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Journal articles on the topic 'Albanians in the U. S'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Chelidze, V. "Written Sources from Ancient Albanian-Georgian Communications (Sagdukht - Princess Rani and Queen of Kartli)." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070309.

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National-cultural and religious disappearance of the Christian countries of the Caucasus (Albania, Iberia, Armenia) from the V century was threatened by Persia. "Kartlis Tskhovreba" (History of Georgia) tells in detail about these acute and dramatic historical events. Historical writings from a later period show one feature of this region. The references to Rani (Aran) as Persia ("Mirian... called from Persia his relative, a descendant of kings, named Peroz") and the inhabitants of this country as Persians ("in Ran, wherever the Persians fought") should not be taken literally. In Georgian historical works, the terms "Persia" and" Persian " in addition to Persia and Persians also meant countries and peoples of the Near and Middle East-Arabs, Turks, and others: "Sultan Arfasaran came out, king of P e R s I I" (Leonti Mroveli, Life of kings); "P e R s I d s K I e s u l t a n s, far and near" ("Chronicle of the times of lash Giorgi", life of king Giorgi); "the Georgians entered the castle, and there was a strong battle, and p e R s s B a g d a d a were defeated" (Chronicle of the century). This situation is due to the fact that the entire territory to the East of the Caucasus for centuries belonged to and was ruled by the Persian Empire of the Achaemenid, Arshakid and Sasanian eras (much later the Arab Caliphate and then the Turkish Sultanate appeared on the historical scene). In Georgian historical texts, in particular in the chronicle "Life of the kings" by Leonti Mroveli, a logical geographical description is given about this – "Persians from the East of the sun". According to Georgian historical data, these peoples also include Albanians who lived to the East of the Georgians. One of the most notable historical events is an extensive episode of romantic love in the life of an Albanian Princess, the daughter of the ruler of Rani (Aran) Barzaboda and a thorough historical account of the dramatic state activities of the Queen of Kartli (Iberia), mother of the great Georgian king Vakhtang Gorgasal-S a g d u x t.

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2

Qerimi, Islam. "Special institutes of the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini and its application in contemporary time among the Albanians." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no. 2 (2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.8.

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Svrha je ovog rada rasprava o primjeni nekih posebnih pravnih instituta Kanuna Lekë Dukagjina u suvremenom albanskom pravu. Tradicionalno, ovaj Kanun imao je, i još uvijek ima, utjecaj na svim područjima života Albanaca. Drugim riječima, primjena Kanuna još je izazov suvremenom pravnom sustavu jer narod nastavlja rješavati svoje prijepore temeljem Kanuna. Cilj ovog rada je objasniti pisano običajno pravo, istaknuti prednosti i mane njegove primjene kao i vezu s nekim pravilima javnog (kaznenog) i privatnog (građanskog) prava.

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3

Arapi, Ina. "Albania by the end of the 17th century and relations with neighbouring nations according to archbishop Pjetër Bogdani´s work "The band of the prophets" (1685)." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.020.

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Albania by the end of the 17th century and relations with neighbouring nations according to archbishop Pjetër Bogdani´s work "The band of the prophets" (1685)The old Albanian literature (mid-16th – mid-17th century), which includes the philosophical–theological treaty Cuneus prophetarum by Pjetër Bogdani (Padua, 1685), was born and developed as a literature mainly of religious content for the needs of the Catholic religion. Regardless of the topic, this literature was created in a certain historical, cultural and social environment, namely that of northern Albania and the Albanian population that lived there. Hence, the data provided in this book constitutes an invaluable source through which we have the possibility of learning more about the way of life and the functioning of this part of Albanian society of that time. Interesting data on the situation of the Albanian language of that time is to be found in the preface of this work. The author urges Albanians not to let their language and science degenerate, but just as other nations do, they should make efforts concerning its evolution and development. But the alarm for destructing the mother tongue is linked with author and his contemporaries’ high conscious more than with the reality. In fact, Bogdani´s work itself proves that Albanian at that time had expressive possibilities equal to those of the Italian language. Not only the expressive and lexical richness, but the syntactic structure of phrases shows a high degree of development and elaboration in the Albanian language of that time.Examining the foreword of the book, we can learn that efforts were being made to unify the language and to develop one literary variant based on the dialect of the town of Shkodra. Bogdani also tried to adjust the language of his work according to this town’s dialect.Relations with Italian and Croatian intellectuals are clearly demonstrated in dithyrambic poetry and in the dedications at the beginning of the book. In this work, we also find data on Albanian mythology. Cuneus prophetarum occupies a special place in Albanian literature, because it is the first original work of prose, unlike previous writings, which were mainly translations. Albania u zmierzchu XVII wieku i jej stosunki z państwami sąsiedzkimi według "Oddziału proroków" arcybiskupa Pjetra Bogdaniego (1685)Utwór Pietra Bogdaniego Cuneus prophetarum (Padwa 1685) jest jednym z najważniejszych tekstów starej literatury albańskiej (XVI-XVII wieku), która rozwijała się na potrzeby Kościoła katolickiego i zawierała głównie treści religijne. Znaczna część tego utworu to traktat filozoficzno-teologiczny. Tekst, mimo że ma zasadniczo charakter religijny, odsyła także do kontekstu historycznego, kulturowego i społecznego północnej Albanii, stanowiąc tym samym bezcenne źródło informacji o sposobie życia i funkcjonowania części społeczeństwa albańskiego w tym czasie.Już we wstępie znajdują się ciekawe informacje na temat sytuacji języka albańskiego. Między innymi autor wzywa Albańczyków, by nie dopuścili do degeneracji języka i nauki, wzywa także inne narody, by dbały o rozwój języka. Ta troska o język ojczysty i obawa przed jego zepsuciem wiąże się z pozycją autora, który był świadom sytuacji bardziej niż ktokolwiek inny. W istocie sama praca Bogdaniego udowadnia, że w tym czasie język albański dysponował nie mniejszymi środkami ekspresji niż język włoski. Nie tylko bogactwo form i leksyki, lecz także struktury składniowe wskazują na ówczesny wysoki stopień jego rozwoju i na wysoki stopień świadomości językowej.Jednakże, jak można dostrzec we wstępie, nie podejmowano wysiłków w celu ujednolicenia języka. Rozwijał się głównie wariant literacki, oparty na dialekcie miasta Shkodra. Bogdani próbował również dostosować swój język do tego dialektu.Świadectwem związków autora z włoskimi i chorwackimi intelektualistami są poetyckie dytyramby zamieszczone w dedykacji. W utworze znajdujemy również informacje na temat mitologii albańskiej.Cuneus prophetarum zajmuje szczególne miejsce w literaturze albańskiej, ponieważ jest pierwszym oryginalnym, albańskim utworem prozatorskim.

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4

Trajanoski, Žarko, and Xhabir Ahmeti. "Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот." Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v2i1.94.

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Author(s): Žarko Trajanoski | Жарко Трајаноски Title (Macedonian): Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот Title (Albanian): Spivak-u në Shkup: diskursi postkolonial në Ballkan dhe rreth tij Translated by (Macedonian to Albanian): Xhabir Ahmeti Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 143-153 Page Count: 10 Citation (Macedonian): Жарко Трајаноски, „Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 2, бр. 1 (лето 2003): 143-153. Citation (Albanian): „Žarko Trajanoski, Spivak-u në Shkup: diskursi postcolonial në Ballkan dhe rreth tij“, përkthim nga Maqedonishtja Xhabir Ahmeti, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003): 143-153.

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5

Zarković, Vesna. "The efforts of Isa Boletini before the opening of the Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26829.

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The role of Isa Boletini in the time of the opening of the Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica was of crucial political importance for the Serbian people living there. It was the time of intense Albanians' oppression, which went unnoticed or ignored by the Turkish authorities. In the beginning, Isa Boletini was the protector of the Serbian population, whose consuls in Priština reported no crimes committed by him. Meanwhile, his actions reversed course. His activities were aimed against the Serbian people and the Turkish authorities, who in turn started losing their standing with the Albanians. With the growing support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Albanians leaders organized numerous gatherings, which adversely affected the Serbian population. Those gatherings resulted in gradual renunciation of obedience such as avoiding to pay the Ottoman tax to the Sultan. Albanians opposition to the Russian consulate in Mitrovica rose to prominence. Consequently, the Russian representatives urge Constantinople to request for the Isa Boletini be removed from Mitrovica. The Sultan yielded to the Russian request, while Isa Boletini resisted and tried to bargain for himself, but eventually left for Constantinople. He hoped that the support of the local Albanians leaders would assure his swift return. His absence did not improve the position of the Serbian people, who were continually exposed to extortion and taxes.

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6

Pavlović, Aleksandar. "Contribution to the research of attitudes about Albanians among Serbs in the Northern Kosovska Mitrovica." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 437–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-30072.

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In this paper the author presents a part of the results of field research conducted among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica between 2011 and 2014. The motive of the research was to offer a contribution to the understanding of the position of the Serbs in this city in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. A part of the research was paid to the problem of the image of Albanians in the perception of Serbs in the context of mutual conflict and the division of Kosovska Mitrovica into two parts - northern, majorly Serbian, and southern - majorly Albanian. This topic has imposed itself practically from the very beginning of the research, due to the fact that the Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica generally defined their everyday life after the war in 1999 through the picture of division towards Albanians. Theoretically, the research was relied on the concept of ethnic identity, or ethnicity. Starting from Roland Barthes' interpretation of this phenomenon, according to which it is reflective, what means defined by boundaries as a social product arising from the need of groups to differentiate between each other, the aim of the research was to provide ethnographic material useful for understanding the identity position of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of conflict with Albanian ethnic group. Methodologically viewed, the research was conducted by using an anthropological approach, which meant that the studied problem was analyzed at the interpersonal level and through the experiences of individuals. Attention was focused on the discourse, which means that the research topic was observed from the point of view of the testimonies of the respondents included in the research. The testimonies of the respondents were obtained by using in-depth, ie qualitative research methods, in the first place formal and informal interviews. The research showed that the identity discourse of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica towards Albanians was marked by distance, imbued with feelings of threat and distrust. Members of the Albanian ethnic group were observed through the generalizing prism of opposing others, so that they were attributed characteristics with most often diametrically different sign compared to the characteristics that the respondents attributed to themselves, to their own, Serbian ethnic group. On the one hand, the respondents attributed negative characteristics to Albanians, which they considered as not appropriate for Serbs. These characteristics were observed at a double level: 1) regardless of contacts with Serbs ("uncultured", "primitive", "uncivilized"); and 2) in the context of mutual contacts (hypocritical, pretentious, cunning, calculated, etc), ie from the aspect of the attitude towards Serbs which was generally described as hostile. Negative characteristics attributed to Albanians respondents perceived as features opposite to the characteristics of Serbs, which means that by emphasizing them, according to the principal of mutual contrast, they implicitly pointed to the positive values of their own, Serbian identity. On the other hand, the respondents attributed certain positive characteristics to Albanians, namely those that they considered to be in favor of members of Albanian ethnic group in relation to Serbs, which the Serbs lacked. These characteristics were also treated in contrast to Serbian characteristics, and they meant patience, tact, wisdom, diligence, meekness, keeping a given word. The results presented in the paper upgrades the results of previous research that included the analyses of the image of Albanians in the perceptions of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the conditions of the altered socio-political context in this area after the war in 1999. Presented ethnographic material, obtained in period between 2011 and 2014, showed that Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica perceived Albanians primarily through the prism of simplified ideas, which viewed from identity aspect implied the perception of members of the Albanian ethnic group as violent, and members of their own, Serbian ethnic group as victims. Generalization as a form of opinion about Albanians in the statements of respondents was colored with the intertwining of negative and positive attitudes about the characteristics of members of the Albanian ethnic group, with the fact that these attitudes were expressed in such a way as to compare the characteristics of their own group. Yet, the research obtained several views which softened the contrast between Serbs and Albanians, by pointing out the elements of a social character common to each other. The image of Albanians, in the end, gained some complexity thanks to the attitudes of those respondents who spoke about members of this ethnic group through the perception of direct connections and personal experiences. This brought to light the attitude towards Albanian that in some measure deviated from the prevailing generalizations, which, from an analytical point of view, suggested that the image of members of this ethnic group in the perception of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica was not as simplified as in the context of mutual conflict it might seem so at first glance.

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7

Kenney, Lewis Hobart. "U. S. S. DOBBIN AND U. S. S. WHITNEY." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 37, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 435–531. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1925.tb05520.x.

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8

Sansaridou-Hendrickx, Thekla. "The Albanians in theChronicle(s) of Ioannina: An Anthropological Approach." Acta Patristica et Byzantina 21, no. 2 (January 2010): 287–306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10226486.2010.11879131.

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9

Zarković, Vesna. "The role of Isa Boljetinac in Kolašin's events of 1901." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 381–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-31184.

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Anarchy, which had occupied Ottoman's Empire in its last decade, had a negative impact on the position of Serbian population. Porte did not take more decisive measures to improve the situation in the field, but their politics was founded on the favouring of Albanians. Such attitude of Turkish authorities had long-lasting consequences, and Albanian unbridleness was getting larger. Oppressions were committed every day, and the main objective of Albanians was to break off compact settlements inhabited by Serbs as it was Ibarski Kolašin. Being found between Albanian oppressors from one side, and non-interested Turkish authorities, Serbs started arming themselves more actively. They purchased rifles in Serbia, and were given assistance by their compatriots, who escaping from villains, inhabited territory in the area of the Kingdom of Serbia along the border. Besides them, they were getting to weapon via some Albanians, with a certain monetary compensation. Albanians, after knowing that Serbs are being armed from Serbia, hoped more actively of their destruction. They requested from Turkish authority's weapon investigation in Ibarski Kolašin, and after the search of Shemsi pasha, in January of 1901 they were not pleased. In the summer of the same year, Isa Boljetinac with the help of his partisans was searching for weapon through Kolašin's villages, by committing crimes over innocent people. During the stay of Isa Boljetini in these areas the Kolašin's region had been deserted, and not only men were on strike but women and children as well. The only salvation from Isa's atrocities at that moment was the presence of Russian consul Mashkov, who, by the intervention via his embassy in Constantinople, managed to obtain the publication of imperial decree on the breaking of the weapon search. The publication of imperial decree and d the retreat of Isa Boljetinac from Ibarski Kolašin did not bring peace to Serbs. Namely, Isa was not pleased with the booty he had got during the summer of 1901 so that he was persuading other Albanian villains to go on with the weapon search in Kolašin's region.

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Charlton, A. M. "U. S. S. COLORADO AND U. S. S. WEST VIRGINIA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 37, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 1–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1925.tb00244.x.

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Zarković, Vesna. "Rebellion of the Albanians in Kosovo villayet in 1911." Bastina, no. 46 (2018): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina1846213z.

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Brement, Marshall. "U. S.-U. S. S. R.: Possibilities in Partnership." Foreign Policy, no. 84 (1991): 107. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1148785.

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Jessop, E. P. "U. S. S. MILWAUKEE." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 18, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 1063–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1906.tb00003.x.

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Hall, R. T. "U. S. S. MINNESOTA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 18, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 1143–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1906.tb00005.x.

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Danforth, G. W. "U. S. S. CALIFORNIA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 19, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 1–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1907.tb00479.x.

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Leavitt, William Ashley. "U. S. S. KANSAS." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 19, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 430–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1907.tb02470.x.

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Leavitt, William Ashby. "U. S. S. PRESTON." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 22, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 925–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1910.tb04575.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. FLORIDA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 24, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 519–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1912.tb03557.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. FLORIDA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 24, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 519–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1912.tb04619.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. BEALE." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 24, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 899–924. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1912.tb04639.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. FANNING." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 24, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 1177–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1912.tb04666.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. JARVIS." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 24, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 1181–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1912.tb04667.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. TEXAS." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 26, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1914.tb04731.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. WADSWORTH." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 27, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 640–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1915.tb00547.x.

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Cox, Ormond L. "U. S. S. CUSHING." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 27, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 836–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1915.tb00573.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. OKLAHOMA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 28, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 327–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1916.tb00042.x.

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Norton, H. H. "U. S. S. CONYNGHAM." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 28, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 369–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1916.tb00044.x.

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Cox, L. "U. S. S. TUCKER." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 28, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 654–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1916.tb00071.x.

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Cox, Ormond L. "U. S. S. NEVADA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 28, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 20–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1916.tb00598.x.

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GREGORY, HENDERSON B. "U. S. S. IDAHO." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 32, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 99–133. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1920.tb00863.x.

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Gregory, Henderson B. "U. S. S. TRINITY." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 32, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 719–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1920.tb03603.x.

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Wetherbee, Charles P. "U. S. S. PRUITT." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 33, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1921.tb03626.x.

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Donald, H. G. "U. S. S. ASHBVILLB." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 35, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 219–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1923.tb00180.x.

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Densmore, C. W. "U. S. S. RICHMOND." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 35, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 451–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1923.tb00200.x.

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Auken, F. T. Van. "U. S. S. MARYLAND." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 35, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 1–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1923.tb00645.x.

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GROMER, J. G. B. "U. S. S. OMAHA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 36, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 143–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1924.tb05443.x.

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DUCEY, D. F. "U. S. S. MEDUSA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 36, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 377–433. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1924.tb05475.x.

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Keller, H. R. "U. S. S. RALEIGH." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 36, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 466–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1924.tb05477.x.

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Charlton, A. M. "U. S. S. HOLLAND." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 38, no. 4 (March 18, 2009): 777–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1926.tb01985.x.

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Cooke, J. F. "THE U. S. S. LOUISVILLE AND U. S. S. CHICAGO STEERING GEARS." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 42, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 399–405. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1930.tb05732.x.

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Peyrard, Thierry, Yin Lam, Carole Saison, Lionel Arnaud, Jérôme Babinet, Philippe Rouger, Philippe Bierling, and Daniel Janvier. "Anti-U-like as an alloantibody in S−s−U− and S−s−U+var black people." Transfusion 52, no. 3 (August 31, 2011): 622–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1537-2995.2011.03318.x.

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Curcic, S. B., M. M. Brajkovic, B. P. M. Curcic, and W. Waitzbauer. "Rozajella jovanvladimiri gen. N., sp. n. (Leptodirini, Leiodidae, Coleoptera), from east Montenegro, with notes on its phylogeny." Archives of Biological Sciences 59, no. 2 (2007): 145–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/abs0702145c.

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A new genus and species of cave-dwelling leiodid beetles (Rozajella jovanvladimiri gen. n., sp. n.) has been diagnozed and described from the Pecina u Dubokom Potoku Cave, village of Donje Bisevo, near Rozaje, Eastern Montenegro. This new genus clearly differs from all other close genera in the following correlative traits: body size; shape of head; presence of occipital carina, length of antennae; morphometric ratios and form of certain antennomeres; head/pronotum width ratio; pronotum length/width ratio; form of lateral pronotal margins; pronotal/elytral base length ratio; form of femora and protarsi; presence of apical rows of spines on tibiae; form of elytra; existence of elytral shoulders; length of elytral setae; form of median lobe and its apex; form of inner sac; length of basal bulbus; form of parameres and their apices; distribution of parameral setae; and distribution in the Balkan Peninsula. Rozajella gen. n. belongs to a separate phyletic lineage (s?rie phyl?tique de "Leptodirus" - sensu Perre au 2000) which includes five other genera, Leptostagus Z. Karaman (from Macedonia), Petkovskiella Gu?orguiev (from Macedonia), Astagobius Reitter (from Slovenia and Croatia), Albanodirus Giachino & Vailati (from Albania), and Leptodirus Schmidt (from Slovenia, Croatia, and Italy). The new genus is present in Eastern Montenegro only. The Rozajella-Leptostagus-Petkovskiella-Astagobius-Albanodirus-Leptodirus complex is probably of early Tertiary age, its species having originated during the Alpine Orogeny, which affected vast areas of the Balkan Peninsula, including the Dinarids, otherwise their terra typica. .

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Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.

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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.

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Popowicz, Ziemowit. "S U S Y 2." Computer Physics Communications 100, no. 3 (March 1997): 277–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0010-4655(96)00151-8.

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Raby, J. J. "U. S. S. SOUTH DAKOTA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 19, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 21–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1907.tb00480.x.

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Leavitt, William Ashley. "U. S. S. NEW HAMPSHIRE." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 20, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 273–339. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1908.tb04442.x.

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Dinger, H. C. "U. S. S. SOUTH CAROLINA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 22, no. 1 (March 18, 2009): 200–238. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1910.tb04549.x.

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Sicard, W. F. "U. S. S. JACOB JONES." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 28, no. 2 (March 18, 2009): 498–515. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1916.tb00050.x.

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Bruce, Bryson. "RIVER GUNBOATS FOR YANGTZE SERVICE U. S. S. GUAM AND U. S. S. TUTUILA." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 40, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1928.tb03667.x.

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Burgess, C. P. "PROGRESS IN AIRSHIP DESIGN FROM U. S. S. SHENANDOAH TO U. S. S. AKRON." Journal of the American Society for Naval Engineers 43, no. 3 (March 18, 2009): 419–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1559-3584.1931.tb03768.x.

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