serve as a platform for addressing ethno-racial tensions between Albanians and Turks, northern and southern Albanians, and Albanians of color and white Albanians. Both Noli and Ricko believed there was an anti-racist power inherent within Shakespeare’s play. In the end, however, the race-based rhetoric in the Albanian language, the use of blackface make-up in performance, and the logic and rhetoric of Shakespeare’s play itself challenged these lofty goals for race-healing.
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Anamali, Skënder. "Ilirët dhe shqiptarët /Les Illyriens et les Albanais." Iliria 20, no. 1 (1990): 5–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/iliri.1990.1558.

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42

Stoecklin, Daniel. "Le trafic d’enfants albanais comme déficit de citoyenneté." Perspectives étatiques 18, no. 2 (2006): 186–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/013295ar.

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Le trafic d’êtres humains émerge de profondes mutations sociales et économiques, qui interdisent de naturaliser le phénomène en l’attribuant à une « mentalité » particulière. Sortie du totalitarisme, l’Albanie expérimente une libéralisation rapide guère favorable à l’émergence d’acteurs collectifs et de pratiques citoyennes. Parmi les conséquences du déficit de participation démocratique, le trafic d’enfants appelle des médiations sociales. L’article privilégie les dimensions sociales du trafic et la perspective de l’acteur social comme complément de l’approche légale dominante.
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43

Mëhilli, Elidor. "Globalized Socialism, Nationalized Time: Soviet Films, Albanian Subjects, and Chinese Audiences across the Sino-Soviet Split." Slavic Review 77, no. 3 (2018): 611–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2018.202.

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In the 1950s, films like Sergei Yutkevich'sVelikii voin Albanii Skanderbegsymbolized Albanian-Soviet friendship, which was said to be undying. The Soviets brought their reels and their famous actors to this corner of the Mediterranean, and they also designed the country's first film agency, baptized “New Albania.” By the early 1960s, however, the friendship was dead. Albania's communist regime sided with Mao's China during the dramatic Sino-Soviet schism. From instruments of friendship, films turned into weapons in a global battle over the soul of socialism. Unexpectedly, Albanian war films assumed revolutionary meaning—far away from the Balkans—during China's Cultural Revolution. Recapturing these zigzags, this article shows how globalized socialism interacted with national imperatives. Bringing about exchange on a cross-continental scale, socialism encouraged constant mental mapping, and it also produced competing temporal frameworks. Going beyond nationalized histories of cinema, the article draws on archival sources from three countries, including previously classified Albanian materials.
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Dushi, Arbnora. "Approaches of the Albanian Folkloristic in Kosovo: Background, Researches, Publications." Traditiones 48, no. 3 (2020): 73–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.3986/traditio2019480304.

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The aim of the article on disciplinary trends in Albanian folkloristic in Kosovo is to offer an overview of folkloristic orientations and impacts related to the social and political status of Albanians in the former Yugoslavia, respectively in Kosovo. The living conditions of Albanians in some Balkan countries have affected the approaches, orientations and schools through which Albanian folklore studies have evolved. In this context, Albanian folklore studies in Kosovo differed from those in Albania during the period under communism when Yugoslavia and Albania had tense or broken diplomatic relations. In this paper, the historical background of the discipline and circumstances of Albanians living in Kosovo are presented. Both had a discernible impact on the research and publications carried out by the Folklore Department at the Institute of Albanology in Prishtina, as the only institution for the scientific research of Albanian folklore. Its research methodology, paradigms, publications as well as the status of folklore studies today provide an overview of folkloristic in Kosovo.
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Shehu, Fatmir. "The Influence of Islam on Albanian Culture." Journal of Islam in Asia (E-ISSN: 2289-8077) 8 (February 2, 2012): 389–408. http://dx.doi.org/10.31436/jia.v8i0.243.

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This paper examines the influence of Islam on Albanian culture. The Islamization process of the Albanian culture was very crucial for the Albanians themselves as it gave them a new identity, which they lacked since their settlement on the Adriatic shores. According to history, Albanians, the biggest Muslim nation dwelling in the Balkans, South-East of Europe, are believed to be the descendents of the ancient Illyrians, who settled in Europe around 2500 years ago. They lived a social life based on tribalism, where every tribe had established its own cultural system and way of life. Thus, their cultural differences disallowed them to unite. Such situation did not change, even when Christianity was introduced to them. Because, Christianity came to Albania through two great dominations: Christian Catholics of Vatican (the Northern part of Albanian) and Christian Orthodox of Greece (the Southern part of Albania). The continuous religious and political suppression faced by the Albanians from their Byzantine and Latin masters enabled them to be the first people of the Balkans, who welcomed openheartedly the Ottoman Muslims and embraced Islam as their new way of life in the 15th century. The study focuses on the following issues: (1) Historical background of Albania and Albanians; (2) The genesis of Albanian culture; and (3) The process of integration between Islamic culture and Albanian culture. This research attempts to provide important findings, which will be very helpful to the Muslims and others.
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46

Ahmetaj, Lavdosh. "Italian Politics in Albania and Albanian Factors February - December 1918." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, s2 (2017): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0031.

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Abstract The paper consists of these key ideas, first, Italy in Albania reflects cautious, which was accompanied by the formation of an administration with an Albanian element but in the care of Italy. While, on the other hand, felt anxious, due to the publication of the Secret Treaty of London, which was associated with the distrust of Albanians towards Italy's care. Secondly, on the other hand, Italy's politics urged the Albanians of Switzerland to wake up in these very important historical moments for Albania, for the fact that the post-war political conditions of the First World required Albania to be represented in European politics through Italy. Thirdly, the Albanian political class was on its way to maturity, at the same time experiencing disagreement, in the mere political terms, under such conditions Italy had drawn into its politics, some prominent Albanian elements, who sought Italy's help for The formation of the Albanian state. This intervention had created discussions and disagreements between the Albanian political segments that with the echo of the past were perceived as different political streams.
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Pavlowitch, ST K. "Histoire des Albanais: Des Illyriens a l'independance du Kosovo." English Historical Review CXXII, no. 499 (2007): 1367. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cem360.

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48

Iveković, Rada. "Les Albanais en Yougoslavie. Minorite nationale, territoire et developpement." History of European Ideas 18, no. 6 (1994): 968–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0191-6599(94)90365-4.

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VĂTĂȘESCU, CĂTĂLINA. "Les Albanais et l’Albanie dans l’œuvre de Nicolae Iorga." Revue des Études Sud-Est Européennes 2023, no. 61 (2023): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.59277/resee.2023.10.

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Nicolae Iorga studied a multitude of aspects of Albanian culture and civilization. He was equally interested in history, the history of language and traditional culture. This broad and comparative scope builds a clear picture of Albanian history.
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50

Nexhipi, Dr Adelina, and Erjon Nexhipi. "Albania’s European Perspective and the Albanian Politics." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/798kkv34t.

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Albania’s EU integration has been an important part of politics of all Albanian governments after 1990s. This process has been considered not only as a means for being a part of the United Europe, but a factor for achieving the stability in the country, economic development, strengthening democracy. Diplomatic relation between Albania and the EU were established since 1991, but Albania’s European perspective was ensured only in 1999, by signing the Stabilization and Association Agreement. Since 1999 onwards the Albanian governments have been working for fulfilling the membership criteria to European Union, though the process has been a long and problematic one. Nowadays (2019) Albania expects the EU to open the negotiations for the EU membership process. Through this descriptive-analytical study, we will shed light into the most important moments of the Albanian process toward the European integration; policies followed from both parties, attitudes of the Albanian politics, encountered difficulties, problems and achieved successes. The study relies on the many documents from EU and Albanian institutions such as studies, analyses, interviews with political personalities, Albanian and European researchers and analysts. The study aims to analyze the “long and difficult” path of Albania towards EU, focusing on what has been achieved and the future challenges.
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