Journal articles on the topic 'Albanian Folk songs'

Albanian culture coexisted for a period of over 500 years with Ottoman culture, at the turn of the new century, along with the Balkan troubles that led to the continued embrace of the transition from an old culture to the ideology of the Young Turk movement, and the continuation of joint Albanian-Turkish actions, in order to protect the Albanian Vilayets from the Serbo-Montenegrin occupiers. Early nineteenth-century Turkey emerged from bloody wars on all sides of its borders and from a weak government led by Abdul Hamid II faced a new war in 1915 now in defense of the Dardanelles in the bloodiest battle "The Battle of Canakkale". The First World War found Albanians divided and occupied in some of its territories, however, from 1912 Albania had declared Independence, but Kosovo, Skopje and Bitola, Ulcinj and Bar had remained outside the borders, while Chameria - the South of Albania had been invaded by Greece. During the First World War a large number of Albanians remained in the Turkish military service, many others joined the Turkish army, mainly Albanians who had migrated to Turkey from the violence of the Serbo-Montenegrin invaders, as well as some more from Kosovo, Skopje, Tetovo, Presevo, Shkodra, Ulcinj, etc who volunteered to help the Turkish army. According to history, oral literature and written documents, many Albanians died heroically, it is said that about 25,000 martyrs had died in this battle. In their honor, the Albanian people composed songs, it is worth mentioning the "song dedicated to the Battle of Canakkale" by the most prominent folklorists of the Albanian nation. Our research was done through a semi-structured interview with: 5 teachers of Albanian literature (at the same time master’s students at the University "Kadri Zeka" in Gjilan, Kosovo); 5 history teachers (at the same time master’s students at the University of Prishtina “Hasan Prishtina”, Prishtina, Kosovo); 2 independent researchers from the Institute of History "Ali Hadri" Prishtina, Kosovo.

The paper discusses the continuity of Serbian folk epic poetry since the Early Middle Ages in relation to the discontinuity of Albanian folk epic poetry, in both cases determined by the historical and cultural setting. The research foregrounds the songs of Kosovo Albanians about the Battle of Kosovo, and a cycle of songs about borderland warriors (krajisniks) as well. In terms of motifs and ideological orientation, the former remained on the crossroads between the Serbian-Christian and Moslem-Turkish conceptions, whereas the latter conformed to the Moslem conception. The greatest similarities to the Serbian ?non-historical? epic poetry were demonstrated by the so-called Italo-Albanian songs, brought from Albania to Italy by the Albanian refugees fleeing the Turks. The paper is also an attempt at using scholarly arguments to refute the non-scholarly interpretations of epic techniques, characters and motifs, constructed for the purposes of political pretensions to the territory of the Serbian province as an exclusively Albanian land.

According to the pedagogue and scholar of the school textbooks, the textbook is a basic and mandatory school book, which serves as a basic tool and source of knowledge in the given field of study. Created in support of the education curriculum and didactically shaped, taking into account the psychophysical skills of the students, the subject matter of the course, the type of school, the degree and the profile of education. Students use it in all stages of the learning process and in everyday self-education. It is known that the existence of the scripture is mentioned by the old Babylonia when tile plates were used to write the textual content, as early as four thousand years ago. In addition to that, in ancient Egypt, the texts were written in papyrus, which was used even in old Greece and later in Rome. The parchment was used in the middle Ages, whereby it is believed that the texts were written two thousand years ago. The story of the proper text begins with the discovery of Jan Gutenberg's printing press in 1438. This is where the textbook as a massive book of education derives from. It was an epochal discovery. Meanwhile, while it is known that although Albanian is one of the oldest languages in Europe, it is however documented late. The first documents of the Albanian language are considered from the 15th century (Formula e Pagëzimit, Fjalorthi i A.Von Harfit dhe Perikopeja e Shen Matineut). Meanwhile, Buzuku (Meshari 1555), for us Albanians, is the starting point for text design. It was the time when the didactic reformer Czech pedagogue Jan Amos Komenski (1592-1670), with the first text in Latin, illustrated Orbis sensualium pictus (The Sensual World in Photography), arrived as the founder of the textbook theory. However, it can be concluded that the ABC book, the literature and grammar texts in particular, and the textbook in general, in Kosovo were of multiple importance to Albanians who were deprived of the right to education in Albanian language. The history of textbook design in Albanian language in Kosovo is very new. After the Renaissance, which was marked as a bright epoch in the effort to draft textbooks for Albanian schools, "The Literary Commission" (Komisia Letrare), established in Shkodra in 1916 would join to serve in the name of this cause. The aim of this body was to gather and publish the visions of Albanian folk literature such as: poetry and songs, tales, traditions, lessons, etc. Recently, efforts have been made to compile literary bibliographies in Albanian language. Nevertheless, it would be useful to continue with a bibliography of Albanian Language reading comprehension books in the school tradition in Albania, Kosovo and other areas where Albanians live and are educated in Albanian language. In Kosovo, Mati Logoreci is a pedagogue, is considered to be among the first textbook writers. This patriot and intellectual is a treasure of Albanian tradition in many fields, especially of education and school, as didactic, text analyst, organizer, controversial to highlight scientific, educational, social values. Mati Logoreci has an indisputable value in the history of the Albanian didactic thinking, in particular, the current educational values, adding to these values also some features of contemporary personality traits, traditional learning, within the learning methods. Logoreci was among the first Albanian educators in Kosovo. The path to development of the book in Albanian language in Kosovo was difficult, which at the same time is the best indicator of the situation of this group of the Albanians.

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to prove the presence of calques (loan translation) of Albanian language in the languages of minorities (Gorani community, Bosnian community) in the region of Prizren. We will make an effort to provide evidence for the role of Albanian as a donor language through daily contacts with the members of the above-mentioned communities. The corpus of this study will be the edited volume of songs and folk tales from minority areas, respectively from the population of Gorani and Bosnian ethnicity and their dialects. The research will be focused in minority areas in the municipality of Dragash (Sharr) where Gorani people live, as well as in other areas of minority language speakers, mainly in Zhupa, in the municipality of Prizren. The paper will be important in enlightening the facts of using the structure of Albanian, both in the spoken language of the minority community and that of Albanian community. The cases where certain elements of Albanian language are encountered in another language, where Albanian appears as a donor language, will be considered as important. The reason which has pushed us to conduct the research regarding the presence of Albanian elements, basically morphological, in a non-Albanian speaking community in Kosovar society, respectively in the multi-ethnic society of Prizren, is the way of speaking of this minority community and the confirmation of the impact of Albanian language and ethno-culture on this minority language since ancient times to the present.

Difficult war times and painful family events made people segregate. These events made folk singers create songs where they narrated how people recognized each other after a long time being far away from one another. This time period was known as a very dramatic process fulfilled with strong feelings. Different scops and bards created emotional songs with the motif of recognition between husband and wife (that will be explained with examples from Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri), between brother and sister (that will be explained with examples from Bonnie Farday and Gjon Petrika), and rarely between brother and brother. The aim of this paper is to make a comparative analysis with special emphasis on intersections and the dissimilar points of the English ballads and the Albanian ones which treat the motif of recognition. Since this papers goal is the comparative approach between ballads of two different literatures of different nations, our methods of analysis will be the narrative method and the comparative method. The narrative method will be used to point out the motif of recognition in each ballad particularly, while the comparative method will be used to make the comparison between ballads Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri where husband and wife recognize each other by a special sign as symbol of their true love, and between ballads Bonny Farday or Babylon and Gjon Petrika where with the help of a mark the identification of brother and sister occurs.

Difficult war times and painful family events made people segregate. These events made folk singers create songs where they narrated how people recognized each other after a long time being far away from one another. This time period was known as a very dramatic process fulfilled with strong feelings. Different scops and bards created emotional songs with the motif of recognition between husband and wife (that will be explained with examples from Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri), between brother and sister (that will be explained with examples from Bonnie Farday and Gjon Petrika), and rarely between brother and brother. The aim of this paper is to make a comparative analysis with special emphasis on intersections and the dissimilar points of the English ballads and the Albanian ones which treat the motif of recognition. Since this papers goal is the comparative approach between ballads of two different literatures of different nations, our methods of analysis will be the narrative method and the comparative method. The narrative method will be used to point out the motif of recognition in each ballad particularly, while the comparative method will be used to make the comparison between ballads Hind Horn and Aga Ymeri where husband and wife recognize each other by a special sign as symbol of their true love, and between ballads Bonny Farday or Babylon and Gjon Petrika where with the help of a mark the identification of brother and sister occurs.

The paper presents an overview and analysis of the Gjirokastra National Folklore Festival (NFFoGj), one of the most important events in the cultural life of Albania. Global transformations that have affected all aspects of life have inevitably brought changes to traditional culture, traditional values and relations with the outside world, including across the Balkans. The majority of program issues were inspired by a common European practice of holding mass folklore events and measures aimed at nurturing and preserving cultural heritage. It is deeply connected to the process of revitalisation of old ritual practices and folk costume and to the socialisation of people who have professional and semi-professional associations with ethnic culture. Having analysed the materials collected in the run-up to the festival and during the event as well as during field studies in the Western Balkans in 1992–2019, I can acknowledge revitalisation of many, if not all, elements of folk culture. In this case revitalisation does not mean following the tradition literally, but rather an attempt to preserve it while adopting a modern perspective and advances in technology. The essential part of this process is the attempt to breathe new life into the components of traditional culture, and adapt them to the here and now. The NFFoGj has also become a major attempt to museificate the cultural heritage of the Albanians. Contests that have been held regularly over the past 70 years to reveal the best examples of folk art and support independent artists have encouraged interest in the roots of national culture and helped many generations not to forget what their predecessors valued. Thus, folk dance, music, songs and costume were reproduced – at times artificially – in various regions of the country to showcase the achievements of a locality (village, district, town, region) at the national festival as the main ritual cultural event.

This article for the first time proposes a methodological bridge between comparative and historical linguistics, classical philology (on the one hand) and ethnomusicology (on the other hand). Thus, it is possible to verify the results obtained independently in various fields of humanities of the 20th century. The present article compares rhythmical patterns of songs with explicit ritual use from different ethnic groups speaking Indo-European languages (Slavic, Baltic, Greek, Albanian, Iranian, and others). In these songs, there are two main types of stable rhythm patterns (0101/0100 and 011/010) which correlate with two main types of Indo-European poetic metrical patterns independently reconstructed by Indo-European linguistics. It suggests that folk songs preserved a range of possible Indo-European rhythmic patterns, even though languages have changed prosodic properties over time. The present study follows the track of previous studies, which showed partial parallels in Baltic, Slavic-Balcan, and Indo-Aryan song patterns, which loans could not explain. Further analysis of rhythmic patterns revealed their connections with prosodic and syntactic properties of Indo-European sentence. Relative rhythmic complexity of possible Indo-European musical idiom may be correlated to the rhythmic complexity of textiles that may be connected to some Indo-European speaking ethnic groups. The parallels outside the Indo-European cultural range show possible Uralic and Caucasian components of Indo-European musical idiom, which may indicate components of ethnogenesis of Indo-European ethnic groups. Thus ethnomusicology may be regarded as an independent source for studying prehistory, along with linguistics, archeology, and genetics. Though proposed in the 20th century by B. Bartok, V. Goshovsky, G. Luko, this program of ethnomusicological research has not yet been implemented.

Resurrection, sacrifice and incest as motifs can be found in the literatures of all nations. Even though, they are at the root of any creation of folk cultures, in each culture, these motifs appear with special features. The aim of this paper is through examples to show how these three motifs were treated in ballads of two different literatures, the English and the Albanian. Our objective is through a comparative approach to find the similarities and differences between them. We decided to analyze at least two ballads for each of the motives, coming from English and the Albanian literatures. The concrete research has three main steps: a) to show the particular characteristics of each ballad, b) to find the meeting points between them, and, c) to find what makes them different. After all the analysis we did we concluded that there are some differences between them and that they have some specific characteristics. But the most specific thing is that although these ballads belong to two different nations and cultures they have some meeting points. The main method of research will be the comparative method because we explore songs of two different literatures.

An appeal to figurative representations preserved by folk tradition is an attempt to study mentality, understanding the world of a particular culture. Immersion in the world of mythological and fairy-tale formations makes it possible to reveal social representations, the specifics of intercultural interaction at the level of folk tradition. The relevance of this article lies in the possibility of identifying supra-ethnic processes of intercultural interaction in the South Slavic realm, as well as their social, cultural and ideological aspects. The symbolism of the snake in the cultures of various samples is known from Paleolithic times. According to a biological point of view, this is one of the most common groups of animals, neighboring in the past and today to humans all around the globe. Emotional perception of the quality of a snake (danger, secrecy, unusual appearance) and its mythological derivatives, make it possible to identify alternative, but common types of the snake image reflection that take place in Western and especially Eastern Slavic, Romanesque, Albanian, Germanic, Indo-Iranian, Greco-Roman and other mythological traditions. Their correct understanding of the ethical and aesthetic cultural paths of development of modern Slavic peoples, who have entered into a regulated dynamic cultural convergence with the whole world, is an urgent scientific and social task. The main sources of the article are songs, fairy tales, descriptions of the rituals of the Serbs, Croats, Slovenes, Bulgarians, Macedonians. Perception of the image of a snake and giving it fabulous and mythological features in historical times revealing the inconsistency of Slavic ideas about the objects present, their natural, emotional coloring of images and detection with a person.

Dr. Miloje Milojevic (1884-1946) was a central figure in Serbian music criticism and academic essays between the World Wars. A large part of his writings on music were dedicated to the issue of the Serbian ?national music style?, its means of expression, and the question of modernity, i. e. to what extent modernity is desirable in the ?national style?. This paper analyzes some twenty articles - reviews, essays, and writings for special occasions - published by Milojevic between 1912 and 1942 in various Serbian newspapers magazines and collections: Srpski knjizevni glasnik (The Serbian Literary Magazine, 1912, 1913, 1914, 1923, 1924, 1935), Prosvetni glasnik (The Educational Herald, 1914, 1921, 1942), Politika (The Politics, 1921, 1922 1923, 1937, 1938, 1940, 1941), Muzika (The Music, twice in 1928) Spomenica-album Udruzenja muzikanata Kraljevine Jugoslavije 1928-1930 (The Commemorative Volume - The Album of the Society of Musicians of the Kingdom of Yugoslavia 1928-1930, 1930), Smena (The Change, 1938), and Slavenska muzika (The Slavonic Music, 1940). In the course of those thirty years Milojevic passionately believed that the future of Serbian music lies in the ?national style?, i.e. in the artistic transformation of anonymous Serbian folk songs and melodies. In spite of the changes of styles that occurred over the years, he never gave up anticipating the appearance of an ingenious composer who would develop the ?national style? to its climax and enrich Serbian music with ?national? symphonies, operas and chamber music. Milojevic was in favour of a ?national style? mainly on principle. He rarely got into a discussion about the stylistic and technical means he considered most suitable for the ?national style?. In his text Nas muzicko umetnicki program (Our music and artistic programme), published in the Serbian Literary Magazine in 1913, and another article, Za folklornu muziku (In favour of Folk Music), published in the Belgrade daily newspaper Politics in 1921, he recommended that Serbian ?national style? composers followed the model of some representatives of the European national schools of romanticism impressionism and moderately modern music. In a special kind of manifesto Za ideju umetnosti i umetnickog nacionalizma kod nas (In favour of the idea of art and artistic nationalism in Serbia), published in 1935 in the Serbian Literary Magazine, he gave an indirect answer to the question of which means of musical expression he preferred in the ?national style?. For example, he singled out the composition Sever duva (North Wind) by Kosta P. Manojlovic (1890-1949), from his collection of choral songs Pesme zemlje Skenderbegove (The Songs from the Land of Skenderbeg, 1933), as an outstanding example of what he meant by ?national style?. This Albanian folk music was transformed into a relatively modern, but yet not avant-garde composition. Therein lies the answer as to what kind of ?national style? Milojevic preferred. An advocate of a moderately modern music language, he wished Serbian art music to use its very rich folk heritage as best as it could. He was well aware that times had changed, and that there was not much inclination towards this style and ideology in the interwar period. However, he never abandoned this idea. Basically, he never accepted more radical, expressionist treatments of folk elements as a solution to the problems of ?national style?. It is also very significant that he never mentioned the name B?la Bart?k in his writings, which is something we analyze in this paper. He was never able to give up romanticism, a style that never had time to fully develop in Serbian music. Serbian folk music was a perfect basis for composing in a romantic style. Nevertheless, due to many unfavourable circumstances in Serbian history, the Serbs became part of European music world only at the beginning of the 20th century, when it was too late to develop a modern romantic national style.

It is about one of the literary works discussed numerous times and in many literary dimensions, both national and international, that looks into the efforts, phenomena, history, and naturalness of the Albanian popular culture in front of the great European cultures, particularly those of Balkan countries. The great writer Kadare, who had entered through the great gates in the most important national and historical events and had penetrated very deeply into the social life and the psychology of his people, indeed, would not happen to be by chance and unexpectedly in the rich field of Albanian folk creativity. In the process of research, popular creativity remains a life-force and inspiration passed down from one generation to another. As he puts it "When you browse folk poetry, you experience a sense of eternity, reality, space. You want to live, to love, to have children, to be a mother, to be a father, to be a son-in-law, to go to war, to return from her, even to die as in a song”. Culture, poetry and popular prose in Albanian literature are emphasized in these writings, in particular, in those that have a national character, and thereby even communicate freely and strongly with artistic literature like nowhere else.

The musical history of Azerbaijan is a part of understanding of the ancient past of Azerbaijan. The universally recognized development peculiarities of Azerbaijan are the result of the specific musical culture of the Azerbaijani people. Difficulties of studying the ancient music culture of Azerbaijan are directly related to the absence of leading sources and indirect references. Oral traditional folklore, folk song creativity, fiction and archaeological monuments are the main sources of the study of the past of Azerbaijani culture. It is important to preserve the authenticity of classical music and folk songs of Azerbaijan, starting with the ancient ancestors of the Azerbaijani people: thousands of years before our era had a different historical effect on the Medians, the Caspians, the Albanians and other tribes. The extensive trade routes passing through Azerbaijan, the Silk Road, the invasion of various tribes as Huns- Suvars (in the VII century BC), Romans (at the beginning of our era), Khazars (VI - VII centuries), Cumanses (IX - XI centuries), Seljuk Turks (X-XI centuries), Mongols (XIII century), Persians, Arabs and had their specific impact on Azerbaijani folk music and culture. The broad and sophisticated international trade junction of the Middle East countries certainly came to Azerbaijan. Latin and Greek inscription about Domitian’s, XII Roman legion being on the shores of the Caspian Sea, were discovered on Gobustan rocks at the end of the first century The great Norwegian researcher and traveler, Tur Heyerdal in his scientific findings made a special place for Gobustan boat descriptions and considered similarity with the Sumerian culture. He also stated that, the civilization of Arabian Sea had contacted with Gobustan[5]. The Khazars are one of the oldest and most widely spread ethnic groups in the Eastern and Central Transcaucasia. According to ancient and old Oriental sources, during the existence of the Achaemenid rule (6th-4th centuries BC), they established ethno-cultural relations with their close neighbors, as well as with peoples who were relatively far from them. Key words: music history, archeological monuments, classical music, ancient tribes, folklore

This article aims to highlight the art of photography in Albania, which began at the end of the 1850s and is associated with the name Pietro Marubi (1834-1903). It deals with the origin of Pietro Marubi, who was Italian from Piacenza. For political reasons, he left Italy, sought refuge in Albania, and settled in the city of Shkodra. The scope is on his extraordinary work, including the founding of the first photography studio in Albania around 1855, which was a bold step at that time. Among his earliest photographs are those of Hamzë Kazazi (1858) and Leonardo de Martino (1859). He became a popular figure in Shkodër, photographing important events with the latest technique, immortalizing historical events such as the connection of Prizren (1878-1881), the uprising of Mirdita that was published in the international press as in the pages of the well-known magazines “La Guerra d'Oriente”, “The illustrated London news”. Pietro Marubi also took the first photograph in Montenegro. In the collection of Sultan Abdul Hamit II, there are photographs with a view of Shkodra or people in folk clothes, as photographed by Pietro Marubi. This proves the great fame that Marubi's photography studio gained in the Ottoman Empire. Pietro Marubi, therefore, brought Shkodra on the level with the first European cities representing the art of photography. The results give an original picture of the role and importance of the photography studio. Marubi and his vision are shown in passing on the profession to his sons. With the act of inheritance of his studio to Kel Kodheli, Marubi would lay the foundations for the continuation of the activity. With Kel Kodheli, the “Marubi Dynasty” was consolidated, where the next generations of photographers were formed, who today make up the collection of the Photo Gallery of the "Marubi" National Museum of Photography. The opening of the national museum “Marubi” in Shkodër, in addition to its extraordinary cultural and historical values, is also at the service of cultural tourism, which is visited by many local and foreign tourists. The article is based on research of the literature and sources published by the Marubi National Museum of Photography and the Library of the Academy of Sciences, as well as international publications and meetings with historians and other researchers. The conclusions provide another important aspect of this work, especially for the generation of young artists educated today who look up to Marubi as a model of inspiration, but also for the general public.

Albanian folklore is very rich in genres and different types of folklore. Among them a special place is occupied by the creations of the Albanian oral epic. In this paper we will treat the songs of songs of mountaineers or, as they are popularly known as highland songs. They are folk creations with a spread not in all Albanian territories. They are mostly practiced in the northern folklore areas and have their own independence, conditioned or determined by the specifics of the way of practice. During our work we can summarize the main features and characteristics of mountainers or highland songs. In addition to the treatments and arguments of the theoretical plan, a number of concrete analyzes will be realized and argumented on our conclusion. We believe that in this way, not as an aim in itself, the spaces of this special type of Albanian folklore will become clearer, more complete and in a more general plan. To reach such a definition, we start from the fact that the poetics of these songs is quite distinct and special, in relation to all other types of Albanian historical songs in general. Among other things, for this type of song we would distinguish the way of singing, which is completely different and unrepeatable in general in all other types of historical songs, poetic structure, shortness of poetry or with so many reduced verses, but also with the lack of pronunciation, and therefore of understanding in many cases of the poetic text.

İstanbul, Türkler ve Müslümanlar için önemli bir siyaset, kültür ve bilim merkezi olduğu gibi Arnavutlar için de özel bir öneme sahiptir. Arnavutların dünyasında İstanbul’un özel yeri Arnavut halk edebiyatında kendini göstermiş ve birçok edebi metinde İstanbul teması işlenmiştir. Arnavut edebiyatında İstanbul, Balkanlardaki Arnavutların siyasal ve sosyal koşullarının belirlendiği, Arnavutların kaderini düşünen “Baba Sultan”ın yaşadığı ve zaman zaman da aleyhlerine kararların alındığı bir “yer” olarak dile getirilmiştir. Arnavut Halk Edebiyatı, Arnavutların bu şehre karşı olumlu ya da olumsuz derin varoluşsal duygularını ortaya koymaktadır. Söz konusu metinlerde İstanbul, Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’nun başkenti olduğu gibi Arnavutlar için de kültür, eğitim, siyaset ve askeri merkezi olarak görülür. 1912 yılında Arnavutluk ve diğer Balkan devletlerinin Osmanlı İmparatorluğu’ndan ayrılmasından sonra Arnavutlar için yavaş yavaş önemini kaybetmeye başlayan İstanbul’un yerini Paris, Viyana ve diğer batılı şehirler almaya başlamıştır. Önce aydınlar sonra da halkın bir bölümü gözlerini İstanbul’dan batı şehirlerine çevirmeye başlamışlardır. Bu makalenin amacı Arnavut halk edebiyatındaki İstanbul ile ilgili metinleri tespit ederek, İstanbul’un Arnavutlar arasındaki konumu ve halkının kolektif hafızasındaki varlığını analiz etmektir. Çalışmada Arnavut halk edebiyatında var olan örneklerle, İstanbul’un kültürel, politik ve sosyal olarak önemli bir merkez olduğu dile getirilmiştir. Aynı zamanda Arnavutların birçok unsurunun ve oryantal epistemilerinin İstanbul’daki ile aynı ekoller, merkezler ve fikir hareketlerinden oluştuğu görülmektedir. Bu makalede ayrıca Arnavut halk edebiyatında İstanbul şehrinin varlığını tespit ederek, böylece Arnavutların hafızasında kültürel ve sosyo-politik bir “merkez” olarak rolünü anlamayı ve açıklamayı çalıştık. Sonuç olarak, İstanbul şehrinin Arnavut halkı için ontolojik ve epistemolojik önemi hala devam ettiği anlaşılmaktadır. Çalışmamızdaki araştırma metodu kütüphane tabanlı araştırmaya dayalıdır; çalışma metodu ise tanımlayıcı ve analitiktir. Yazılan kaynaklar haricinde, Kosova, Arnavutluk ve Türkiye’deki kütüphanelerde bulunabilen, Osmanlı alfabesindeki el yazması Arnavut şiirlerini de kullanılmıştır. Çünkü klasik Türk şiiri etkisindeki Arnavut şiirinin manzum şekillerini araştırmak için, bu şiirin Osmanlı harfleri ile yazılmış halinin gerekli olduğu kanaatindeyiz. Öz’de makalenin amacı, veriler, uygulanan “yöntem”, varılan sonuç belirtilmelidir.

During the late Ottoman period, there was a great deal of interest in folk culture. After all, this was a period when the various ethno-religious communities of the Ottoman Empire began to form national states, such as Albania, Bulgaria, Greece, Romania, and Serbia. At the same time, the Ottoman state turned its attention to the Turkish people and began to shape the Turkish national identity in order to create a sense of unity among the Turkish-speaking Muslim community. In this effort to cultivate the national identity of the people, religion and folk culture were fully exploited. This study examines the musical collections published by the Greek Orthodox Christian community of the Ottoman Empire, specifically the Efterpi (1830), Pandora (1843), Mecmua-yı Makamat (1856 & 1872-1873), Kallifonos Sirin (1859 & 1888) and Music Journal (1896) editions. These collections were printed in Istanbul and addressed to Greek-speaking Orthodox Christians. They consist mainly of Greek Orthodox ecclesiastical music, Greek secular music, and some Greek folk songs. Interestingly, the collections additionally include Ottoman music and Turkish folk music. It should be noted that the main language of the collections is Greek, and some Karamanlidika, and the musical transcriptions have been written down in Byzantine notation. This paper presents data on these transcriptions. The songs are transnotated from Byzantine notation to Turkish staff notation. 3 of these transnotations are presented here. After this process, different results are obtained regarding the way the songs were transcribed by the Rum musicians in comparison to their transcriptions by Turkish musicians of a later period.

In Ireland today, we eat more pigmeat per capita, approximately 32.4 kilograms, than any other meat, yet you very seldom if ever see a pig (C.S.O.). Fat and flavour are two words that are synonymous with pig meat, yet scientists have spent the last thirty years cross breeding to produce leaner, low-fat pigs. Today’s pig professionals prefer to use the term “pig finishing” as opposed to the more traditional “pig fattening” (Tuite). The pig evokes many themes in relation to cuisine. Charles Lamb (1775-1834), in his essay Dissertation upon Roast Pig, cites Confucius in attributing the accidental discovery of the art of roasting to the humble pig. The pig has been singled out by many cultures as a food to be avoided or even abhorred, and Harris (1997) illustrates the environmental effect this avoidance can have by contrasting the landscape of Christian Albania with that of Muslim Albania.This paper will focus on the pig in Irish cuisine and culture from ancient times to the present day. The inspiration for this paper comes from a folklore tale about how Saint Martin created the pig from a piece of fat. The story is one of a number recorded by Seán Ó Conaill, the famous Kerry storyteller and goes as follows:From St Martin’s fat they were made. He was travelling around, and one night he came to a house and yard. At that time there were only cattle; there were no pigs or piglets. He asked the man of the house if there was anything to eat the chaff and the grain. The man replied there were only the cattle. St Martin said it was a great pity to have that much chaff going to waste. At night when they were going to bed, he handed a piece of fat to the servant-girl and told her to put it under a tub, and not to look at it at all until he would give her the word next day. The girl did so, but she kept a bit of the fat and put it under a keeler to find out what it would be.When St Martin rose next day he asked her to go and lift up the tub. She lifted it up, and there under it were a sow and twelve piglets. It was a great wonder to them, as they had never before seen pig or piglet.The girl then went to the keeler and lifted it, and it was full of mice and rats! As soon as the keeler was lifted, they went running about the house searching for any hole that they could go into. When St Martin saw them, he pulled off one of his mittens and threw it at them and made a cat with that throw. And that is why the cat ever since goes after mice and rats (Ó Conaill).The place of the pig has long been established in Irish literature, and longer still in Irish topography. The word torc, a boar, like the word muc, a pig, is a common element of placenames, from Kanturk (boar’s head) in West Cork to Ros Muc (headland of pigs) in West Galway. The Irish pig had its place in literature well established long before George Orwell’s English pig, Major, headed the dictatorship in Animal Farm. It was a wild boar that killed the hero Diarmaid in the Fenian tale The Pursuit of Diarmaid and Gráinne, on top of Ben Bulben in County Sligo (Mac Con Iomaire). In Ancient and Medieval Ireland, wild boars were hunted with great fervour, and the prime cuts were reserved for the warrior classes, and certain other individuals. At a feast, a leg of pork was traditionally reserved for a king, a haunch for a queen, and a boar’s head for a charioteer. The champion warrior was given the best portion of meat (Curath Mhir or Champions’ Share), and fights often took place to decide who should receive it. Gantz (1981) describes how in the ninth century tale The story of Mac Dathó’s Pig, Cet mac Matach, got supremacy over the men of Ireland: “Moreover he flaunted his valour on high above the valour of the host, and took a knife in his hand and sat down beside the pig. “Let someone be found now among the men of Ireland”, said he, “to endure battle with me, or leave the pig for me to divide!”It did not take long before the wild pigs were domesticated. Whereas cattle might be kept for milk and sheep for wool, the only reason for pig rearing was as a source of food. Until the late medieval period, the “domesticated” pigs were fattened on woodland mast, the fruit of the beech, oak, chestnut and whitethorn, giving their flesh a delicious flavour. So important was this resource that it is acknowledged by an entry in the Annals of Clonmacnoise for the year 1038: “There was such an abundance of ackornes this yeare that it fattened the pigges [runts] of pigges” (Sexton 45). In another mythological tale, two pig keepers, one called ‘friuch’ after the boars bristle (pig keeper to the king of Munster) and the other called ‘rucht’ after its grunt (pig keeper to the king of Connacht), were such good friends that the one from the north would bring his pigs south when there was a mast of oak and beech nuts in Munster. If the mast fell in Connacht, the pig-keeper from the south would travel northward. Competitive jealousy sparked by troublemakers led to the pig keepers casting spells on each other’s herds to the effect that no matter what mast they ate they would not grow fat. Both pig keepers were practised in the pagan arts and could form themselves into any shape, and having been dismissed by their kings for the leanness of their pig herds due to the spells, they eventually formed themselves into the two famous bulls that feature in the Irish Epic The Táin (Kinsella).In the witty and satirical twelfth century text, The Vision of Mac Conglinne (Aisling Mhic Conglinne), many references are made to the various types of pig meat. Bacon, hams, sausages and puddings are often mentioned, and the gate to the fortress in the visionary land of plenty is described thus: “there was a gate of tallow to it, whereon was a bolt of sausage” (Jackson).Although pigs were always popular in Ireland, the emergence of the potato resulted in an increase in both human and pig populations. The Irish were the first Europeans to seriously consider the potato as a staple food. By 1663 it was widely accepted in Ireland as an important food plant and by 1770 it was known as the Irish Potato (Mac Con Iomaire and Gallagher). The potato transformed Ireland from an under populated island of one million in the 1590s to 8.2 million in 1840, making it the most densely populated country in Europe. Two centuries of genetic evolution resulted in potato yields growing from two tons per acre in 1670 to ten tons per acre in 1800. A constant supply of potato, which was not seen as a commercial crop, ensured that even the smallest holding could keep a few pigs on a potato-rich diet. Pat Tuite, an expert on pigs with Teagasc, the Irish Agricultural and Food Development Authority, reminded me that the potatoes were cooked for the pigs and that they also enjoyed whey, the by product of both butter and cheese making (Tuite). The agronomist, Arthur Young, while travelling through Ireland, commented in 1770 that in the town of Mitchelstown in County Cork “there seemed to be more pigs than human beings”. So plentiful were pigs at this time that on the eve of the Great Famine in 1841 the pig population was calculated to be 1,412,813 (Sexton 46). Some of the pigs were kept for home consumption but the rest were a valuable source of income and were shown great respect as the gentleman who paid the rent. Until the early twentieth century most Irish rural households kept some pigs.Pork was popular and was the main meat eaten at all feasts in the main houses; indeed a feast was considered incomplete without a whole roasted pig. In the poorer holdings, fresh pork was highly prized, as it was only available when a pig of their own was killed. Most of the pig was salted, placed in the brine barrel for a period or placed up the chimney for smoking.Certain superstitions were observed concerning the time of killing. Pigs were traditionally killed only in months that contained the letter “r”, since the heat of the summer months caused the meat to turn foul. In some counties it was believed that pigs should be killed under the full moon (Mahon 58). The main breed of pig from the medieval period was the Razor Back or Greyhound Pig, which was very efficient in converting organic waste into meat (Fitzgerald). The killing of the pig was an important ritual and a social occasion in rural Ireland, for it meant full and plenty for all. Neighbours, who came to help, brought a handful of salt for the curing, and when the work was done each would get a share of the puddings and the fresh pork. There were a number of days where it was traditional to kill a pig, the Michaelmas feast (29 September), Saint Martins Day (11 November) and St Patrick’s Day (17 March). Olive Sharkey gives a vivid description of the killing of the barrow pig in rural Ireland during the 1930s. A barrow pig is a male pig castrated before puberty:The local slaughterer (búistéir) a man experienced in the rustic art of pig killing, was approached to do the job, though some farmers killed their own pigs. When the búistéirarrived the whole family gathered round to watch the killing. His first job was to plunge the knife in the pig’s heart via the throat, using a special knife. The screeching during this performance was something awful, but the animal died instantly once the heart had been reached, usually to a round of applause from the onlookers. The animal was then draped across a pig-gib, a sort of bench, and had the fine hairs on its body scraped off. To make this a simple job the animal was immersed in hot water a number of times until the bristles were softened and easy to remove. If a few bristles were accidentally missed the bacon was known as ‘hairy bacon’!During the killing of the pig it was imperative to draw a good flow of blood to ensure good quality meat. This blood was collected in a bucket for the making of puddings. The carcass would then be hung from a hook in the shed with a basin under its head to catch the drip, and a potato was often placed in the pig’s mouth to aid the dripping process. After a few days the carcass would be dissected. Sharkey recalls that her father maintained that each pound weight in the pig’s head corresponded to a stone weight in the body. The body was washed and then each piece that was to be preserved was carefully salted and placed neatly in a barrel and hermetically sealed. It was customary in parts of the midlands to add brown sugar to the barrel at this stage, while in other areas juniper berries were placed in the fire when hanging the hams and flitches (sides of bacon), wrapped in brown paper, in the chimney for smoking (Sharkey 166). While the killing was predominantly men’s work, it was the women who took most responsibility for the curing and smoking. Puddings have always been popular in Irish cuisine. The pig’s intestines were washed well and soaked in a stream, and a mixture of onions, lard, spices, oatmeal and flour were mixed with the blood and the mixture was stuffed into the casing and boiled for about an hour, cooled and the puddings were divided amongst the neighbours.The pig was so palatable that the famous gastronomic writer Grimod de la Reyniere once claimed that the only piece you couldn’t eat was the “oink”. Sharkey remembers her father remarking that had they been able to catch the squeak they would have made tin whistles out of it! No part went to waste; the blood and offal were used, the trotters were known as crubeens (from crúb, hoof), and were boiled and eaten with cabbage. In Galway the knee joint was popular and known as the glúiníns (from glún, knee). The head was roasted whole or often boiled and pressed and prepared as Brawn. The chitterlings (small intestines) were meticulously prepared by continuous washing in cool water and the picking out of undigested food and faeces. Chitterlings were once a popular bar food in Dublin. Pig hair was used for paintbrushes and the bladder was occasionally inflated, using a goose quill, to be used as a football by the children. Meindertsma (2007) provides a pictorial review of the vast array of products derived from a single pig. These range from ammunition and porcelain to chewing gum.From around the mid-eighteenth century, commercial salting of pork and bacon grew rapidly in Ireland. 1820 saw Henry Denny begin operation in Waterford where he both developed and patented several production techniques for bacon. Bacon curing became a very important industry in Munster culminating in the setting up of four large factories. Irish bacon was the brand leader and the Irish companies exported their expertise. Denny set up a plant in Denmark in 1894 and introduced the Irish techniques to the Danish industry, while O’Mara’s set up bacon curing facilities in Russia in 1891 (Cowan and Sexton). Ireland developed an extensive export trade in bacon to England, and hams were delivered to markets in Paris, India, North and South America. The “sandwich method” of curing, or “dry cure”, was used up until 1862 when the method of injecting strong brine into the meat by means of a pickling pump was adopted by Irish bacon-curers. 1887 saw the formation of the Bacon Curers’ Pig Improvement Association and they managed to introduce a new breed, the Large White Ulster into most regions by the turn of the century. This breed was suitable for the production of “Wiltshire” bacon. Cork, Waterford Dublin and Belfast were important centres for bacon but it was Limerick that dominated the industry and a Department of Agriculture document from 1902 suggests that the famous “Limerick cure” may have originated by chance:1880 […] Limerick producers were short of money […] they produced what was considered meat in a half-cured condition. The unintentional cure proved extremely popular and others followed suit. By the turn of the century the mild cure procedure was brought to such perfection that meat could [… be] sent to tropical climates for consumption within a reasonable time (Cowan and Sexton).Failure to modernise led to the decline of bacon production in Limerick in the 1960s and all four factories closed down. The Irish pig market was protected prior to joining the European Union. There were no imports, and exports were subsidised by the Pigs and Bacon Commission. The Department of Agriculture started pig testing in the early 1960s and imported breeds from the United Kingdom and Scandinavia. The two main breeds were Large White and Landrace. Most farms kept pigs before joining the EU but after 1972, farmers were encouraged to rationalise and specialise. Grants were made available for facilities that would keep 3,000 pigs and these grants kick started the development of large units.Pig keeping and production were not only rural occupations; Irish towns and cities also had their fair share. Pigs could easily be kept on swill from hotels, restaurants, not to mention the by-product and leftovers of the brewing and baking industries. Ed Hick, a fourth generation pork butcher from south County Dublin, recalls buying pigs from a local coal man and bus driver and other locals for whom it was a tradition to keep pigs on the side. They would keep some six or eight pigs at a time and feed them on swill collected locally. Legislation concerning the feeding of swill introduced in 1985 (S.I.153) and an amendment in 1987 (S.I.133) required all swill to be heat-treated and resulted in most small operators going out of business. Other EU directives led to the shutting down of thousands of slaughterhouses across Europe. Small producers like Hick who slaughtered at most 25 pigs a week in their family slaughterhouse, states that it was not any one rule but a series of them that forced them to close. It was not uncommon for three inspectors, a veterinarian, a meat inspector and a hygiene inspector, to supervise himself and his brother at work. Ed Hick describes the situation thus; “if we had taken them on in a game of football, we would have lost! We were seen as a huge waste of veterinary time and manpower”.Sausages and rashers have long been popular in Dublin and are the main ingredients in the city’s most famous dish “Dublin Coddle.” Coddle is similar to an Irish stew except that it uses pork rashers and sausage instead of lamb. It was, traditionally, a Saturday night dish when the men came home from the public houses. Terry Fagan has a book on Dublin Folklore called Monto: Murder, Madams and Black Coddle. The black coddle resulted from soot falling down the chimney into the cauldron. James Joyce describes Denny’s sausages with relish in Ulysses, and like many other Irish emigrants, he would welcome visitors from home only if they brought Irish sausages and Irish whiskey with them. Even today, every family has its favourite brand of sausages: Byrne’s, Olhausens, Granby’s, Hafner’s, Denny’s Gold Medal, Kearns and Superquinn are among the most popular. Ironically the same James Joyce, who put Dublin pork kidneys on the world table in Ulysses, was later to call his native Ireland “the old sow that eats her own farrow” (184-5).The last thirty years have seen a concerted effort to breed pigs that have less fat content and leaner meat. There are no pure breeds of Landrace or Large White in production today for they have been crossbred for litter size, fat content and leanness (Tuite). Many experts feel that they have become too lean, to the detriment of flavour and that the meat can tend to split when cooked. Pig production is now a complicated science and tighter margins have led to only large-scale operations being financially viable (Whittemore). The average size of herd has grown from 29 animals in 1973, to 846 animals in 1997, and the highest numbers are found in counties Cork and Cavan (Lafferty et al.). The main players in today’s pig production/processing are the large Irish Agribusiness Multinationals Glanbia, Kerry Foods and Dairygold. Tuite (2002) expressed worries among the industry that there may be no pig production in Ireland in twenty years time, with production moving to Eastern Europe where feed and labour are cheaper. When it comes to traceability, in the light of the Foot and Mouth, BSE and Dioxin scares, many feel that things were much better in the old days, when butchers like Ed Hick slaughtered animals that were reared locally and then sold them back to local consumers. Hick has recently killed pigs for friends who have begun keeping them for home consumption. This slaughtering remains legal as long as the meat is not offered for sale.Although bacon and cabbage, and the full Irish breakfast with rashers, sausages and puddings, are considered to be some of Ireland’s most well known traditional dishes, there has been a growth in modern interpretations of traditional pork and bacon dishes in the repertoires of the seemingly ever growing number of talented Irish chefs. Michael Clifford popularised Clonakilty Black Pudding as a starter in his Cork restaurant Clifford’s in the late 1980s, and its use has become widespread since, as a starter or main course often partnered with either caramelised apples or red onion marmalade. Crubeens (pigs trotters) have been modernised “a la Pierre Kaufman” by a number of Irish chefs, who bone them out and stuff them with sweetbreads. Kevin Thornton, the first Irish chef to be awarded two Michelin stars, has roasted suckling pig as one of his signature dishes. Richard Corrigan is keeping the Irish flag flying in London in his Michelin starred Soho restaurant, Lindsay House, where traditional pork and bacon dishes from his childhood are creatively re-interpreted with simplicity and taste.Pork, ham and bacon are, without doubt, the most traditional of all Irish foods, featuring in the diet since prehistoric times. Although these meats remain the most consumed per capita in post “Celtic Tiger” Ireland, there are a number of threats facing the country’s pig industry. Large-scale indoor production necessitates the use of antibiotics. European legislation and economic factors have contributed in the demise of the traditional art of pork butchery. Scientific advancements have resulted in leaner low-fat pigs, many argue, to the detriment of flavour. Alas, all is not lost. There is a growth in consumer demand for quality local food, and some producers like J. Hick & Sons, and Prue & David Rudd and Family are leading the way. The Rudds process and distribute branded antibiotic-free pig related products with the mission of “re-inventing the tastes of bygone days with the quality of modern day standards”. Few could argue with the late Irish writer John B. Keane (72): “When this kind of bacon is boiling with its old colleague, white cabbage, there is a gurgle from the pot that would tear the heart out of any hungry man”.ReferencesCowan, Cathal and Regina Sexton. Ireland's Traditional Foods: An Exploration of Irish Local & Typical Foods & Drinks. Dublin: Teagasc, 1997.C.S.O. Central Statistics Office. Figures on per capita meat consumption for 2009, 2010. Ireland. http://www.cso.ie.Fitzgerald, Oisin. "The Irish 'Greyhound' Pig: an extinct indigenous breed of Pig." History Ireland13.4 (2005): 20-23.Gantz, Jeffrey Early Irish Myths and Sagas. New York: Penguin, 1981.Harris, Marvin. "The Abominable Pig." Food and Culture: A Reader. Eds. Carole Counihan and Penny Van Esterik. 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