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1

MURÁNYI, DÁVID. "New and little–known stoneflies (Plecoptera) from Albania and the neighbouring countries." Zootaxa 1533, no. 1 (July 26, 2007): 1–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.1533.1.1.

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Five new taxa (Leuctra malcor sp. n., Nemoura asceta sp. n. and N. vinconi sp. n. from Albania, Leuctra mortoni feheri ssp. n. from Albania, Montenegro and Bulgaria, Nemoura anas sp. n. from Albania, Montenegro and Macedonia) are described, three new species groups within the genus Nemoura are erected (N. brevipennis, N. fusca, N. peristeri groups). Redescriptions of Nemoura peristeri Aubert, larval descriptions of Brachyptera phthiotica Berthélemy and Protonemura albanica Raušer are given; B. phthiotica is new for the Albanian fauna. Leuctra metsovonica Aubert and Chloroperla zhiltzovae Zwick are reported from Albania with doubts, their morphological differences from the typical forms are discussed. Siphonoperla graeca (Aubert) stat.n. is new for the Albanian fauna and S. neglecta (Rostock) is new for the Greek fauna. With 109 figures.
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2

Parapatits, Felicitas. "Albania: Reform of Consumer Protection Law." European Review of Private Law 18, Issue 1 (February 1, 2010): 165–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/erpl2010009.

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Abstract: The Republic of Albania ranks as a potential candidate country of the European Union. In order to become a candidate country, Albania agreed to ensure that its existing laws and future legislation shall be gradually made compatible with the acquis communautaire. In 2008, the Albanian legislator made an attempt to fulfil this obligation in the field of consumer law replacing the old Consumer Protection Act (CPA) 2003 by the new CPA 2008, which aims at a full implementation of the European directives on consumer protection law. The CPA 2008 constitutes a great improvement to the legal situation in Albania and marks an important step towards European Union accession. Nevertheless, the CPA 2008 did not implement all the directives to a full extent. Moreover, the relationship between the specific provisions on consumer protection in the CPA 2008 and the more general provisions on contract law in the Albanian Civil Code is not clear. This article first provides an outline of the past developments and recent regulations on consumer protection law in Albania and then illustrates the need of further harmonization between the CPA and the Albanian Civil Code. Résumé: L’Albanie est un potentiel pays candidat à l’Union européenne. Afin de devenir un pays candidat, l’Albanie a accepté de rendre sa législation, présente et future, compatible avec l’acquis communautaire. En 2008, le législateur albanais tenta de remplir cette obligation en matière de protection des consommateurs, en remplaçant l’ancienne loi sur la protection des consommateurs (datant de 2003) par une nouvelle législation visant à transposer complètement les directives européennes sur la protection des consommateurs. La loi sur la protection des consommateurs de 2008 est un pas important en direction d’une adhésion à l’Union européenne. Néanmoins, elle n’a pas transposé l’ensemble des directives dans toute leur étendue. Cet article donne dans un premier temps un aperçu des développements passés et des réglementations récentes en matière de protection des consommateurs en Albanie. Il démontre ensuite le besoin d’une plus grande harmonisation entre la loi sur la protection des consommateurs de 2008 et le Code civil albanais.
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Verli, Jorina, and Bujar DUGOLLI. "The Rivalry between Italy and Great Britain to Obtain a Monopolistic Concession on the Albanian Oil." Balkanistic Forum 32, no. 3 (September 15, 2023): 66–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.37708/bf.swu.v32i3.4.

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After his return to power in 1924, the problems of the weak Albanian economy made Ahmet Zogu seek quick solutions to stabilize both the state and his regime. Albania started welcoming foreign financial capitals to solve its economic problems, which were also political. Meanwhile, the longtime competitors, Italy and Great Britain, through their powerful companies, tried to invest in strategic sectors of the Albanian economy. In this way, big international companies, such as the Anglo-Persian Oil Company, the Standard Oil Company, the powerful Italian company “Ferrovie dello Stato Italiano”, “Le Syndicat Franco-Albanais” representing the French capital etc., emerged in Albania. This created a political scene charged with tensions and ongoing negotiations between all the affected actors, including the Albanian state. In 1925, the aftermath of the international diplomatic efforts put under the spotlight the two main rivals for prevalence in Albania, Italy and Great Britain. While the first was directly and vitally concerned about Albania and the Balkans, the second was merely interested in the stability of the region. Speaking of Albania’s interests, in the achieved agreements with the different foreign companies, there were indeed a series of articles that were disadvantageous for the state and its economy. However, Ahmet Zogu made an utmost effort to play a significant role, above the real possibilities Albania had at that time.
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Vora, Rovena. "The American Attitude Towards Albania During the Peacemaking in 1919." European Journal of Social Science Education and Research 8, no. 2 (August 15, 2021): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/137cqc92u.

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The American attitude towards Albania played an important role during the peacemaking at the Paris Peace Conference in 1919. The United States, unlike the European nations, entered the conflict without interests or policy toward Albania. Before the entry of the United States into the First World War there had been no American policy towards Albania and it had never been recognized by the United States. It was only after America’s entry into the world struggle that an American attitude toward the Albanian problem began to develop. More concretely, it was in the Inquiry, an organisation which was to begin preparations for the peace settlement, that an American policy towards Albania began to form. Unfortunately, before the Paris Peace Conference the plans of the American experts for a solution to the Albanian problem were similar to the Albanian settlement outlined in the Treaty of London. On the eve of the Peace Conference, the American position became more favourable to Albania. During the negotiations the United States supported the integrity of Albania within its 1913 frontiers and refused to allow this small country to be partitioned further. President Woodrow Wilson and ex-President Roosevelt united in sympathy for the Albanian cause. The Albanians are deeply grateful to them for leading the way in the defense of their just cause. The Albanian problem during the peacemaking brought Albania to the foreground and its name appeared in big headlines on the first page of the American newspapers at that time, helping a large section of the American public to locate Albania.
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5

Vahid oğlu Fərzəliyev, Nurbəy. "Specific features of the artistic and ornamental design of religious buildings in Caucasian Albania." SCIENTIFIC RESEARCH 09, no. 5 (May 22, 2022): 106–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36719/2789-6919/09/106-110.

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Bu məqalədə Azərbaycan – Qafqaz Albaniyası ərazisində bizim eranın III-VII əsrlərində inşa edilmiş dini tikililərin bədii-ornamental tərtibatının spesifik xüsusiyyətləri nəzərdən keçirilir və analiz olunur. Məqalədən məlum olur ki, əhəngdaşının çatışmamazlığı səbəbindən Albaniyanın bir çox bölgələrində divarların konstruksiyasında fərqli materiallardan – müxtəlif növ daşlardan və kərpicdən eyni zamanda istifadə edilmişdir. Emala yüngül məruz qalan daşın çatışmamazlığı səbəbindən Albaniya ərazisində daş üzərində ornament həmçinin zəngin inkişaf etməmişdir. Bu səbəbdən Alban kilsələrində konstruktiv formalar fərqli texniki hörmə ilə birgə bədii tərtibatın aparıcı vasitəsi rolunda çıxış etmişdir. Açar sözlər: Alban, memarlıq, kilsə, məbəd, bədii, ornament, konstruksiya, daş, kərpic, freska Nurbay Vahid Farzaliyev Specific features of the artistic and ornamental design of religious buildings in Caucasian Albania Abstract In this article, the specific features of the artistic and ornamental design of religious buildings built in the territory of Azerbaijan-Caucasian Albania in the III-VII centuries AD were considered and analyzed. It is obvious from the article that because of the lack of limestone in many parts of Albania, different materials were used in the construction of the walls - different types of stones and bricks as well. Due to the lack of lightly processed stone, the ornament on the stone is also not richly developed in the territory of Albania. For this reason, in Albanian churches the constructive forms with different technical braids acted as the main means of artistic design. Key words: albanian, architecture, church, temple, artistic, ornament, construction, stone, brick, fresco
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Conti, Fabio, MARJAN NIKETIĆ, SNEŽANA VUKOJIČIĆ, SONJA SILJAK-YAKOVLEV, ZOLTÁN BARINA, and DMITAR LAKUŠIĆ. "A new species of Reichardia (Asteraceae, Cichorieae) from Albania and re-evaluation of R. macrophylla." Phytotaxa 236, no. 2 (November 27, 2015): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/phytotaxa.236.2.2.

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Reichardia albanica, a new species from Mount Çika (Albanian: Mali i Çikës) in southern Albania, is described and illustrated. Its relationship with the closest taxa is also discussed and a key for the identification of species in Balkan Peninsula and Turkey is provided. In addition R. macrophylla, a neglected and synonymized Balkan endemic species, has been re-evaluated. The name Picridium macrophyllum has been lectotypified.
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Kadria, Sali. "A VIEW ON ALBANIAN-YUGOSLAV RELATIONS DURING 1922-1923." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 1/2022 (February 1, 2022): 17–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.1.kad.17-38.

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This scientific article aims to reflect some of the aspects of Albanian-Yugoslav relations in the years 1922-1923. During this period, there were two options facing the political leaders in Albania: Orienting their country toward Italy or the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes, as the two countries that were interested the most on the Albanian issue. Albanian-Yugoslav relations during these years were affected by several factors, such as: the Albanian issue in Kosovo and other ethnic areas located within the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes; the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry in Albania, as well as the orientation of the various Albanian political groups in Albania in relation to its neighboring countries.
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8

Slavković Mirić, Božica. "Yugoslav diplomat in Albania Velimir Stojnić." Tokovi istorije 31, no. 1 (April 30, 2023): 69–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2023.1.sla.69-92.

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After the end of the Second World War, Yugoslavia and Albania established political and diplomatic relations. Colonel Velimir Stojnić was the first Yugoslav envoy to Albania and he remained in that position until November 1945. In my paper, I will first give a brief overview of the relations between Yugoslavia and Albania 1945–1948. Then in the main chapter, I will deal with the role and significance of Velimir Stojnić in Yugoslav–Albanian cooperation and his impact on Albanian leader Enver Hoxha and Albanian politicians. My research could be part of a broader study of Yugoslav–Albanian relations, especially as an example of good practice in bilateral cooperation.
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Gadzhiev, Murtazali S. "The Role and Place of the Middle Persian Language and Writing in Caucasian Albania." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 5 (2021): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080016630-0.

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A significant political influence of Sasanian Iran on Caucasian Albania gives reasons to consider the spread of the Middle Persian language and writing among the Albanian nobility and authorities. This process contributed by the existence of close dynastic ties between the Arsacids of Albania and the Sasanian royal family at least since from the reign of King Urnayr (ca. 350–375) up the abolition of Albanian kingdom at the beginning of the 6th century. Written sources provide the correspondence of the rulers of Albania, Armenia, Iberia with the Sasanians and the written decrees of the shāhanshāhs sent to the Transcaucasian provinces of Iran, which indirectly indicates the spread of the Middle Persian language and writing here. Currently, there are three known unique gem-seals that date back to the end of the 4th and the beginning of the 6th century and belonged to the representatives of higher secular and church authorities. These are the seals of the King of Albania Aswahen, Crown Prince Asay and the Great Catholicos of Albania and Balasakan. They are of great interest for the study of cultural and political ties between Sasanian Iran and Albania, Albanian sphragistics. The title inscriptions on these official seals are made in pārsīg (pahlavi), which shows the role of the Middle Persian languages and writing among the highest Albanian nobility and the highest Christian clergy of the country, clearly indicates the huge political and cultural influence of Sasanian Iran on the Caucasian Albania. These monuments of glyptics show that the Middle Persian language and writing had the official status in the Early Medieval Albania.
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10

Misic, Sasa. "Serbo-Albanian bank in Albania 1925-1927." Balcanica, no. 37 (2006): 249–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0637249m.

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The Serbo-Albanian Bank was founded at Cetinje in 1922, at the time Yugoslav-Albanian diplomatic relations were established, with the purpose of opening its branch offices in Albania in order to contribute to closer economic relations between the two neighboring countries. The Bank was unable to achieve its goal in the first two years of operation, as it had not obtained the necessary licenses from the Albanian authorities. The branch office in Scutari was opened only in early 1925. Another topical issue at the time was the creation of the Albanian National Bank as the central monetary institution that would function as a regulator of the entire economic life of Albania. Supported by the Yugoslav state, the Serbo-Albanian Bank planned its transformation into an Albanian central bank, but without success. Namely, it was Italian capital that assumed a leading role in the Albanian National Bank founded in September 1925. In spite of this failure, the branch office of the Serbo-Albanian Bank commenced its operations in Albania. Under its roof, it set up the Privileged Trading Agency, and expressed interest in obtaining exploration and excavation concessions for the copper mine in the region of Puka in northern Albania. It was granted the concession by the Albanian government, but failed to set up a copper exploitation company. Facing numerous difficulties, the major of which was lack of the necessary cash for operation and significant business losses in Albania, the branch office was closed in 1927, pursuant to the decision of the Cetinje headquarters.
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11

SAFARI, Saeed, and Agron BAKIU. "SELECTIVE AND ANNOTATED BIBLIOGRAPHY OF CLASSICAL PERSIAN LITERATURE TRANSLATED INTO ALBANIAN." International Journal of Human Sciences - Filologjia 12, no. 22-23 (August 27, 2024): 268–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.62792/ut.filologjia.v12.i22-23.p2526.

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Persian literature, with its deep-rooted connection to Sufi thought, found fertile ground for spreading in the Balkans, facilitated by the Ottoman Empire’s expansion. The establishment of Sufi orders in Albania led to the expansion of Persian mystical texts and the translation of significant Persian classical literature into Albanian. This study aims to review and introduce classical Persian literary works that have been translated into Albanian and consequently recorded in library repositories. Using advanced searches in COBISS instances for Albania, Kosovo, Northern Macedonia, and Serbia with the Boolean query “LO=per AND LA=alb” (original language Persian & translation language Albanian), and the database of National Library of Albania (NLA) the results indicate that notable Persian classical literary works have been translated into Albanian. While a brief overview of classical Persian literature is provided, the study highlights how Persian literary and spiritual texts have been popular in the region, especially in Albania.
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Hasani, Mentor, and Skender Lutfiu. "The Italian-Yugoslav Rivalry for Political-Economic Influence in Albania 1929-1934." Eminak, no. 4(44) (January 13, 2024): 125–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.33782/eminak2023.4(44).679.

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The purpose of the study is to analyze in a substantive manner the circumstances in which Albanian-Italian and Albanian-Yugoslav relations have developed and in particular to reflect the causes and consequences of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry for economic and political dominance in Albania. Although the objective and clear reflection of the Italo-Yugoslav rivalry affects the exact recognition of the specifics and challenges that these countries faced in extending their influence over Albania through the economy during the above-mentioned period. As a result of the essence of these challenges, we are able to create a clearer perspective in the development of more intensive economic and political relations between Albania and the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia, on the one hand, and Italy and the countries of the former Yugoslavia on the other. Though today Italy does not focus on the Albanian area due to the common European market, the countries of the former Kingdom of Yugoslavia continue to have tendencies for dominance in the economy of the Albanian state. The real reflection of the specifics and challenges in the period 1929-1934 and the analogy with the specifics of today, are another essential goal. Scientific novelty: it was concluded that the characteristic of the Italian-Yugoslav rivalry in the period 1929-1934 is the dominance of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia in the political and to some extent also the economic life of Albania, in particular in the years 1933-1934, although Italy was much more powerful and more present in political and economic life. But the reason for this favorable position of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia only in this period of time was the crisis in Albanian-Italian relations, as a consequence of the refusal of the Albanian side to renew the Pact of Friendship in 1931 and Italy’s request for customs union with Albania in 1932. The rivalry between these two countries was exacerbated by the geographical proximity of the two countries to Albania, and the small cost of benefits, so their interest was extremely high. Conclusions. In 1929-1934, the Kingdom of Yugoslavia and Italy had fierce competition for political and economic dominance in Albania. However, despite the temporary advantage of the first one and its constant efforts, Italy managed to be dominant and challenge its main competitor in Albania: the Kingdom of Yugoslavia. It even managed to remove Albania from Yugoslav influence, turning it in its entirety on its side. In addition to the Kingdom of Yugoslavia’s economic and military powerlessness in comparison to Italy, the Italians throughout the 1920s had invested a great deal of time and resources in establishing the state of Albania, which sought support from some power of the time, such as Italy, in its efforts to attain overall development. The political and economic life of Albania was also dominated by Italy due to its proximity to Albania and the fact that neither Greece nor the Kingdom of Yugoslavia had territorial claims towards Albania, at least not until the mid-1930s.
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Kadi, Fabiola, and Helona Pani. "THE ALBANIAN EVANGELICAL CHURCH – A POWERFUL SYMBOL OF RESISTANCE IN THE TRANSMISSION OF KNOWLEDGE." Knowledge International Journal 34, no. 6 (October 4, 2019): 1749–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij34061749k.

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It is a fact that Christianity is deeply rooted in the history of the Albanian nation, but, unfortunately, such a fact has opened the gate to endless discussions. This paper aims to highlight an important event in the history of Albania, which will influence the future history of this nation. During the nineteenth century, Protestants contributed significantly to the Albanian national issue through performing translations of several books of the Bible, at a time when books in Albanian language were very rare. Different foreign missionaries came to Albania to spread their religious views. They strongly influenced the opening of Albanian schools while Albanians, under Turkish rule, were forbidden to use their language, to learn to write, or read it. Gradually, the foreign missionaries were attended by Albanian intellectuals, who insist on the opening of the Albanian school and the education of Albanians in Albanian language. Interestingly, Protestantism was the only religious belief that supported Albanian writing and reading, while other religious beliefs exercised in Albania were the fiery opponents of every Albanian component. The Albanian language on one hand was opposed by the Greek Orthodox Church, on the other hand, by the Latin Catholic Church and above all, Ottoman rule opposed the teaching of the Albanian language in order to keep the Albanian people as subordinate as possible. It seems that Protestantism has emerged in all the countries where it has spread, supporting various national identities, but especially in Albania, it has played an important role in supporting the national identity of Albanians and the education of generations, especially of girls. The opening of the first Albanian girls' school in the city of Korça keeps the seal of the Protestant church and it has had a great impact in the future for the emancipation of Albanian society, of women and girls who are oppressed and printed in many directions. Sevasti Qiriazi, as a representative of the Protestant church in Korça, and the first teacher in Albania, will protect the school and try to support the spread of the Albanian language at all costs. Through the spread of faith in Albanian, the first Protestants in Albania conveyed not only knowledge, but also great human, moral, and educational values to people who were suffering, but eager for knowledge and development. The Protestant Albanian movement was actually an 'Albanian spiritual movement' with religious, educational, national and cultural values and purposes. For several decades, during the communist regime in Albania, a good part of the influence of protestants in the country was denied and all efforts were made to overshadow the influence of Protestantism towards education and emancipation of Albanians in this period. Today, after many years of shadow, Protestantism is again one of the religions that are practiced in Albania and numerous efforts are being made to discover many of the unknown elements of the positive influence that this belief had in educating Albanians over the years.
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Subotić, Mile. "Theophan Fan Noli: Albanian American hierarch, politician, and writer." Sabornost, no. 14 (2020): 177–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/sabornost2014177s.

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Metropolitan Theophan Fan Noli was a leader of the Church both in America and his native Albania. He was a pioneer in calling for a united Orthodox Church in America and in the use of English in services. Noli began his life of service in the Church in the United States organizing Albanian parishes. With the Balkan Wars and the independence of Albania, Fan Noli devoted more of his time to the cause of Albania. He was Prime Minister of Albania in 1924. After a change in political climate, Bishop Theophan was forced to leave Albania. He was able to return to the United States in 1932. Upon arriving he retired from politics and resumed his duties as bishop of the Albanian Orthodox Church in America. Bishop Noli considered his Albanian Church as a daughter of the Russian Orthodox Church in America and looked to it for the creation of a single Orthodox Church in America. He continued to lead his flock and to advocate Orthodox unity until his death in 1965.
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Pandelejmoni, Enriketa. "Italian fascist modernisation and colonial landscape in Albania 1925-1943." Perspectivas - Journal of Political Science 25 (December 17, 2021): 43–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.21814/perspectivas.3243.

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Environmental history and landscape transformations vis-à-vis agricultural modernization policies such as the reclaiming of land hardly features in studies on the Italian fascist annexation of Albania. This paper focuses on the main features of Italian economic and landscape efforts in Albania during the fascist years through a general overview of the Italian period with respect to economic and land reclamation works, and an exploration of Italys colonial policies in the modernization and regeneration of Albanian landscape. Its scope includes Italys interwar interventionist efforts in Albania in economy and land reclamation, but not the substantial literature on Italian contribution to the transformation of Albanian urban landscapes during the interwar period. The urban planning of Albania by Italian architects, engineers, and urbanists that developed from 1920 to 1939 has been dealt with extensively in scholarship regarding Albania.
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KRYEZIU, Veli, and Bujar DUGOLLI. "The Armed Resistance Movement in Kosovo 1918-1928 according to the Albanian press." Historia i Świat 11 (September 8, 2022): 237–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2022.11.14.

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Political Albania continuously made efforts to help the Kachak resistance in Kosovo, which in 1918 took over through the Committee for the National Defence of Kosovo, this resistance Albania supported by arming, of the Albanian rebellious groups. However, this Committee, except in Kosovo, its activity extended to Albania, in the consolidation and democratization of the Albanian state. To realize the National Union Hasan Prishtina established contacts with some Italian deputies from whom he received support and secured weapons to organize an armed uprising and thus overthrow the Serbian invader in Kosovo.
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R. GASHİ, Sami. "Arnavutların 1934 yılında Kosova’dan Arnavutluk’a göçüne bir bakış." JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 9, no. 3 (September 17, 2023): 643–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1352123.

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The paper provides detailed data on the Albanian families who moved from Kosovo to Albania during 1934, relying on the archival data of the Central Archive of Albania. Based on the researched documents, we have provided data on the migration of Albanians from Kosovo, their settlement in Albania, the families that moved to Albania, the number of members specifying them by name, surname, origin, the reason for the migration, the place where they settled, etc.
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Hoxha, Artan R. "From Missionaries of Socialism to Spies of Imperialism: The Shifting Position of Soviet Women in Communist Albania." Histories 1, no. 4 (October 27, 2021): 256–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories1040021.

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After the establishment of the communist regime in Albania, many Albanian students, mainly males, went to study in the Mecca of Revolution—the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR). Many of them fell in love there and married Soviet girls who returned with them to the tiny Balkan country to build socialism with their Albanian husbands. These women were considered as missionaries who were helping Albania to build a communist future. In 1960, however, their position changed when the Albanian leadership refused de-Stalinization and denounced the Soviet Union as an imperialist power. After Enver Hoxha’s split with Khrushchev, many Soviet women left Albania, but others decided to remain with their husbands in that country. Albanian authorities, considering Soviet women spies of the KGB (The Soviet Committee of State Security), persecuted many of them.
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Vukadinović, Igor. "KULTURNO I EKONOMSKO POVEZIVANJE ALBANIJE I KOSOVA I METOHIJE 1967–1971." Istorija 20. veka 39, no. 2/2021 (August 1, 2021): 375–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2021.2.vuk.375-396.

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Major changes in the position of Kosovo and Metohija’s autonomy in the late 1960s affected the province’s relations with Albania. In 1967, the Yugoslav State Secretariat of Foreign Affairs and the Yugoslav Federal Executive Council began to encourage cultural and economic ties between Kosovo and Metohija and Albania, justifying this as a strategy for the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and Albania. Following the joint commemorations of the anniversary of Skanderbeg’s death in Priština and Tirana, an agreement was reached on the use of textbooks from Albania in the Kosovo and Metohija school system. The two sides organized mutual visits of folklore and art groups, as well as friendly matches of soccer teams. Kosovo companies were allowed small border traffic with Albania without any prior interstate agreements between Belgrade and Tirana. Constitutional changes in Serbia in 1969 enabled the expansion of economic and cultural cooperation between Kosovo and Albania. The University of Priština and the University of Tirana signed an agreement to hire professors from Tirana as lecturers at Priština faculties. In 1971, scientists from Tirana participated in the work of the Kosovo Archives, the Provincial Library, and the Priština Museum, while 41 Albanian professors gave lectures at the University of Priština. Reports by Albanian lecturers from Kosovo enabled the Albanian state leadership to be acquainted in detail with the political situation in Yugoslavia.
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Cobo, Marenglen. "The Juridical Position of Greek Minorities in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 3, no. 3 (May 19, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v3i3.p113-118.

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Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.
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Cobo, Marenglen. "The Juridical Position of Greek Minorities in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 8, no. 1 (May 19, 2017): 113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v8i1.p113-118.

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Greek minority played an important role in the life and formation of the Albanian State. This minority has been concentrated mainly in the south of the country, more specifically in the border areas between Albania and Greece. The role of this minority has been important not only in the cultural development but also in the affirmation of the Albanian State. The Greek minority has been known legally as a national minority in 1921 when Albania was accepted in the League of Nations as a sovereign state with full rights. The admission to this international organisation was conditional upon the signing of a document in which Albania committed to recognise and guarantee full rights to minorities living in its territory. This document entitled "declaration on the protection of minorities in Albania" would force the Albanian State to submit detailed reports to the League of Nations about the situation of the minorities in the country. All minorities within the country lost their status after the end of the Second World War, during the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha. After the collapse of communism and the advent of democracy, minority rights were affirmed not only in the Albanian jurisdiction but also by several international agreements, such as the Convention of the Council of Europe for Protection of National Minorities. The actual judicial system in Albania guarantees national minorities equal rights with the Albanian population and, simultaneously, allows the preservation of their national identity.
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Nexhipi, Olta. "Medical Tourism Management Challenges - The Case of Dental Tourism in Albania." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 1 (March 2, 2018): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i1.p80-86.

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This study explores the factors that attract clients, Albanian emigrants and foreigners, to profit from dental services in Albania. There are many factors that determine the decision to choose Albanian dental services in Albania and not in their respective residence countries. This paper examines data concerning factors that influence clients’ choice. Additionally, this research provides information about the main tools that dental tourists use to choose whether to have dental services in their respective residence country or in Albania. The factors that have been analyzed are: Quality, Price, Hygiene, Environment, Customer Care, Customer Behavior, Places to visit. Data helps in developing a strategy that attracts foreign customers and Albanian emigrants to benefit from dental services in Albania. Finally this study gives a picture of the actual promotion of dental services and further recommendation in order to attract more customers are provided, taking into consideration that the quality offered is competitive in Balkans.
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AHMETAJ, Lavdosh. "THE STEPS OF THE ALBANIAN GOVERNMENT IN FOREIGN POLICY 1920." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 5, no. 2 (July 20, 2018): 5. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv5n201.

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The paper introduces these key ideas: First, Albania admitted to the League of Nations remained under international protection in terms of its rights to independence and territorial integrity. Second, Any intervention against Albania would be brought to the League of Nations, which would have to check that no one of the Balkan potentials acted to break Albania. Thirdly, Albania’s accession to the League of Nations was a consequence of itself, while in international affiliation the acceptance of a country into the League of Nations brought with it its recognition as a state. Fourth, this act marked a recognition of the state and of the Albanian government and paved the way for the fair resolution of the Albanian issue at the Ambassador’s Paris Conference in 1921. It was precisely on 9 November 1921 that this Conference made its final decision for Albania: recognition the independence of Albania and the borders of 1913, with some changes in the northeast in favor of Serbia.
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Malaj, Edmond. "Cultural Relations between Albania and Hungary During and after the Communist Dictatorship. A Brief Introduction." Foreign Policy Review 15, no. 1 (2022): 51–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.47706/kkifpr.2022.1.51-70.

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This paper presents various important aspects in the cultural relations between Albania and Hungary, both during the communist regime that lasted almost 50 years in Albania (1944-1992), and in the last thirty years (1993-2022), which are considered “the democracy years” in Albania, although they have rather been years of protracted transition. The paper presents important information about: a) Albanian students who were educated in Hungary; b) linguistic and literary publications created in the two countries, both in Albanian and Hungarian, and c) relations between the two countries, especially in education over the last 30 years.
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Boriçi, Dr Sc Gjon. "The fall of the Albanian - Chinese Relations 1971-1978." ILIRIA International Review 6, no. 1 (July 27, 2016): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v6i1.218.

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The Albanian - Chinese relations in the years of the Cold War were thrilling as much as dramatic. The age of their flourish in the '60-ies, unfortunately did not last for long. The Albanian sponsorship that China be admitted in the UN with full rights was a test that Enver Hoxha should exploit for the good of the Albanian people. It was a historic and unrepeated opportunity for little Albania to escape the political and economic impasse since the breakup of relations with the Soviet Union in 1961. The incompetence of the Albanian leadership to understand the trends of the age would mark the following political failure of Albania and would influent in the total isolation of the country. It's not difficult to understand that Albania had historic opportunities to join the Western side but chose to align with the Eastern bloc. The beginnings are with sensational approach with Tito's Yugoslavia. After that the Albanian political leadership kept Albania under the umbrella of the Soviet Union and at the end with China. After the end of the relations with China in 1978, Albania paved the way of the total isolation. The secret visit of the President Nixon's national security adviser Dr. Kissinger to China in July 1971 was interpreted by the Albanian communist leader as a betrayal of the Marxist ideology. Enver Hoxha responded with a harsh and rude letter on August 6th 1971 urging China to not accept the visit of President Nixon the following year. This was the first major break in the relations between the two countries. Since then, the help from China for the weak Albanian economy would decline till the unavoidable break of July 1978. The methodology used in this paper is strictly comparative history analyzing the way diplomacy and politics should work to achieve the set aim.
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Xhaferrı, Manjola. "The Perception of Fascist and National Socialist Ideologies During the Second World War in Albania." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no. 1 S1 (April 23, 2024): 49. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n1s108.

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The Albanian Communist Party was born as a Bolshevik-style party, endowed with a non-Bolshevik but social democratic program, such as popular democracy. To shed light on the factors that determined the arrival of the communist regime in Albania, it is necessary to start the analysis from its roots, that is, since the establishment of the communist regime in Albania. For his part, although the communist regime was established in Albania immediately after the end of World War II, the roots of the phenomenon must be sought from the beginning of the war, even a few months earlier when Albania was invaded on April 7, 1939, by fascist Italy. When Albania was invaded by fascist Italy, no one inside or outside the country predicted, nor could have predicted, that at the end of World War II, the Albanian Communist Party would take power into its own hands. There were subjective and objective reasons for this. First of all, when World War II broke out, Albania was the only country in the Balkans that did not have a Communist Party. However, the absence of the Communist Party was largely a subjective factor. The establishment of the communist regime in Albania was for objective reasons a completely paradoxical phenomenon. Albania, the youngest state in Europe, at the same time its most backward state, with a population of one million and forty thousand inhabitants, had no developed industry, ie no working class in the eyes of the proletariat, as conceived by Marxist doctrine. According to Marxist definitions, Albania was a micro-bourgeois country, that is, without capitalist owners and capitalist institutions, to the extent that they justified the socialist revolution. In addition, the Albanian population was overwhelmingly still illiterate. There were only a few isolated nuclei or communist groups with few members composed mainly of artisans and students, who were further characterized by ideological perversion and worse still by political rivalries between them. The question before historians is this: How can it be explained that despite all these disadvantages, the Albanian Communist Party, which was founded two and a half years after the occupation of the country by fascist Italy, on November 8, 1941, managed to face the war against the occupiers within three years. Nazi fascists and against internal nationalist factors, to take political power in Albania at the end of the Second World War? In addition, how is it that the Albanian Communist Party, unlike its Eastern European counterparts, seized political power on its own, without the presence of Soviet armies, which are not known to have invaded Albania? Albania's position during the Second World War and especially the National Liberation War must be judged by ourselves, regardless of who led it. We must judge it as we do in every historical event. The communist dictatorship that was established in Albania should not blind us to the judgment we give in the national liberation war. The communist regime is not a necessary offspring of the National Liberation War. In my opinion, the establishment of the communist regime is the result of mistakes made during the national liberation war, it is a consequence of the poverty of the political culture of the Albanian people, the lack of traditional political parties, the naivety of the Communist Party leaders, the illusions of united nationalists with the National Liberation Front, of myopia, of the leaders of the National Front, which were used by Enver Hoxha to realize under the umbrella of patriotic war his dictatorial ambitions. Received: 25 December 2023 / Accepted: 25 February 2024 / Published: 23 April 2024
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Czekalski, Tadeusz. "Dyskusja o dziedzictwie osmańskim jako część współczesnych dyskusji o tożsamości w Albanii." Balcanica Posnaniensia. Acta et studia 24 (February 20, 2018): 45–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/bp.2017.24.4.

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The dispute over the Ottoman heritage and its influence on the identity and evolution of the Albanian nation is one of the fundamental tendencies in the identity discussions in post-communist Albania. The European aspirations of the Albanians encouraged the victimization of identity discourse and promoted seeing contemporary Albanian problems in the context of the collapse of Ottoman Empire. Demands to revise history proposed by of the Democratic Party of Albania after 2009 elections fostered the reinforcement of the mythologized vision of history but also lead to the conflict of the memory of Albania and Turkey, whose policies of memory form part of the current political needs of both countries.
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Iskenderov, Petr. "Main trends of the political thoughts in Albania in 20th century." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10_3 (October 1, 2020): 211–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi61.

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The article focuses on the two key currents of political thought in Albania in the twentieth century - “Nolism” and “Zogism”. The author traces their influence on the modern history of Albania. Special attention is paid to the problems of Albanian nationalism.
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Gorokhov, Stanislav Anatol'evich, and Ruslan Vasil'evich Dmitriev. "Migration policy in Albania: institutional aspects." Contemporary Europe, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 77–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s0201708323040034.

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After the fall of the communist regime Albania turned from a closed country into a country of net emigration. The article examines the evolution of Albanian migration policy from 1990 to 2022. The purpose of the study is to identify the approaches to the regulation of international migration in the context of the integration of Albania into the EU. The research is based on the state and supranational sources in the field of migration: legislative and regulatory acts, strategies, action plans, international agreements. The period under consideration is divided into two almost equal parts in relation to the level of participation of Albania in the regulation of migration. The first period (until the mid-2000s) is characterized by a relatively passive stance, relying primarily on external forces which regulate migration from Albania, such as other countries of the region and the EU. With the adoption of the Strategy for Migration Management in 2005 Albania took a more active stance, focused, on the one hand, on comprehensive and multidirectional interaction with the Albanian diaspora and, on the other, on reducing emigration by creating new jobs. It is revealed that the measures taken to return the representatives of the diaspora to the country and reduce the emigration activity of the current inhabitants of Albania are not enough. The diaspora plays a significant role in the economy of Albania, however, it does not seek re-emigration. The effect of job creation was largely offset by the European migrant crisis.
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30

Basha, Kosovar. "Relations between Kosovo and Albania (1968-1969)." Historijski pogledi 7, no. 12 (November 15, 2024): 349–73. https://doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2024.7.12.349.

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This study sheds light on the relations between Kosovo and Albania during 1968. Using archival documents in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Albania, relevant literature and the press of the time, the author intended to carefully treat these relations in several aspects such as military, political, educational, and cultural. The developments between the two countries, including important academic organizations, the role of intellectuals in Kosovo, the demands of students for the Republic of Kosovo within the Yugoslavia and Albania in the meantime, are seen by the author as inseparable parts of a historical context. Albanian historiography has valuable studies in the light of these complex relationships for the period 1968-1969. The author highlights the political and economic aspects as the main characteristic of this cooperation that prevailed in these relationships between the two countries. Until 1966, the main source of the Albanian leadership regarding the events in Yugoslavia and Kosovo and Metohija was the Embassy of Albania in Belgrade, as well as embassies in other European countries, which received certain information about Yugoslavia. After the Brion Plenum, Albania began to receive confidential information from unnamed sources from the provincial leadership of Kosovo and Metohija. As the origin of certain information in the reports, the Nase minister often stated “from our source close to Fadil Hoxha or “from our source in Udba” or “from our source in the Kosovo leadership”. I have no doubt that during this period, Albania developed a network of informers in the province, including which included influential provincial officials The confidential documents of the Central Committee of the Party of Labor of Albania also contain some so far little-known information about events in the province and political relations in Yugoslavia at the end of the 1960s. Their content in certain measures raises the question of how much the understanding of socialist Yugoslavia in the decades after its disintegration was determined by the untouchability of the postulate of the pro-Yugoslav orientation of the leaders who created the state and party policy of the Union of Communists of Yugoslavia in the 1960s. Changes in the position of the autonomous provinces in Serbia at the end of the sixties of the 20th century were reflected in the relations of Kosovo with Albania. State Secretariat for Foreign Affairs and the Federal Executive Council began in 1967 to encourage the cultural and economic integration of Kosovo with Albania, explaining it as a strategy for the normalization of relations between Yugoslavia and Albania. After the meetings in Pristina and Tirana and the meetings between them visit of educational delegations, it was agreed that textbooks from Albania will be used in the school system of Kosovo and Kosovar companies redirected their production to the Albanian market. University of Tirana professors engaged are in classes at Pristina faculties. The reports of the Albanian lecturers from Prishtina did not provide the party leadership of Albania with a wide range of information about the situation in Yugoslavia. The work is primarily based on unpublished archival materials of the Central State Archives of Albania in Tirana and Archive of Kosovo.
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Ahmetaj, Lavdosh. "Italian Politics in Albania and Albanian Factors February - December 1918." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, s2 (July 1, 2017): 81–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/ajis-2018-0031.

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Abstract The paper consists of these key ideas, first, Italy in Albania reflects cautious, which was accompanied by the formation of an administration with an Albanian element but in the care of Italy. While, on the other hand, felt anxious, due to the publication of the Secret Treaty of London, which was associated with the distrust of Albanians towards Italy's care. Secondly, on the other hand, Italy's politics urged the Albanians of Switzerland to wake up in these very important historical moments for Albania, for the fact that the post-war political conditions of the First World required Albania to be represented in European politics through Italy. Thirdly, the Albanian political class was on its way to maturity, at the same time experiencing disagreement, in the mere political terms, under such conditions Italy had drawn into its politics, some prominent Albanian elements, who sought Italy's help for The formation of the Albanian state. This intervention had created discussions and disagreements between the Albanian political segments that with the echo of the past were perceived as different political streams.
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Osmanaj (Shyti), Enejda. "Copyright Protection in Albania – A Brief Historical Overview." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 3, no. 1 (April 30, 2015): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v3i1.p8-17.

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Human creativity flourishes in a suitable environment, which is provided by the existence of an efficient legal system of copyright protection. In general, copyright is protected on national basis therefore the scope of protection and the requirements that must be met to ensure the protection of works and creations, differ from one country to another. Albania has its own legislation for copyright protection, as most of European countries. This paper is a historical overview of copyright legislation development in Albania. History has undeniable impact in a country's legislation. So, Albanian copyright legislation has been changed and improved from stages to stages. Copyright has found protection in Albania’s legislation, initially during the time of King Zog’s Ist (1925-1939) Reign. The Civil Code (1929) marks the first strands of copyright protection in Albania. This Code is referred to the best European legislations of the time. During the communist regime private intellectual creations and works could not be privately owned. The copyright belonged to the state. The government and the totalitarian Albanian state of that time decided to reproduce the work, or allow translation into foreign languages as well as the creation of derivative works. The Civil Code of the Republic of Albania (1981) came into force with new provisions that provided recognition and protection of copyright. After the collapse of the communism the recognition of private property was re-appeared. The authors and creators became owners of their works/performances. Firstly, Albanian Parliament adopted the law no. 7564, dated 19.05.1992 “On copyright”. Thirteen years later, the parliament enacted the Law no. 9380, dated 28.04.2005 “On copyright and other rights related to” that incorporated the provisions of the European Union Directives on Copyright Protection. Currently, the protection of copyright is provided even through some provisions of other legal acts, such as: Constitution of the Republic of Albania (1998), law no.7961/1995 “On the Labor Code of the Republic of Albania” (amended), Law no. 7895 /1995 “Criminal Code of the Republic of Albania” (amended), Law no. 7859 /1994 “On the Civil Code of the Republic of Albania” (amended) etc. In addition to the national legislation, Albania has ratified a number of international acts, which intend to protect copyright etc.
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Vukadinovic, Igor. "The shift in Yugoslav-Albanian relations: The establishment of ties between Albania and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija (1966-1969)." Balcanica, no. 51 (2020): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc2051235v.

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The intra-party conflict in Yugoslavia in 1966 resulted in a fundamental shift in the attitude of the Yugoslav leadership toward the Albanian national minority, which was also reflected in the country?s foreign policy orientation. The normalization of relations with Albania was set as one of the objectives of Yugoslav foreign policy. Yugoslavia stopped responding to the anti-Yugoslav statements of Albanian officials and launched a series of cooperation initiatives with Albania. The Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija was assigned a special role in the normalization of relations with Tirana and, with the consent of Belgrade, an exchange of publications, visits of cultural-artistic associations and contacts between the cultural institutions of Kosovo and Metohija and Albania ensued. This policy resulted in the establishment of direct cultural, economic and political ties between the governments of Albania and the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and Metohija, into which the Yugoslav political leadership no longer had any insight.
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Degjoni, Rudina, and Ilirjana Loxha. "Albania’s Plan: Response to COVID-19." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 6, no. 2 (August 15, 2020): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/478qvq69r.

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The current novel coronavirus (COVID-19) outbreak, which began in December 2019, represents a significant challenge for Albania, as well as for the entire world. This study considers that Albania has prepared several action plans over the years related to pandemic influenza preparedness, health security, and health emergencies. The result shows that sharing information about the preparedness of Albania’s plan has a significant positive impact on the response adequately and in a timely manner, offering protection to the population. This paper first investigates the novel nature of the virus during a pandemic situation in Albania and proposes public protection plans to respond to the coronavirus. In brief, the current main objectives in Albania are to create a protected environment, update information and create response measures for the Albanian population. The results show that the measures taken are helping the health indicators to stay constant and decrease the curve of the pandemic.Keyword: coronavirus, measures, indicators, response, Albanian population
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Austin, Robert C., and Jonathan Ellison. "Post-Communist Transitional Justice in Albania." East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures 22, no. 2 (May 2008): 373–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0888325408315768.

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The article provides a detailed and informative account of the transitional justice process in Albania and examines the logic behind the initiation of lustration process. Describing the accurate historical context of the country's communist past, the authors explain the factors that prevented the successful implementation of the post-communist transitional justice in Albania, such as its political culture, the impact of the communist regime, and most importantly, the lack of political will from Albanian political leadership to break away from its communist past. A pioneer in initiating transitional justice laws in the Balkans in the early nineties, Albania failed to successfully implement them, as the leadership saw the lustration process as a political means to crush the opposition and consolidate its power. The article explains that transitional justice process in Albania became highly politicized and was used by politicians for political gains, which ultimately led to loss of trust from general public failing to detach the Albanian political scene from its communist past.
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Roshi, Artela. "The right to asylum in Albania and policies against illegal migration." Optime 13, no. 2 (February 6, 2022): 217–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55312/op.v13i2.370.

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The right to asylum in Albania is part of the fundamental human rights and freedoms sanctioned in the Constitution of Albania and the domestic legislation. Starting from the dark communist period of human rights in Albania, until today, the right to asylum has evolved continuously. This article will focus on an analysis of the right to asylum in the international legal framework and particularly in Albania, taking it along its development and focusing on the current sanctioning in the legislation of this right. The paper will shed light on the development of the right to asylum in the Albanian legislation, by analysing the dimensions of this right from the international and domestic legislation. For more, the treatment of asylum seekers has become an increasingly frequent subject of treatment by the European Court of Human Rights, during the implementation of the European Convention on Human Rights. The analyses of the European Court of Human Rights will help to understand the international obligations / standards in the field of asylum in Albania. In conclusion, the article will highlight the approach of the right to asylum provided in the Albanian legislation in the framework of its approximation with the internationally recognized standards.
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Bedini, Belina. "Italian Foreign Policy between Albania and the Balkans (1910-1939)." Interdisciplinary Journal of Research and Development 11, no. 1 (March 23, 2024): 111. http://dx.doi.org/10.56345/ijrdv11n116.

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This paper analyses the dynamics of Italian diplomacy in Albania from the beginning of the 20th century until 1939, when the Fascists occupied Albania. The primary purpose of this paper is to show how the interests of Italy, combined with the political and economic conditions of the country and, more broadly, of the Balkan peninsula, have changed constantly. Considering the Italian and Albanian diplomatic documents and broader literature, this paper will show the dynamics that shaped the development of Italy's foreign policy concerning Albania and the Balkans in the first three decades of the century. Therefore, in the beginning, it will explain why Albania was relevant to Italian interests. In the context of the Balkan wars, Italy shared its interest with the Austria-Hungarian Empire because it aimed also to control the Adriatic Sea. Afterwards, Yugoslavia was one of Italy's rivals on the Peninsula. Being aware that Albania, like other countries in the Mediterranean, enjoys high interest from the great powers, Italy often tried to receive the UK's and France's approval on some of its moves. Hence, international events like the Balkan wars and WWI and Italian and Albanian political leaders did have a relevant role in shaping foreign policy toward the Balkans and Albania. Received: 19 February 2024 / Accepted: 15 March 2024 / Published: 23 March 2024
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Gorokhov, Stanislav A., and Ruslan V. Dmitriev. "International migration and the formation of the Albanian diaspora: From the collapse of the communist regime to the European migrant crisis." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 500 (2024): 15–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/500/2.

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The article examines the role of migration in the formation of the national diaspora outside the traditional area of residence of the Albanian ethnos. The authors conducted a content analysis of documents of international organizations that monitor and regulate population migration, the European Union, as well as Albanian plans for the development of the diaspora. Two periods of Albanian migration were identified: within the first period, which lasted until the fall of the communist regime in the early 1990s, an “old” diaspora was formed in Europe based on the population of Albania proper; the second period, which continues to the present, is characterized by the formation of a “new” diaspora of Albanians – immigrants from Kosovo, Montenegro and Macedonia. In the 1990s, the migration of Albanians was predominantly spontaneous. In the 2000s, as a result of the liberalization of the visa regime with the EU countries, migration from Albania gradually became more organized and in line with European requirements: one of the results of this was the increase in the scale of return migration of Albanians. In the 2010s and early 2020s, there was an increase in the power of migration flows from Asian countries to the European Union, which led to a migrant crisis – Albania has become a country of transit non-Albanian migration for the first time. The geographical structure of migration from Albania over the past 30 years has undergone a significant transformation due to a change in the priorities of the Albanians, who choose for their resettlement not territorially close (Greece and Italy), but economically more developed (USA; Canada; Belgium; UK – especially after Brexit; Germany – the main destination of migration flows from Albania at the moment) countries. This trend has become especially noticeable since the mid-2000s, which is explained by the growing share of migrants with higher education leaving the country legally. The leadership of Albania uses the influential diaspora in negotiations with Brussels regarding the country’s accession to the EU and remittances from Albanian migrants form – according to various estimates – up to 25% of its GDP. The final part of the article draws conclusions that without the help of Albania the diaspora can gradually dissolve in the accepting society, while the state, without taking steps to strengthen ties with the diaspora, will lose the assistance of millions of compatriots, many of whom have unique knowledge, financial and technological capabilities.
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Oktrova, Mirela. "German and Albanian Media in Political and Social Change: Challenges, Patterns, and Deviations." Studies in Media and Communication 12, no. 1 (December 15, 2023): 167. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/smc.v12i1.6497.

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Studying the past interactions between Germany and Albania in the field of media is an important topic, as it is crucial for understanding the current challenges and finding solutions to promote cooperation and communication between two countries in the future. The purpose of the research is to compare the historical development of the mass media in Germany and Albania, as well as to consider the models of interaction between these countries in the field of media. During the research, the following methods of theoretical knowledge were used: analysis, comparison, synthesis, and generalization. As a result of the study, several conclusions were drawn, in particular, regarding the role and position of the mass media in Germany and Albania in different historical periods. Thus, it was found that the development of mass media began in the 19th century, under the influence of the industrial revolution. Albanian media during this period was not as independent as German media, because Albania was part of the Ottoman Empire. In the 20th century, interaction and assimilation of German and Albanian mass media began to take place, in particular, due to the activities of the communist regime and the process of liberalisation. In today’s world, the Albanian mass media have several problems, as they are dependent on private entrepreneurs and are also quite centralised. The study of the media interactions of Germany and Albania is valuable for historians and political scientists who seek to increase knowledge of their history, facilitate communication and cooperation between the two media systems. It is especially valid in identifying the model or standard towards which the Albanian media system should develop in its path towards self-regulation.
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Sota, Jani, and Lindita Lutaj. "Albania and the Education Policies of Italy from the Beginning Until the End of the 30s of the Twentieth Century in Archival Documents and in the Albanian Press in General." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 10, no. 3 (May 10, 2021): 80. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2021-0066.

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This paper is dedicated to the education policies of Italy for the expansion and consolidation of Italian schools in Albania, from the point of view of archival documents and the Albanian press at that time. The study focuses primarily on the efforts of the Italian government to organize the education system, establish schools, prepare programs and textbooks, equip schools with the necessary acts, etc., as an attempt to outline the European profile of education in Albania after 1912. As a part of the general analysis on the effects of the Italian schools on the life of Albanian society, would undoubtedly be the analysis of the "individual" type that it produced. On the one hand, the changes after the World War I generated a complex, renewed and more productive national education, but on the other hand, it was highly dependent on the Italian-Albanian education policies, and consequently, oriented towards a more open education system which promoted the cultural tendencies and aspirations of the Albanian nation. New democratic developments in Albania, gave us the opportunity to shed light on Italian-Albanian education policies within the context of the Italian-Albanian relations. Thanks to this, prominent figures left in oblivion, their work for the spread of new pedagogical ideas and the development of Western schools are given the acknowledgment that they deserve. The tendency to embrace and adapt those policies to the conditions of Albania of that time, reflect the important phenomenon of its developments and intellectual thought, so that the school could help more in the civilization and education of the Albanian society. Received: 12 January 2021 / Accepted: 31 March 2021 / Published: 10 May 2021
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Vukadinović, Igor. "Activity of Albanian emigration in the West towards the issue of Kosovo and Metohija (1945-1969)." Zbornik radova Filozofskog fakulteta u Pristini 51, no. 2 (2021): 237–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zrffp51-26886.

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After the Second World War, a large number of members of the fascist regime of the Kingdom of Albania found refuge in Italy, Turkey and the countries of Western Europe, where they continued to politically act. The leading political options in exile - Balli Kombetar, Zogists and pro-Italian National Independent Bloc, decided to cooperate with each other, so they have formed the Albanian National Committee in 1946. The turning point for the Albanian extreme emigration in the West is Operation Valuable, by which the United States and Great Britain sought to overthrow the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania. Although the operation failed, strong ties were forged between US and British intelligence and Albanian nacionalist emigration, which were further intensified in the 1960s. Xhafer Deva, who was dedicated to act on the annexation of Kosovo and Metohija to Albania, immigrated to the United States in 1956 and established cooperation with the CIA. Albanian emigration in the West applied different methods in politics towards Kosovo and Metohija. Some organizations, such as Xhafer Deva's Third Prizren League, have focused on lobbying Western intelligence. The Bali Kombetar Independent, headquatered in Rome, paid particular attention to working with Albanian high school and student youth in Kosovo and Metohija. The Alliance of Kosovo, formed in 1949, was engaged in subtle methods of involving Albanian nationalists in Yugoslav state structures, the League of Communists of Yugoslavia, the Yugoslav People's Army, and educational and health institutions in Kosovo and Metohija. Albanian emigration was also involved in violent demonstrations in Kosovo and Metohija in 1968, and cooperated on this issue with the Communist regime of Enver Hoxha in Albania.
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42

Seidu, Ayuba. "Opportunity cost of time, income, education and food away from home consumption expenditures by type of facility in Albania." Journal of Agribusiness in Developing and Emerging Economies 9, no. 5 (October 14, 2019): 457–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/jadee-06-2018-0084.

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Purpose The purpose of this paper is to provide a detailed analysis of the socioeconomic and demographic determinants driving food away from home (FAFH) consumption expenditures at full service and fast food restaurants in transition Albania. Design/methodology/approach Using a nationally representative data set, this study estimates a system of full service and fast food restaurant consumption expenditures under sample selection framework. The system estimator exploits full information about the error correlations for gain in efficiency. Findings The results indicate that future growth of the foodservice industry in Albania will be driven by increased spending at full service restaurants due to rising opportunity cost of the food manager’s time at home, household income and years of formal schooling of Albanians. Research limitations/implications The findings of this study can inform policy deliberations in designing nutrition and education programs for the Albanian Government to combat rising obesity rates. Moreover, the findings can inform marketing strategies by foodservice firms in Albania. On FAFH–obesity debate, future research can focus on the analysis of FAFH consumption expenditures on obesity rates in Albania. Originality/value Consumption of FAFH is fast evolving in developing and transition economies. Albania, a typical transition country, is no exception. Concurrently, Albania is under epidemiological transition facing increased incidence of non-communicable diseases and obesity. Any intervention program by the Albanian Government aimed at reversing the rising obesity trend by targeting FAFH consumption should be based on sound empirical findings. Analysis of FAFH consumption expenditures across different foodservice facilities is an under-researched topic for Albania in the literature.
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43

Jusufi, Islam, Reina Shehi, and Jubjana Zeka. "Women as an emerging actor in peace and security: The impact of UNSCR 1325 in Albania." Journal of Regional Security 17, no. 1 (2022): 111–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/jrs17-33425.

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Implementing the United Nations Security Council Resolution 1325 (UNSCR 1325) on Women, Peace, and Security in practice is emerging as a priority for Albanian security politics , in which the Government of Albania is endeavouring to act by increasing compliance with the norms promoted by the Resolution. This article reflects on the implementation of the UNSCR 1325 by focusing on the discourse on mainstreaming the women, peace and security norms in Albanian society. It finds that the UNSCR 1325 contributed to the increase of gender-related content in Albanian political, academic and civil society elite discourse, albeit selectively. Albanian political, academic and civil society actors appear to have been less responsive to the responsibilities of the UNSCR 1325, predictably due to the fact that Albania is not a conflict or post-conflict country, the status of which the Resolution primarily addresses. In conditions that Albania has been more responsive, the focus has been more on issues of gender equality in general rather than being guided by the specific norms of the UNSCR 1325.
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44

Nikjari, Xherardo. "Aspekte të Hartës së Parë të Shqipërisë me Toponimastikënë Gjuhën Shqipe (1902)." Journal of Balkan Studies 4, no. 2 (July 30, 2024): 29–51. https://doi.org/10.51331/a045.

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Abstract: Over the ages, cartographers, historians, and institutions from diverse European nations and beyond have produced numerous maps and atlases, illustrating the spatial distribution of Albanians and Albania. While these maps hold significant cartographic and historical value, showcasing the ancient authentic ethnicity of Albanians in the Balkans, none have been in Albanian but rather in the languages of foreign cartographers who compiled them. The publication of the first map of Albanian territories with Albanian toponymy in 1902 marks a pivotal historical moment, establishing Albanian cartography. This paper delves into the historical, geographical, linguistic, and cultural importance of this notable achievement. The map was the product of a fruitful collaboration during the Albanian National Awakening between Don Juan Pedro de Aladro Kastrioti, known to Albanians as Gjin Aladro Kastrioti, and Faik bey Konica, the founder and editor of the Albanian National Awakening magazine “Albania”. The paper examines the cartographic and geographical characteristics of the first map with Albanian toponymy from 1902. Noteworthy among the descriptive data of this cartographic work is the extent of the ethnic Albanian presence in the Western Balkans during the early 1900s. Additionally, this paper will detail the invaluable assistance provided by Élisée Reclus, one of the foremost geographers of the time, in guiding the working group involved in constructing the first map of Albania with Albanian toponymy.
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45

Haziri, Shemsi, and Shkumbin Munishi. "Development of Police Terminology in Albanian Language in Kosovo and Albania." Advances in Language and Literary Studies 9, no. 6 (December 28, 2018): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.6p.126.

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In this paper chronologically are presented several periods of development of police terminology in Kosovo and Albania. Below are some of the topics which will be elaborated:- Development of police terminology in Albania;- Development of police terminology in Kosovo;- Word formation of police terminology in Albanian language;- Influence of foreign languages (Serbo-Croatian, Italian and English).Police terminology in Albania differs based on time period and historic developments, two World Wars from 1913 until 1945, with main influence from Italian language police terminology. Influence by Russian language is present during the communist time in Albania from 1945 until 1990 when the Italian influence returns again and it also starts influence by English language with the establishment of democratic pluralist system. In Kosovo, as a result of historic developments, development of police terminology was mainly influenced by Yugoslav system of government, Serbo-Croatian language, which was the dominant language in use in comparison to other languages in ex-Yugoslavia: Slovenian, Macedonian, Albanian and Hungarian. Whereas, after declaration of Kosovo independence in 2008 the dominant influential language in police terminology in Albanian language has been English after 10 years (1999-2008) during which Kosovo Police was led by United Nations Mission (UNMIK) and the police force in Kosovo was called UNMIK Police.
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46

Arapi, Arshela. "Political Relations between Albania and France 1945- 1990." Mediterranean Journal of Social Sciences 8, no. 5-1 (July 1, 2017): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/mjss-2018-0109.

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Abstract This paper focuses on the relations between Albania and France in the period 1945-1990 in the political optics, and aims to evaluate the dynamics of this cooperation, pointing to the different intensity at different times during dictatorship, byhilosophical demagoguery of the Albanian party and the identification of collaborative priorities extended over 20 years. Albanian - French cooperation spread in all fields. Since our country was still unconfirmed as a state, it needed the experience of other countries. France was a kind of guide to our country, as it was a developed country. Albania also linked with France by some traditional and conjunctural elements. France regarded Albania as very important, and considered it as an opportunity to expand its economy and improve its situation. France needed the mineral resources of Albania. In general, our relations with France has been normal and were concretized in several areas of mutual interest, such as trade and culture. In various speeches, the Albanian leadership has expressed the desire to strengthen more these relations on the basis of the recognized principles of equality, non-interference and mutual benefit. But at certain times, there was also anxiety, and in July 1984, there was a regress of state relations.
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47

Agaj, Desara, Senada Tufina, Lekë Pepkolaj, Mónica Arnal-Palacián, and Elindë Dibra. "Motives that Drive Young People to Pursue a Teaching Career: Case of Albania Using the Fit Choice Scale." Journal of Educational and Social Research 13, no. 5 (September 5, 2023): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/jesr-2023-0121.

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Nowadays, a good teacher is crucial for the education of the young generation and all the society. But what drives people to pursue a teaching career in Albania, despite changes in the law that have occurred during these years? In this article, we try to discover the motives driving students to pursue a teaching career. Part of this study was 201 students, following a teacher study program in public and non-public higher education institutions in Albania. For the first time in Albania, we applied the Fit Choice Scale instrument (Wat & Richardson, 2007). Results show us that the FIT Choice Scale is well adapted to Albanian contexts and the most dominant motives to pursue a teaching career in Albania are linked with factors such as the subjective perception to perform well as a teacher and to influence the upcoming generation through teaching. But also, in the Albanian context, the profession of a teacher is seen as hard work, with a heavy workload, that requires emotionally demanding. Also, this study shows us gender, and birthplace differences according to motives that drive students to pursue a teaching career in Albania. Received: 28 May 2023 / Accepted: 22 August 2023 / Published: 5 September 2023
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48

Nexhipi, Dr Adelina, and Erjon Nexhipi. "Albania’s European Perspective and the Albanian Politics." European Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies 4, no. 3 (September 25, 2019): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/798kkv34t.

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Albania’s EU integration has been an important part of politics of all Albanian governments after 1990s. This process has been considered not only as a means for being a part of the United Europe, but a factor for achieving the stability in the country, economic development, strengthening democracy. Diplomatic relation between Albania and the EU were established since 1991, but Albania’s European perspective was ensured only in 1999, by signing the Stabilization and Association Agreement. Since 1999 onwards the Albanian governments have been working for fulfilling the membership criteria to European Union, though the process has been a long and problematic one. Nowadays (2019) Albania expects the EU to open the negotiations for the EU membership process. Through this descriptive-analytical study, we will shed light into the most important moments of the Albanian process toward the European integration; policies followed from both parties, attitudes of the Albanian politics, encountered difficulties, problems and achieved successes. The study relies on the many documents from EU and Albanian institutions such as studies, analyses, interviews with political personalities, Albanian and European researchers and analysts. The study aims to analyze the “long and difficult” path of Albania towards EU, focusing on what has been achieved and the future challenges.
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49

Muca, Etleva, Ana Kapaj, and Ledia Thoma. "EXPORT OPPORTUNITY AND CONSTRAINTS FOR FRUIT AND VEGETABLE PRODUCERS IN ALBANIA." Annals of Marketing Management and Economics 4, no. 1 (June 20, 2018): 65–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.22630/amme.2018.4.1.5.

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Albania has considerable potential for growth in the fruit and vegetable market. Its climate-arable conditions are very adequate for the successful growth of a wide range of fruits and vegetables. Albania has an interior market in development and a non structured exporting market. The study is aimed at estimating and identifying export growth opportunities and constraints for fruit and vegetable exporters. The paper investigates the opinions of producers and exporters in south-west Albania. A face-to-face interview survey method was conducted. Database elaboration was made through the SPSS program. An ordinary probit regression was used to evaluate the constraints of fruit and vegetable producers in Albania. We conclude that there are several problems that hamper exportation growth in Albania. Albanian producers are usually not able to penetrate into foreign markets because they are not part of consolidated marketing distribution channels.
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50

Vukadinović, Igor. "YUGOSLAV ECONOMIC AID TO ALBANIA 1945 – 1948: OBJECTIVES, SCOPE, AND OUTCOME." Leskovački zbornik 64, no. 2 (2024): 135–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-liv2.135v.

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The study focuses on the phenomenon of Yugoslav economic aid to Albania following WWII. The Yugoslav communist leadership’s idea to unite Yugoslavia and Albania into a single state began to be implemented in the field of economy, with the transfer of industrial machines and products from Yugoslavia to Albania and the establishment of a common economic and customs space between the two countries. Around 700 Yugoslav experts and workers were sent to Albania to help implement the country’s first five-year economic plan, which had previously been agreed upon with the Yugoslav five-year plan. Over 1000 Albanian students and youth received professional training at Yugoslav faculties, secondary vocational schools, and industries. In 1948, the ambitious project came to an end with the abolition of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the expulsion of Yugoslav citizens from Albania.
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