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Journal articles on the topic 'Albanian Foreign public opinion'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

GOLDSMITH, BENJAMIN E. "Regime Type, Post-Materialism, and International Public Opinion about US Foreign Policy: The Afghan and Iraqi Wars." Japanese Journal of Political Science 7, no. 1 (March 31, 2006): 23–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109905002033.

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Previous research (e.g., Horiuchi, Goldsmith, and Inoguchi, 2005) has shown some intriguing patterns of effects of several variables on international public opinion about US foreign policy. But results for the theoretically appealing effects of regime type and post-materialist values have been weak or inconsistent. This paper takes a closer look at the relationship between these two variables and international public opinion about US foreign policy. In particular, international reaction to the wars in Afghanistan (2001) and Iraq (2003) are examined using two major multinational surveys. The conclusions of previous research are largely reinforced: neither regime type nor post-materialist values appears to robustly influence global opinion on these events. Rather, some central interests, including levels of trade with the US and NATO membership, and key socialized factors, including a Muslim population, experience with terrorism, and the exceptional experiences of two states (Israel, Albania) emerge as the most important factors in the models. There is also a consistent backlash effect of security cooperation with the US outside of NATO. A discussion of these preliminary results points to their theoretical implications and their significance for further investigation into the transnational dynamics of public opinion and foreign policy.

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2

Stawowy-Kawka, Irena. "Macedonia – nowe wyzwania i trudne kompromisy (2016−2019)." Studia Środkowoeuropejskie i Bałkanistyczne 30 (2021): 205–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.4467/2543733xssb.21.015.13808.

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Macedonia – New Challenges and Difficult Compromises (2016−2019) After the SDSM (Socijaldemokratski sojuz na Makedonija – Social Democratic Union of Macedonia) took over the government in 2017, the party proposed reforms which, although fundamental for the future of the country, were difficult to accept by the majority of Macedonian society. Nevertheless, SDSM’s policy, approved and monitored by the European Union and the US, was to lead to Macedonia joining NATO and EU structures in the near future. It should also be noted that both the US and the EU are strategic partners of the Republic, which actively support the processes taking place there. Having signed the agreement with Greece, on 17 June 2018 the Republic of Macedonia changed its official name. After the entry into force of the amendments to the Constitution and ratification of the Greek-Macedonian bilateral agreement by both parties, the country adopted the name of the Republic of North Macedonia (mac. Република Серверна Македонија). In February 2019, just after the parliaments of North Macedonia and Greece ratified the Prespa Agreement, the accession process of North Macedonia to NATO began. The condition for accession was the consent of the parliaments of all members of the Alliance for enlargement. Immediately after such approval, on 27 March 2020, the decision on membership was announced in Brussels by its chairman, Jens Stoltenberg. Macedonia’s relations with Bulgaria and Serbia have also changed, and the Albanians have been granted further privileges and rights in this country – in the opinion of the Macedonians it is very difficult to accept and implement. The escalation of nationalist sentiment in the country’s internal relations is important, caused not only by foreign policy but also by concessions to the Albanians. The Law on the Use of Languages, also known as the ‘language law’, criticized not only by the Macedonian scientific elite, but also by the Venice Commission, which sees certain threats to Macedonia in granting such extensive rights to the Albanian population, strengthens the opposition. On 26 March 2020, the EU gave its consent to start accession negotiations with Albania and the Republic of North Macedonia. Negotiations with Bulgaria are ongoing and it will be difficult to find a compromise. The biggest challenge for the government will be to convince the public that it is in the interest of its citizens to make compromises with both Greeks and Albanians and in the future with Bulgarians. In this case, the EU position will be very important, both in relation to the Albanian and Bulgarian demands.

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3

TOMZ, MICHAEL, and JESSICA L. P. WEEKS. "Public Opinion and Foreign Electoral Intervention." American Political Science Review 114, no. 3 (April 14, 2020): 856–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055420000064.

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Foreign electoral intervention is an increasingly important tool for influencing politics in other countries, yet we know little about when citizens would tolerate or condemn foreign efforts to sway elections. In this article, we use experiments to study American public reactions to revelations of foreign electoral intervention. We find that even modest forms of intervention polarize the public along partisan lines. Americans are more likely to condemn foreign involvement, lose faith in democracy, and seek retaliation when a foreign power sides with the opposition, than when a foreign power aids their own party. At the same time, Americans reject military responses to electoral attacks on the United States, even when their own political party is targeted. Our findings suggest that electoral interference can divide and weaken an adversary without provoking the level of public demand for retaliation typically triggered by conventional military attacks.

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Kapur, Devesh. "Public Opinion and Indian Foreign Policy." India Review 8, no. 3 (August 6, 2009): 286–305. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14736480903116818.

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5

Soroka, Stuart N. "Media, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Harvard International Journal of Press/Politics 8, no. 1 (January 2003): 27–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1081180x02238783.

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6

Walter, Aaron T. "Foreign Policy: Public Opinion and Political Legacy." Slovak Journal of Political Sciences 15, no. 3 (July 1, 2015): 202–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sjps-2015-0009.

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Abstract To the degree that public opinion, as domestic variable, influences a leaders decision-making in the area of foreign affairs is significant. Political leaders use public opinion polling to support government position or in attempts to mold policy position(s) in the affirmative. The following article investigates how public opinion affects U.S. presidential foreign policy decisions and to the degree those decisions are the base for political legacy. The theoretical argument is that domestic variables and leaders decisions often act in mutual support of each others in complementary interests and when not the case, it is the leader whose agenda setting or creating a frame impacts public opinion.

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7

Goldsmith, Benjamin E., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "Spinning the Globe? U.S. Public Diplomacy and Foreign Public Opinion." Journal of Politics 71, no. 3 (July 2009): 863–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022381609090768.

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8

Zelikow, Philip, and Douglas C. Foyle. "Counting the Public in: Presidents, Public Opinion, and Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 79, no. 2 (2000): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20049656.

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9

Fyodorov, Valery, and Dmitry Polikanov. "Public opinion and foreign policy of modern Russia." Journal of Political Theory, Political Philosophy and Sociology of Politics Politeia 36, no. 1 (2005): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.30570/2078-5089-2005-36-1-22-39.

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10

Powlick, Philip J., and Andrew Z. Katz. "Defining the American Public Opinion/Foreign Policy Nexus." Mershon International Studies Review 42, no. 1 (May 1998): 29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/254443.

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11

Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inequality and U.S. Public Opinion on Foreign Aid." World Affairs 182, no. 3 (August 8, 2019): 273–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820019862268.

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I investigate how the level of inequality affects American public opinion on foreign aid. As the level of inequality increases across the United States, the majority of the public will be more likely to demand the government implement policies that should ameliorate severe inequality in society. Assuming that government resources are limited, a greater level of inequality in American society may weaken public support for foreign aid because the public may prioritize providing social safety nets and welfare programs in domestic milieu over granting foreign aid to developing countries. In addition, as inequality widens, the public may perceive economic globalization as one of the main causes of inequality; thus, their overall support for globalization will decline. As a result, American support for global engagement will be negatively affected, and public support for foreign aid may decrease. An empirical test using public opinion data in 50 U.S. states since the 1980s confirms my theory: widening inequality both across states and within a given state does weaken public support for U.S. foreign aid.

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12

Efimova, Anna, and Denis Strebkov. "Linking Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in Russia." International Spectator 55, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 93–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03932729.2019.1700040.

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13

Milner, Helen V., and Dustin Tingley. "Public Opinion and Foreign Aid: A Review Essay." International Interactions 39, no. 3 (July 2013): 389–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03050629.2013.784090.

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14

FURIA, PETER A., and RUSSELL E. LUCAS. "Determinants of Arab Public Opinion on Foreign Relations." International Studies Quarterly 50, no. 3 (September 2006): 585–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1468-2478.2006.00415.x.

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15

Grose, Peter, and John E. Rielly. "American Public Opinion and U.S. Foreign Policy 1987." Foreign Affairs 65, no. 5 (1987): 1105. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20043230.

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16

Foyle, Douglas. "Foreign Policy Analysis and Globalization: Public Opinion, World Opinion, and the Individual." International Studies Review 5, no. 2 (June 2003): 155–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.5020013.

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17

Madhi, Doris. "The Macroeconomic Factors Impact on Liquidity Risk: The Albanian Banking System Case." European Journal of Economics and Business Studies 7, no. 1 (January 21, 2017): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejes.v7i1.p32-39.

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Over the last five years, the Albanian banking system has experienced a deceleration on its activity, considering the recent financial crisis effects. The financial crisis did not propagate direct effects on the Albanian financial system, but indirect effects were visible based on the general slowdown of the foreign markets and public loss of confidence towards the banking system. Also, the foreign remittances decrease and the liquidity shortage of the public played an important role on the capacity to meet the payment obligations (especially on loans). During 2009, the Albanian Central Bank issued a new regulation on liquidity risk evaluation, monitoring and management. The main objective of the regulation was the determination of the minimal evaluation standards of liquidity risk and its effective management by all banks operating on the Albanian territory. The liquidity risk evaluation and monitoring, as suggested also by the literature, does not depend only on internal financial indexes of banks, but it finds its basis also on broader indexes such as macroeconomic indexes. This analysis is effectuated on the impact and importance these factors have on liquidity risk, considering the banking system composed by 13 banks over a period of five years.

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18

Reljic, Mitra. "On conteporary odonyms of Kosovo and Metohija (sociolinguistic aspect)." Juznoslovenski filolog 72, no. 1-2 (2016): 139–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/jfi1602139r.

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This paper, based on the analysis of Albanian odonyms in the southern part of Kosovska Mitrovica and Serbian odonyms in the northern part of Kosovska Mitrovica, examines the current ideological and political orientations, differences in regard to cultural and social priorities of residents living on both sides of the Ibar River, as well as the manner and extent of abolishing the old and establishing the new town identity. It is established that odonyms, among other things, play an important role in shaping the public opinion and value system of the population. The research has shown that both Albanian and Serbian odonyms are of the commemorative type, and that Albanian commemorative odonyms primarily consist of names of war and rebellion participants, whereas Serbian commemorative odonyms are devoted to cultural dignitaries. Furthermore, although Albanian odonyms considerably outnumber the Serbian odonym corpus, the latter is characterised by a greater variety of motifs.

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19

LOUREIRO, FELIPE PEREIRA, FELICIANO DE SÁ GUIMARÃES, and ADRIANA SCHOR. "Public opinion and foreign policy in João Goulart's Brazil (1961-1964): Coherence between national and foreign policy perceptions?" Revista Brasileira de Política Internacional 58, no. 2 (December 2015): 98–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7329201500206.

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Abstract This paper analyses public opinion during the João Goulart government in Brazil (1961-1964), focusing on public perceptions on domestic and foreign policies. We employ a recently declassified public opinion survey conducted on behalf of United States Information Agency (USIA) in urban areas. We found that the Brazilian public opinion was somewhat coherent, supporting redistributive reforms domestically and a neutralist approach in foreign affairs.

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20

Goldsmith, Benjamin E., and Yusaku Horiuchi. "In Search of Soft Power: Does Foreign Public Opinion Matter for US Foreign Policy?" World Politics 64, no. 3 (June 27, 2012): 555–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887112000123.

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Does “soft power” matter in international relations? Specifically, when the United States seeks cooperation from countries around the world, do the views of their publics about US foreign policy affect the actual foreign policy behavior of these countries? The authors examine this question using multinational surveys covering fifty-eight countries, combined with information about their foreign policy decisions in 2003, a critical year for the US. They draw their basic conceptual framework from Joseph Nye, who uses various indicators of opinion about the US to assess US soft power. But the authors argue that his theory lacks the specificity needed for falsifiable testing. They refine it by focusing on foreign public opinion about US foreign policy, an underemphasized element of Nye's approach. Their regression analysis shows that foreign public opinion has a significant and large effect on troop commitments to the war in Iraq, even after controlling for various hard power factors. It also has significant, albeit small, effects on policies toward the International Criminal Court and on voting decisions in the UN General Assembly. These results support the authors' refined theoretical argument about soft power: public opinion about US foreign policy in foreign countries does affect their policies toward the US, but this effect is conditional on the salience of an issue for mass publics.

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21

Lee, Hak-Seon. "Inward Foreign Direct Investment and U.S. Public Opinion on Immigration." World Affairs 181, no. 2 (June 2018): 181–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820018791645.

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I investigate how the direct investment of foreign firms in the United States affects public opinion on immigration. On one hand, when foreign firms invest in the United States, local residents may have job opportunities and a better understanding of foreign cultures following social and work-related interactions with foreign employees at multinationals. As a result, American workers may have a positive attitude toward immigration. On the other hand, when local residents see foreign investment as a foreign acquisition of American assets, or if they experience any unpleasant interactions with foreign nationals at multinationals, foreign investment may result in a negative impact on public perception on immigration. My empirical test of inward investment’s impact on public opinion demonstrates the aforementioned contrasting impacts: While more local employees working at foreign multinationals lead to positive sentiments on immigration, the existence of more local affiliates of foreign firms has a negative impact on public opinion of immigration.

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22

Eichenberg, Richard C. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy in the Obama Era." Politique américaine 14, no. 2 (2009): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/polam.014.0011.

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23

Smith, Gaaddis, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 70, no. 3 (1991): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20044851.

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24

Heinrich, Tobias, Yoshiharu Kobayashi, and Kristin A. Bryant. "Public Opinion and Foreign Aid Cuts in Economic Crises." World Development 77 (January 2016): 66–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2015.08.005.

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25

MEERNIK, JAMES, and MICHAEL AULT. "Public Opinion and Support for U.S. Presidents' Foreign Policies." American Politics Research 29, no. 4 (July 2001): 352–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1532673x01029004002.

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26

Payne, Rodger A. "Public Opinion and Foreign Threats: Eisenhower's Response to Sputnik." Armed Forces & Society 21, no. 1 (October 1994): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0095327x9402100106.

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27

Feinberg, Richard, Guadalupe González, Susan Minushkin, and Robert Y. Shapiro. "Global Views 2004: Mexican Public Opinion and Foreign Policy." Foreign Affairs 84, no. 5 (2005): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20031744.

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28

Russett, Bruce, and Eugene R. Wittkopf. "Faces of Internationalism: Public Opinion and American Foreign Policy." Political Science Quarterly 106, no. 3 (1991): 511. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151745.

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29

Osennikova, Elizaveta V. "Transferred Cultural Objects in Russian and Foreign Public Opinion." Herald of an archivist 1 (2018): 225–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-0101-2019-1-225-234.

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30

Hayes, Danny, and Matt Guardino. "The Influence of Foreign Voices on U.S. Public Opinion." American Journal of Political Science 55, no. 4 (June 13, 2011): 831–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2011.00523.x.

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31

Robinson, Piers. "Do “Foreign Voices” Influence the News and Public Opinion?" International Studies Review 17, no. 2 (June 2015): 335–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/misr.12216.

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32

Chudowsky, Victor, and Taras Kuzio. "Does public opinion matter in UkraineŒ The case of foreign policy." Communist and Post-Communist Studies 36, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 273–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0967-067x(03)00039-4.

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The article critically surveys the impact of domestic public opinion on foreign policy in Ukraine by integrating it within theories of public opinion. Studies of public opinion in Ukraine have not given due weight to the unique characteristics of the Ukrainian ‘public’, which differs greatly from the Western public. Ukrainian society is passive, atomized and its power is ‘submerged’ relative to that of the state. The article argues that public opinion is of minimal importance in the area of foreign policy.

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33

Haks, Donald. "Publieke opinie, buitenlandse politiek en het einde van de Spaanse Successieoorlog." Tijdschrift voor geschiedenis 127, no. 4 (November 1, 2014): 673–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/tvgesch2014.4.haks.

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Abstract Public opinion, foreign policy, and the end of the War of the Spanish SuccessionDid public opinion have an impact on foreign policy in early modern times? States put in much effort publicly to legitimize their foreign policy. But they did not always prevent open discussion. England during the War of the Spanish Succession is a case in point. The revolution of 1688-9, the growing influence of parliament on foreign policy, opportunities for political journalism, and different views about how to end the war made public debate a matter of political importance. Pamphlets and public addresses expressed various opinions. May we call this ‘public opinion’? How should we define this concept? And were public opinion and decision-making in some way related? This case improves our understanding of public opinion and foreign policy: it seems after all that public opinion in England did indeed hasten the end of the War of the Spanish Succession.

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34

Risse-Kappen, Thomas. "Public Opinion, Domestic Structure, and Foreign Policy in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 43, no. 4 (July 1991): 479–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010534.

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The paper discusses the role of public opinion in the foreign policy-making process of liberal democracies. Contrary to prevailing assumptions, public opinion matters. However, the impact of public opinion is determined not so much by the specific issues involved or by the particular pattern of public attitudes as by the domestic structure and the coalition-building processes among the elites in the respective country. The paper analyzes the public impact on the foreign policy-making process in four liberal democracies with distinct domestic structures: the United States, France, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Japan. Under the same international conditions and despite similar patterns of public attitudes, variances in foreign policy outcomes nevertheless occur; these have to be explained by differences in political institutions, policy networks, and societal structures. Thus, the four countries responded differently to Soviet policies during the 1980s despite more or less comparable trends in mass public opinion.

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35

Chilton, Adam S., Helen V. Milner, and Dustin Tingley. "Reciprocity and Public Opposition to Foreign Direct Investment." British Journal of Political Science 50, no. 1 (December 22, 2017): 129–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123417000552.

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Prior international political economy public opinion research has primarily examined how economic and socio-cultural factors shape individuals’ views on the flows of goods, people and capital. This research has largely ignored whether individuals also care about rewarding or punishing foreign countries for their policies on these issues. We tested this possibility by administering a series of conjoint and traditional survey experiments in the United States and China that examined how reciprocity influences opposition to foreign acquisitions of domestic companies. We find that reciprocity is an important determinant of public opinion on the regulation of foreign investments. This suggests the need to consider the policies that other countries adopt when trying to explain public attitudes toward global economic integration.

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36

Vezhlivtseva, N. Yu. "Public Opinion as an Instrument of Socio-Cultural Influence in the Debate on the «NATO Option» in Finland." Concept: philosophy, religion, culture, no. 1 (July 7, 2020): 164–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2541-8831-2020-1-13-164-171.

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The article analyzes how the attitude of the Finnish population to Finland’s policy of military non-alignment correlates with the official foreign strategy. The question of public opinion can act as a possible sociocultural tool for its change is examined. The author explains the main reasons for the formation of stable public opinion in favor of neutrality, based on national and cultural identity. The role of public opinion in the Finnish internal debate on the «NATO option» is shown. The thesis that public opinion plays only an auxiliary role in comparison with external circumstances affecting the foreign policy of Finland, which is widespread in research circles, is considered. The author argues that public opinion on Finland’s possible entry into NATO is crucial in two key ways. First, at present, it’s a factor supporting the stable foreign policy decision, which is carried out by the state government. Secondly, in the future, public opinion may become a factor capable, under certain conditions of having a significant impact on the change of the Finnish course in foreign and security policy. The second option assumes that public opinion can play its own role by changing the pre-planned foreign policy scenario.

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37

NOËL, ALAIN, and JEAN-PHILIPPE THÉRIEN. "Public Opinion and Global Justice." Comparative Political Studies 35, no. 6 (August 2002): 631–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414002035006001.

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The concept of global justice has been developed to stress the worldwide implications of moral problems. Not much, however, has been written about the actual politics of global justice. This article focuses on public opinion and argues that attitudes about international redistribution are not a simple projection of attitudes about the domestic situation. In countries where domestic income redistribution is seen as an important priority, foreign aid is less popular; where this is less so, there is more concern for the fate of the poor in the South. Far from reflecting a lack of coherence in public opinion, these counterintuitive results need to be understood in connection with policy achievements in donor countries. The authors' empirical findings suggest that although the commitment to redistribute is stronger at the national level, relationships of solidarity do not stop at national boundaries. The achievement of justice at home in fact sustains justice abroad.

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38

Garrison, Jean A. "Foreign Policy Analysis and Globalization: Public Opinion, World Opinion, and the Individual by Foyle1." International Studies Review 5, no. 2 (June 2003): 155–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1521-9488.5020011.

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39

Gaubatz, Kurt Taylor. "Intervention and Intransitivity: Public Opinion, Social Choice, and the Use of Military Force Abroad." World Politics 47, no. 4 (July 1995): 534–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887100015203.

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This article argues that the problems identified in the literature on public choice should critically affect our research on public opinion and our understanding of the impact of public opinion on foreign policy. While a robust literature has emerged around social choice issues in political science, there has been remarkably little appreciation for these problems in the literature on public opinion in general and on public opinion and foreign policy in particular. The potential importance of social choice problems for understanding the nature and role of public opinion in foreign policy making is demonstrated through an examination of American public attitudes about military intervention abroad. In particular, drawing on several common descriptions of the underlying dimensionality of public attitudes on major foreign policy issues, it is shown that there may be important intransitivities in the ordering of public preferences at the aggregate level on policy choices such as those considered by American decision makers in the period leading up to the Gulf War. Without new approaches to public-opinion polling that take these problems into consideration, it will be difficult to make credible claims about the role of public opinion in theforeignpolicy process.

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40

KAGOTANI, KOJI. "National Security Environments, Patriotism, and Japanese Public Opinion." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 1 (February 10, 2015): 96–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109914000401.

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AbstractThis study examines Japanese reactions to neighboring countries’ behavior by addressing possible micro-motives, such as patriotism, the rational demand for national defense, and retrospective policy evaluation. This theoretical development leads to distinctive hypotheses from different motivations and directly tests them using macro-data (not survey data). This research will apply this framework to Japanese politics and will show that foreign threats stimulate patriotism in the public mind and enhance political support for national leaders. It will also demonstrate that the Japanese public has no optimistic view of the new prime minister and that the honeymoon effect in previous research may be confounded with the patriotic effect because the new leader is less experienced and is often challenged by foreign countries.

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41

Kuzina, Z. "Foreign Policy Problems in the Mirror of Public Opinion (2000s)." World Economy and International Relations, no. 10 (2010): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-10-62-76.

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The article aims to outline a concept of public opinion on foreign policy issues, which is forming in contemporary Russia within society as a whole, resting upon the data resulting from the sociological study of 2000s in comparison to 1990s surveys. At the same time, factors which determined and determine the Russians' perceptions of foreign policy problems are analyzed, and an attempt to apprehend the degree of the real public opinion influence on Russia's foreign policy development and implementation process is made.

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42

Besova, A. A., and S. C. Cooley. "Foreign News and Public Opinion: Attribute Agenda-Setting Theory Revisited." Ecquid Novi: African Journalism Studies 30, no. 2 (January 1, 2009): 219–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.3368/ajs.30.2.219.

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43

Powlick, Philip J. "The Sources of Public Opinion for American Foreign Policy Officials." International Studies Quarterly 39, no. 4 (December 1995): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2600801.

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44

Orlova, E. S., and I. S. Zavodyan. "Public opinion of foreign students about studying in Russian universities." Youth Science Forum Journal 1, no. 2 (June 2020): 112–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.35599/forummn/01.02.16.

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45

BAKER, ANDY. "Race, Paternalism, and Foreign Aid: Evidence from U.S. Public Opinion." American Political Science Review 109, no. 1 (January 13, 2015): 93–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055414000549.

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Virtually all previous studies of domestic economic redistribution find white Americans to be less enthusiastic about welfare for black recipients than for white recipients. When it comes to foreign aid and international redistribution across racial lines, I argue that prejudice manifests not in an uncharitable, resentful way but in a paternalistic way because intergroup contact is minimal and because of how the media portray black foreigners. Using two survey experiments, I show that white Americans are more favorable toward aid when cued to think of foreign poor of African descent than when cued to think of those of East European descent. This relationship is due not to the greater perceived need of black foreigners but to an underlying racial paternalism that sees them as lacking in human agency. The findings confirm accusations of aid skeptics and hold implications for understanding the roots of paternalistic practices in the foreign aid regime.

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46

BÜYÜKÇİÇEK, Mehmet. "PUBLIC OPINION AND TURKISH FOREIGN POLICY PERCEPTION: SELCUK UNIVERSITY CASE." Social Sciences Studies Journal 4, no. 22 (January 1, 2018): 4055–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26449/sssj.850.

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47

Small, Melvin, and Leonard A. Kusnitz. "Public Opinion and Foreign Policy: America's China Policy, 1949-1979." Journal of American History 72, no. 2 (September 1985): 455. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903463.

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Lučić, Novak. "PUBLIC OPINION AND EFFECTS OF DIRECT FOREIGN INVESTMENTS IN MACEDONIA." Knowledge International Journal 29, no. 1 (February 28, 2019): 27–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.35120/kij2901027l.

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Foreign Direct Investments (FDI) reviewed from aspect f the country towards which they are directed, carry positive, but also potential negative effects. The research, whose results are presented in this work, includes evaluation of the attitude and of the public opinion and business establishments in the companies which are a result of the FDI, regardin the effects from the FDI and the overall significance for the economic and social development of Macedonia. The results of the research show that most of of the population is partially, as much as it is present in the media for public information, familiar with the FDI in Macedonia. Most frequent reasons for not being informed are the lack of interest, social elements, and the opinion that the information about the FDI in Macedonia is inspired politically, for promoting the government. The largest part of the population believes that the attitude towards the FDI should not be judged as positive or negative in advance, but the and that the effects from the FDI should be analyzed for each specific case. The most significant effect from the the FDI in Macedonia is the employment increase, both according to the public opinion and the business establishments of the FDI-resulted companies. Besides contributing to the employment, other most significant positive effects from the FDIs in Macedonia are: transfer of new technologies, transfer of knowledge, managerial experiences and skills of the foreign investors; positive influence of the FDI for strenghtening the competitiveness in the macedonian economy, better material position of the employees and indirectly, to a better social standard. The most significant negative effects which the FDIs could have in Macedonia are reaching profit on account of smaller salaries for the employees, avoiding tax responsibilities, arrangements with the authorities and possible influence on the political flows by the direct foreign investors in order to reach positive business environment by damaging other companies, whereas the public opinion evaluates as the biggest negative effect – reaching profit though small salaries to the employees, while the business establichment – the possible influence on the political flows in order to achieve appropriate business environment.

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Frizzell, Craig. "Public opinion and foreign policy: The effects of celebrity endorsements." Social Science Journal 48, no. 2 (June 1, 2011): 314–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.soscij.2010.12.002.

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KATZ, ANDREW Z. "Public Opinion and the Contradictions of Jimmy Carter's Foreign Policy." Presidential Studies Quarterly 30, no. 4 (December 2000): 662–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2000.00138.x.

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