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1

Stamova, Mariyana. "The Albanians in Yugoslavia from the late 1960s to the early 1980s." Historijski pogledi 4, no. 5 (May 31, 2021): 130–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.52259/historijskipogledi.2021.4.5.130.

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The paper focuses on the events after the Brioni plenum of the Central Committee of the LCY in 1966. The turning point for the development of the national relationships in the Yugoslav federation became namely the Brioni plenim. This plenum and its decisions led to a liberalization of the national relationships in Yugoslavia, thus to the outburst of the Albanian problem, which was severely suppressed to this moment. This is the first major victory for the Albanians in Yugoslavia. In this regard, a movement has begun among the Albanian population in the multinational federation with the main goal of achieving full national recognition, including republican status for Kosovo. This new policy towards the minorities in Yugoslavia was introduced after the middle of the 1960s. Its expression became the new constitutional definition of “Yugoslav peoples and ethnoses”, which had to substitute the term “national minorities”. That led to changes into the rights of Albanians in Yugoslavia, and as a result their socio-political activity drastically aroused. The Yugoslav party leadership started again to look for a solution of the Albanian issue. Significant Yugoslav financial aid and investments were directed towards Kosovo, aiming at a closer incorporation of the Albanians in the Yugoslav federation and an interruption of their connection with Albania. After the Brioni Plenum, the Albanian problem in the Yugoslav Federation entered a qualitatively new state. The events in the Autonomous Province of Kosovo and the neighboring Republic of Macedonia at the end of 1968 played an important role in the further development of this problem and in the changes in the constitutional, legal and socio-political development of the Yugoslav Federation. So after the demonstrations of the Albanian population in Kosovo and Macedonia at the end of 1968, a “creeping Albanization” started in Kosovo. The Albanian political elite and intelligencia played the most important role in the imposition of the “Albanization” as a political line at the end of the 1960s. Albanians hold all important posts in administration, culture, education and political life of Kosovo. That led to an increasing mistrust between the Albanian population and the Serbian-Montenegrin minority, and the last was forced to leave its homes and to migrate in other republics and regions. The political leadership in Prishtina insisted the autonomous region to get equal rights with the republics as a federal unit. That is how at the beginning of the 1970s Kosovo issue transferred into a problem of the whole Yugoslav federation, not only a Serbian one. The Albanians in Prishtina were involved into the confrontation Zagreb-Belgrade and acquired a support from the Croatian side, as well as the Slovenian one in the efforts to take their problem out of Serbia and to put it on a federal level at the League Communists of Yugoslavia (LCY) and the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia (SFRY). The processes in the political life of the autonomous region Kosovo were not isolated and were connected with the events in the Yugoslav federation as a whole, and precisely in Croatia at the end of the 1960s and the beginning of the 70s, which culmination was so-called “Zagreb Spring” in 1971. The Croatian crisis had an important influence on the national relationships in the federation and led to an inflammation of the national disputes. That had a direct impact on the political life of Kosovo. Searching for allies against Serbian hegemony and unitarism, which were the main danger for the Croatian republic, Zagreb’s political leadership supported Kosovo pretensions for the extension of the autonomous rights and the freedoms of the Albanians. The amendments to the federal system of Yugoslavia (1968-1971) and the new Yugoslav constitution from 1974 are reflected in Kosovo, which makes the Albanian problem not only a problem of Serbia, but also a common Yugoslav problem.
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2

Pavlović, Aleksandar. "Contribution to the research of attitudes about Albanians among Serbs in the Northern Kosovska Mitrovica." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 437–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-30072.

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In this paper the author presents a part of the results of field research conducted among Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica between 2011 and 2014. The motive of the research was to offer a contribution to the understanding of the position of the Serbs in this city in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. A part of the research was paid to the problem of the image of Albanians in the perception of Serbs in the context of mutual conflict and the division of Kosovska Mitrovica into two parts - northern, majorly Serbian, and southern - majorly Albanian. This topic has imposed itself practically from the very beginning of the research, due to the fact that the Serbs in Kosovska Mitrovica generally defined their everyday life after the war in 1999 through the picture of division towards Albanians. Theoretically, the research was relied on the concept of ethnic identity, or ethnicity. Starting from Roland Barthes' interpretation of this phenomenon, according to which it is reflective, what means defined by boundaries as a social product arising from the need of groups to differentiate between each other, the aim of the research was to provide ethnographic material useful for understanding the identity position of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of conflict with Albanian ethnic group. Methodologically viewed, the research was conducted by using an anthropological approach, which meant that the studied problem was analyzed at the interpersonal level and through the experiences of individuals. Attention was focused on the discourse, which means that the research topic was observed from the point of view of the testimonies of the respondents included in the research. The testimonies of the respondents were obtained by using in-depth, ie qualitative research methods, in the first place formal and informal interviews. The research showed that the identity discourse of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica towards Albanians was marked by distance, imbued with feelings of threat and distrust. Members of the Albanian ethnic group were observed through the generalizing prism of opposing others, so that they were attributed characteristics with most often diametrically different sign compared to the characteristics that the respondents attributed to themselves, to their own, Serbian ethnic group. On the one hand, the respondents attributed negative characteristics to Albanians, which they considered as not appropriate for Serbs. These characteristics were observed at a double level: 1) regardless of contacts with Serbs ("uncultured", "primitive", "uncivilized"); and 2) in the context of mutual contacts (hypocritical, pretentious, cunning, calculated, etc), ie from the aspect of the attitude towards Serbs which was generally described as hostile. Negative characteristics attributed to Albanians respondents perceived as features opposite to the characteristics of Serbs, which means that by emphasizing them, according to the principal of mutual contrast, they implicitly pointed to the positive values of their own, Serbian identity. On the other hand, the respondents attributed certain positive characteristics to Albanians, namely those that they considered to be in favor of members of Albanian ethnic group in relation to Serbs, which the Serbs lacked. These characteristics were also treated in contrast to Serbian characteristics, and they meant patience, tact, wisdom, diligence, meekness, keeping a given word. The results presented in the paper upgrades the results of previous research that included the analyses of the image of Albanians in the perceptions of Serbs in Kosovo and Metohija in the conditions of the altered socio-political context in this area after the war in 1999. Presented ethnographic material, obtained in period between 2011 and 2014, showed that Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica perceived Albanians primarily through the prism of simplified ideas, which viewed from identity aspect implied the perception of members of the Albanian ethnic group as violent, and members of their own, Serbian ethnic group as victims. Generalization as a form of opinion about Albanians in the statements of respondents was colored with the intertwining of negative and positive attitudes about the characteristics of members of the Albanian ethnic group, with the fact that these attitudes were expressed in such a way as to compare the characteristics of their own group. Yet, the research obtained several views which softened the contrast between Serbs and Albanians, by pointing out the elements of a social character common to each other. The image of Albanians, in the end, gained some complexity thanks to the attitudes of those respondents who spoke about members of this ethnic group through the perception of direct connections and personal experiences. This brought to light the attitude towards Albanian that in some measure deviated from the prevailing generalizations, which, from an analytical point of view, suggested that the image of members of this ethnic group in the perception of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica was not as simplified as in the context of mutual conflict it might seem so at first glance.
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3

Zarković, Vesna. "The role of Isa Boljetinac in Kolašin's events of 1901." Bastina, no. 53 (2021): 381–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina31-31184.

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Anarchy, which had occupied Ottoman's Empire in its last decade, had a negative impact on the position of Serbian population. Porte did not take more decisive measures to improve the situation in the field, but their politics was founded on the favouring of Albanians. Such attitude of Turkish authorities had long-lasting consequences, and Albanian unbridleness was getting larger. Oppressions were committed every day, and the main objective of Albanians was to break off compact settlements inhabited by Serbs as it was Ibarski Kolašin. Being found between Albanian oppressors from one side, and non-interested Turkish authorities, Serbs started arming themselves more actively. They purchased rifles in Serbia, and were given assistance by their compatriots, who escaping from villains, inhabited territory in the area of the Kingdom of Serbia along the border. Besides them, they were getting to weapon via some Albanians, with a certain monetary compensation. Albanians, after knowing that Serbs are being armed from Serbia, hoped more actively of their destruction. They requested from Turkish authority's weapon investigation in Ibarski Kolašin, and after the search of Shemsi pasha, in January of 1901 they were not pleased. In the summer of the same year, Isa Boljetinac with the help of his partisans was searching for weapon through Kolašin's villages, by committing crimes over innocent people. During the stay of Isa Boljetini in these areas the Kolašin's region had been deserted, and not only men were on strike but women and children as well. The only salvation from Isa's atrocities at that moment was the presence of Russian consul Mashkov, who, by the intervention via his embassy in Constantinople, managed to obtain the publication of imperial decree on the breaking of the weapon search. The publication of imperial decree and d the retreat of Isa Boljetinac from Ibarski Kolašin did not bring peace to Serbs. Namely, Isa was not pleased with the booty he had got during the summer of 1901 so that he was persuading other Albanian villains to go on with the weapon search in Kolašin's region.
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4

Zarković, Vesna. "The efforts of Isa Boletini before the opening of the Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26829.

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The role of Isa Boletini in the time of the opening of the Russian consulate in Kosovska Mitrovica was of crucial political importance for the Serbian people living there. It was the time of intense Albanians' oppression, which went unnoticed or ignored by the Turkish authorities. In the beginning, Isa Boletini was the protector of the Serbian population, whose consuls in Priština reported no crimes committed by him. Meanwhile, his actions reversed course. His activities were aimed against the Serbian people and the Turkish authorities, who in turn started losing their standing with the Albanians. With the growing support from the Austro-Hungarian Empire, the Albanians leaders organized numerous gatherings, which adversely affected the Serbian population. Those gatherings resulted in gradual renunciation of obedience such as avoiding to pay the Ottoman tax to the Sultan. Albanians opposition to the Russian consulate in Mitrovica rose to prominence. Consequently, the Russian representatives urge Constantinople to request for the Isa Boletini be removed from Mitrovica. The Sultan yielded to the Russian request, while Isa Boletini resisted and tried to bargain for himself, but eventually left for Constantinople. He hoped that the support of the local Albanians leaders would assure his swift return. His absence did not improve the position of the Serbian people, who were continually exposed to extortion and taxes.
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5

Zarković, Vesna. "Rebellion of the Albanians in Kosovo villayet in 1911." Bastina, no. 46 (2018): 213–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina1846213z.

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6

Chelidze, V. "Written Sources from Ancient Albanian-Georgian Communications (Sagdukht - Princess Rani and Queen of Kartli)." Язык и текст 7, no. 3 (2020): 89–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.17759/langt.2020070309.

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National-cultural and religious disappearance of the Christian countries of the Caucasus (Albania, Iberia, Armenia) from the V century was threatened by Persia. "Kartlis Tskhovreba" (History of Georgia) tells in detail about these acute and dramatic historical events. Historical writings from a later period show one feature of this region. The references to Rani (Aran) as Persia ("Mirian... called from Persia his relative, a descendant of kings, named Peroz") and the inhabitants of this country as Persians ("in Ran, wherever the Persians fought") should not be taken literally. In Georgian historical works, the terms "Persia" and" Persian " in addition to Persia and Persians also meant countries and peoples of the Near and Middle East-Arabs, Turks, and others: "Sultan Arfasaran came out, king of P e R s I I" (Leonti Mroveli, Life of kings); "P e R s I d s K I e s u l t a n s, far and near" ("Chronicle of the times of lash Giorgi", life of king Giorgi); "the Georgians entered the castle, and there was a strong battle, and p e R s s B a g d a d a were defeated" (Chronicle of the century). This situation is due to the fact that the entire territory to the East of the Caucasus for centuries belonged to and was ruled by the Persian Empire of the Achaemenid, Arshakid and Sasanian eras (much later the Arab Caliphate and then the Turkish Sultanate appeared on the historical scene). In Georgian historical texts, in particular in the chronicle "Life of the kings" by Leonti Mroveli, a logical geographical description is given about this – "Persians from the East of the sun". According to Georgian historical data, these peoples also include Albanians who lived to the East of the Georgians. One of the most notable historical events is an extensive episode of romantic love in the life of an Albanian Princess, the daughter of the ruler of Rani (Aran) Barzaboda and a thorough historical account of the dramatic state activities of the Queen of Kartli (Iberia), mother of the great Georgian king Vakhtang Gorgasal-S a g d u x t.
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7

Qerimi, Islam. "Special institutes of the Kanun of Lekë Dukagjini and its application in contemporary time among the Albanians." Zbornik Pravnog fakulteta Sveučilišta u Rijeci 41, no. 2 (2020): 591–606. http://dx.doi.org/10.30925/zpfsr.41.2.8.

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Svrha je ovog rada rasprava o primjeni nekih posebnih pravnih instituta Kanuna Lekë Dukagjina u suvremenom albanskom pravu. Tradicionalno, ovaj Kanun imao je, i još uvijek ima, utjecaj na svim područjima života Albanaca. Drugim riječima, primjena Kanuna još je izazov suvremenom pravnom sustavu jer narod nastavlja rješavati svoje prijepore temeljem Kanuna. Cilj ovog rada je objasniti pisano običajno pravo, istaknuti prednosti i mane njegove primjene kao i vezu s nekim pravilima javnog (kaznenog) i privatnog (građanskog) prava.
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8

Arapi, Ina. "Albania by the end of the 17th century and relations with neighbouring nations according to archbishop Pjetër Bogdani´s work "The band of the prophets" (1685)." Slavia Meridionalis 15 (September 25, 2015): 241–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2015.020.

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Albania by the end of the 17th century and relations with neighbouring nations according to archbishop Pjetër Bogdani´s work "The band of the prophets" (1685)The old Albanian literature (mid-16th – mid-17th century), which includes the philosophical–theological treaty Cuneus prophetarum by Pjetër Bogdani (Padua, 1685), was born and developed as a literature mainly of religious content for the needs of the Catholic religion. Regardless of the topic, this literature was created in a certain historical, cultural and social environment, namely that of northern Albania and the Albanian population that lived there. Hence, the data provided in this book constitutes an invaluable source through which we have the possibility of learning more about the way of life and the functioning of this part of Albanian society of that time. Interesting data on the situation of the Albanian language of that time is to be found in the preface of this work. The author urges Albanians not to let their language and science degenerate, but just as other nations do, they should make efforts concerning its evolution and development. But the alarm for destructing the mother tongue is linked with author and his contemporaries’ high conscious more than with the reality. In fact, Bogdani´s work itself proves that Albanian at that time had expressive possibilities equal to those of the Italian language. Not only the expressive and lexical richness, but the syntactic structure of phrases shows a high degree of development and elaboration in the Albanian language of that time.Examining the foreword of the book, we can learn that efforts were being made to unify the language and to develop one literary variant based on the dialect of the town of Shkodra. Bogdani also tried to adjust the language of his work according to this town’s dialect.Relations with Italian and Croatian intellectuals are clearly demonstrated in dithyrambic poetry and in the dedications at the beginning of the book. In this work, we also find data on Albanian mythology. Cuneus prophetarum occupies a special place in Albanian literature, because it is the first original work of prose, unlike previous writings, which were mainly translations. Albania u zmierzchu XVII wieku i jej stosunki z państwami sąsiedzkimi według "Oddziału proroków" arcybiskupa Pjetra Bogdaniego (1685)Utwór Pietra Bogdaniego Cuneus prophetarum (Padwa 1685) jest jednym z najważniejszych tekstów starej literatury albańskiej (XVI-XVII wieku), która rozwijała się na potrzeby Kościoła katolickiego i zawierała głównie treści religijne. Znaczna część tego utworu to traktat filozoficzno-teologiczny. Tekst, mimo że ma zasadniczo charakter religijny, odsyła także do kontekstu historycznego, kulturowego i społecznego północnej Albanii, stanowiąc tym samym bezcenne źródło informacji o sposobie życia i funkcjonowania części społeczeństwa albańskiego w tym czasie.Już we wstępie znajdują się ciekawe informacje na temat sytuacji języka albańskiego. Między innymi autor wzywa Albańczyków, by nie dopuścili do degeneracji języka i nauki, wzywa także inne narody, by dbały o rozwój języka. Ta troska o język ojczysty i obawa przed jego zepsuciem wiąże się z pozycją autora, który był świadom sytuacji bardziej niż ktokolwiek inny. W istocie sama praca Bogdaniego udowadnia, że w tym czasie język albański dysponował nie mniejszymi środkami ekspresji niż język włoski. Nie tylko bogactwo form i leksyki, lecz także struktury składniowe wskazują na ówczesny wysoki stopień jego rozwoju i na wysoki stopień świadomości językowej.Jednakże, jak można dostrzec we wstępie, nie podejmowano wysiłków w celu ujednolicenia języka. Rozwijał się głównie wariant literacki, oparty na dialekcie miasta Shkodra. Bogdani próbował również dostosować swój język do tego dialektu.Świadectwem związków autora z włoskimi i chorwackimi intelektualistami są poetyckie dytyramby zamieszczone w dedykacji. W utworze znajdujemy również informacje na temat mitologii albańskiej.Cuneus prophetarum zajmuje szczególne miejsce w literaturze albańskiej, ponieważ jest pierwszym oryginalnym, albańskim utworem prozatorskim.
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9

Goja, Bojan. "Oltar Sv. Jeronima u crkvi Sv. Šime u Zadru i radionica Bettamelli." Ars Adriatica, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 203. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.449.

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Based on the book, the full title of which is Registro delle Administrationi de Signori Governatori di San Gerolimo della Nation Oltramarinna in Dalmatia et Albania, this paper discusses the altar of St Jerome in the church of St Simeon at Zadar. It is already known that the altar was commissioned and maintained by the confraternity of Croatian and Albanian soldiers (Croatti a cavallo and Soldati Albanesi) founded in 1675 at Zadar, who were in the service of the Venetian Republic. New archival research has established that on 26 September 1694 the confraternity authorized the expense of 200 silver ducats intended for two Venetian carvers, the Bettamelli brothers, as a down payment for the making of the altar. The work on the altar began in April 1696 and several local master craftsmen took part in it: Zanotti, Rodo and Radičić, as well as smith Rosini. Since the Bettameli brothers, the makers of the altar of St Jerome, are not mentioned in the records by their first names, it should be noted that an altar-maker of the name of Alberto Bettamelli from Venice was responsible for the construction of the high altar and its tabernacle in the cathedral of St Maurus at Maniago (Friuli), as we learn from a contract made in 1693. Alberto Bettamelli also made the tabernacle in the parish church at Marsure (Aviano, Friuli). Bortolo Betamelli (Bettamelli), a tagliapietra, is mentioned between 1646 and 1682 in the ledgers containing contracts of apprenticeship to various sculptors, stone-cutters and carvers kept by the Giustizia Vecchia, a magistracy which supervised the activities of Venetian guilds. Two tabernacles have been attributed to the Bettamelli workshop: one on the high altar of the parish church at Maniago Libero (Maniago, Friuli) of 1694, and one in the parish church at Provesano (Friuli). Based on the records about the construction of the altar of St Jerome, it can be suggested that the coat of arms (composed of a cartouche with a shield emblazoned with a left-facing rampant lion and the initials C.C.S.F. above) depicted on the east pillar of the altar base, previously linked to the members of the Civran family, refers to Šimun Fanfogna (Zadar, 7 April 1663 - Lendinara, 6 March 1707), a Zadar nobleman and distinguished commander in the Venetian army who was the caretaker of the altar. The altar of St Jerome together with the surrounding area inside the church aisle - also called the chapel of St Jerome - represented an isolated unit delineated by a balustraded rail which could be used separately from the rest of the church, on certain occasions and festivities, by the members of the confraternity as well as the representatives of local and regional Venetian government at Zadar, and ecclesiastical and other dignitaries. Numerous works on the decoration of the altar and chapel of St Jerome were carried out throughout the whole of the eighteenth century and large numbers of local craftsmen skilled in different arts were engaged in them. Over a number of years, the Registro mentions the builders Antonio Piovesana (1742) and Antonio Bernardini (1789), the altar-maker Girolamo Picco (1756), the marangon Domenico Tomaselli (1743), blacksmith Antonelli (1744) and the goldsmiths Zorzi Cullisich (1738), Nicolò Giurovich (1752) and Giuseppe (Josip) Rado (1755). A number of other interesting pieces of information concerning the decoration of the altar and the activity of the confraternity of St Jerome is also presented.
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Slavković Mirić, Božica. "Srpsko-albanski odnosi u albanskom udžbeniku iz istorije za 9. razred osnovne škole na Kosovu i Metohiji." Tokovi istorije 29, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): 267–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.31212/tokovi.2021.1.sla.267-294.

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This paper analyzes Albanian Grade 9 history text- book currently in use in Kosovo and Metohija. Emphasis is placed on the important issues related to Serbian/Yugoslav-Albanian relations between 1918 and 2008.
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Trajanoski, Žarko, and Xhabir Ahmeti. "Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот." Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 143–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.51151/identities.v2i1.94.

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Author(s): Žarko Trajanoski | Жарко Трајаноски Title (Macedonian): Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот Title (Albanian): Spivak-u në Shkup: diskursi postkolonial në Ballkan dhe rreth tij Translated by (Macedonian to Albanian): Xhabir Ahmeti Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003) Publisher: Research Center in Gender Studies - Skopje and Euro-Balkan Institute Page Range: 143-153 Page Count: 10 Citation (Macedonian): Жарко Трајаноски, „Спивак во Скопје: пост-колонијалниот дискурс на и за Балканот“, Идентитети: списание за политика, род и култура, т. 2, бр. 1 (лето 2003): 143-153. Citation (Albanian): „Žarko Trajanoski, Spivak-u në Shkup: diskursi postcolonial në Ballkan dhe rreth tij“, përkthim nga Maqedonishtja Xhabir Ahmeti, Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 2, No. 1 (Summer 2003): 143-153.
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Dollani, Nada. "Consumer ADR: The Albanian experience in transposing EU Directive 2013/11." Revija Kopaonicke skole prirodnog prava 1, no. 1 (2019): 197–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/rkspp1901197d.

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la Castells, Marcel, Francesc Xavier Martínez de Osés, Kristofor Lapa, and Danilo Nikolić. "Prijedlog modernizacije i usklađivanja pomorskog kurikula u Crnoj Gori i Albaniji." Naše more 64, no. 1 (March 2017): 14–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.17818/nm/2017/1.3.

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Zarković, Vesna, and Aleksandar Savić. "Albanian rebellions in Kosovo villayet in 1910." Bastina, no. 46 (2018): 291–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina1845291z.

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Staka, Gloria, Flurije Asllani-Hoxha, and Venera Bimbashi. "Facial Anthropometric Norms among Kosovo - Albanian Adults." Acta Stomatologica Croatica 51, no. 3 (September 15, 2017): 195–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.15644/asc51/3/3.

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MANZINI, M. RITA, ANNA ROUSSOU, and LEONARDO M. SAVOIA. "Middle-passive voice in Albanian and Greek." Journal of Linguistics 52, no. 1 (March 24, 2015): 111–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226715000080.

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In this paper we consider middle-passive voice in Greek and Albanian, which shows a many-to-many mapping between LF and PF. Different morphosyntactic shapes (conditioned by tense or aspect) are compatible with the same set of interpretations, which include the passive, the reflexive, the anticausative, and the impersonal (in Albanian only). Conversely, each of these interpretations can be encoded by any of the available morphosyntactic structures. Specialized person inflections (in Greek and Albanian), the clitic$u$(Albanian) and the affix -th- (Greek) lexicalize the internal argument (or the sole argument of intransitive in Albanian) either as a variable, which is LF-interpreted as bound by the EPP position (passives, anticausatives, reflexives) or as generically closed (impersonals, in Albanian only). The ambiguity between passives, anticausatives and reflexives depends on the interpretation assigned to the external argument (generic closure, suppression or unification with the internal argument respectively). In perfect tenses, auxiliaryjam‘be’ in Albanian derives the expression of middle-passive voice due to its selectional requirement for a participle with an open position. Crucially, no hidden features/abstract heads encoding interpretation are postulated, nor any Distributed Morphology-style realizational component.
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Kolaneci, Fejzi, Juxhen Duzha, and Enxhi Lika. "Estimating Barro misery index in democratic states with application in Albania: 2005 – 2014." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 2, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v2i2.p142-160.

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In the present study we develop a statistical analysis of the Barro misery index and its components in contemporary democratic states with application in Republic of Albania during the period January 2005- December 2014. BMI is calculated by the formula: BMI = ? + u – GPD + i, where BMI denotes quarterly Barro misery index, ? denotes quarterly inflation rate, u denotes quarterly unemployment rate, GDP denotes quarterly real GDP growth rate, i denotes nominal long-term interest rate. Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem is a fundamental theorem of Modern Probability Theory “Fair game” and “Effective market in week sense” are important concepts of Macroeconomics. Some results of the study include : Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem is not valid for quarterly inflation rates in Albania during the period January 2005- December 2014 at the confidence 99. 9%. The inflation process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly inflation rate, is an unfair game at the confidence 98. 8%. The inflation process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly inflation rate, is not effective at the confidence 97. 5% Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem is not valid for quarterly unemployment rates in Albania during the specified period at the confidence 99. 9%. The unemployment process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly unemployment rate, is an unfair game at the confidence 99. 9%. The unemployment process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly unemployment rate, is not effective at the confidence 99. 9% The official data of the quarterly GDP growth rate for Albania during the specified period contradict Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem at the confidence 77. 1%. The GDP growth rate process for Albania during the specified period is a fair game at the confidence 86. 4%. The GDP growth rate process for Albania during the specified period is not effective at the confidence 99. 9%. The official data of the quarterly Barro misery index for Albania during the specified period contradict Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem at the confidence 96. 1%. The Barro misery index for Albania during the specified period is a fair game at the confidence 84. 8%. The Barro misery index process for Albania during the specified period is not effective at the confidence 63. 7%.
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Kolaneci, Fejzi, Juxhen Duzha, and Enxhi Lika. "Estimating Barro misery index in democratic states with application in Albania: 2005 – 2014." European Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 4, no. 2 (April 30, 2016): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejis.v4i2.p142-160.

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In the present study we develop a statistical analysis of the Barro misery index and its components in contemporary democratic states with application in Republic of Albania during the period January 2005- December 2014. BMI is calculated by the formula: BMI = ? + u – GPD + i, where BMI denotes quarterly Barro misery index, ? denotes quarterly inflation rate, u denotes quarterly unemployment rate, GDP denotes quarterly real GDP growth rate, i denotes nominal long-term interest rate. Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem is a fundamental theorem of Modern Probability Theory “Fair game” and “Effective market in week sense” are important concepts of Macroeconomics. Some results of the study include : Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem is not valid for quarterly inflation rates in Albania during the period January 2005- December 2014 at the confidence 99. 9%. The inflation process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly inflation rate, is an unfair game at the confidence 98. 8%. The inflation process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly inflation rate, is not effective at the confidence 97. 5% Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem is not valid for quarterly unemployment rates in Albania during the specified period at the confidence 99. 9%. The unemployment process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly unemployment rate, is an unfair game at the confidence 99. 9%. The unemployment process in Albania during the specified period, related to the quarterly unemployment rate, is not effective at the confidence 99. 9% The official data of the quarterly GDP growth rate for Albania during the specified period contradict Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem at the confidence 77. 1%. The GDP growth rate process for Albania during the specified period is a fair game at the confidence 86. 4%. The GDP growth rate process for Albania during the specified period is not effective at the confidence 99. 9%. The official data of the quarterly Barro misery index for Albania during the specified period contradict Kolmogorov’s Central Limit Theorem at the confidence 96. 1%. The Barro misery index for Albania during the specified period is a fair game at the confidence 84. 8%. The Barro misery index process for Albania during the specified period is not effective at the confidence 63. 7%.
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Kodra, Romeo. "Architectural monumentalism in transitional Albania." Studia ethnologica Croatica 29 (2017): 193–224. http://dx.doi.org/10.17234/sec.29.6.

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SHALA, Flamur, and Xhafer BEQIRAJ. "The Use of Contracted Forms of Albanian Language in Electronic Media Texts." PRIZREN SOCIAL SCIENCE JOURNAL 4, no. 3 (December 31, 2020): 47–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32936/pssj.v4i3.182.

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The contracted forms of literary Albanian are of dative case of all persons singular and plural and of the accusative case in the third person singular and plural. In certain syntactic constructions they merge and thus form connected contracted forms. When used near each other, the first is dative, while the second is accusative. Their use according to the norm are correct. Their topic in the sentence is arranged and a linguist or a lecturer should not miss the omissions in texts with short, separate, or connected forms. On the contrary, we encounter misuses of short forms of Albanian in texts of published and electronic media. They are incorrectly used in some syntactic constructions, marked by case in case, one by one. Contracted form locations and their referral to a different pronoun or name as a repetition of an object appear to be harmonized with the respective forms as an object or its repetition. They are placed in front of the verb forms of each tense. Except in imperative they have a double topic. The contracted forms during usage in the dative and accusative cases directly mark direct or indirect object. The contracted forms of the first and second person singular and plural, in the dative case, are often used to mark directly the indirect object. (p. 226) The misuse of the contracted forms is more common in the third person of the dative case when i.e. singular (i) is used instead of plural (u). We also encounter the incorrect use of the contracted forms of the second person plural of the dative case (juve) you instead of (atyre u). This research reveals the wrong use of contracted forms in the texts of some electronic media (portals) in Pristina and Tirana.
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Krasniqi, Meliza. "Minimalism in Literature - Musine Kokalari." European Journal of Language and Literature 4, no. 4 (November 29, 2018): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejls.v4i4.p54-59.

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Musine Kokalari is first Albanian prose writer, who in 1941 was awarded the “Doctor of Literature” by the University of Rome. She started her literary creation with poetry and literary outlines published in newspapers and magazines of the time, also publishing within a few years the books “Siç më thotë nenua plakë” (1939), “...sa u tunt jeta” (1944) and “Rreth vatrës” (1944). In the summer of 1939, Musine wrote the prose “Siç më thotë nenua plakë”, published in September of that year in the printing house “Gutenberg” in Tirana. Kokalari’s work is dedicated to the world and spirit of women. Through her stories she builds the identity, discourse, psychology, fate and misfortune of women. Characters and the narrator are women. These ten texts are closely related to each other, thematically, structurally and formally. In this paper we strive to determine the minimalist form of these proses that emerge through a sui generis artistic narrative. Keywords: Albanian literature, prose, minimalism, Kokalari, small worlds
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Nuro, Aurel, Elda Marku, and Bledar Murtaj. "Organochlorine pesticides and their residues in surface waters of Albania." Zastita materijala 59, no. 4 (2018): 475–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/zasmat1804475n.

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23

Kwoka, Tomasz. "Dzieje i pochodzenie zapożyczeń słownictwa z zakresu życia społecznego w Serbii i Czarnogórze do początku XX wieku." Slavia Meridionalis 10 (August 31, 2015): 185–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.11649/sm.2010.014.

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History and origin of language borrowings in social vocabulary of Serbia and Montenegro to the beginnings of 20th centuryThe article presents the main sources of language borrowings which developed the Serbian vocabulary within the scope of broadly defined social relationships and encompasses the period of time from the main sources of language borrowings till the beginnings of the 20th century. First of all the form of addressing family leaders and the most important family structures, the form of addressing of political, military and church leaders, the nomenclature of social layers’ members, officers as well as administration units have been included in the social vocabulary. Except the example of ways such borrowings were included into the Serbian language the article also presents history and politics background and socio-cultural conditioning in which the contacts and inter-language meetings took place. Some medieval borrowings from roman languages (Latin, Dalmatian dialects, and then Romanian) and Greek-Byzantine, and Turkish have been presented. We have tried to describe a wide stream of Turkish influence (with limited Italian and Albanian influence. Later periods were characterized by: German, Hungarian, Russian and later French. The work constitutes sort of supplement to the article of P. Ivić (Domaći i strani elementi u terminologiјi društvenog, ekonomskog i pravnog života u srednjovekovnoј Srbiјi as well as Razvoј terminologiјe u јeziku srednjovekovnikh Srba) which describes the influence of examined lexemes on social lexis, the ways of their adaptation and geography in the Serbian language area including especially history as well as socio-political background.
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Boriçi, Dr Sc Gjon. "Albania and Kosova in the Circle of Immigration Mobility in the XX Century." ILIRIA International Review 5, no. 2 (December 31, 2015): 253. http://dx.doi.org/10.21113/iir.v5i2.91.

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The European continent has been known throughout history for endless wars and conflicts. The first half of the XX century was too heavily burdened. Two destructive wars that brought immense nightmares. After 1945, the continent knew a 45 year peace. In the last ten years of the '90-ies the nationalistic conflicts were reborn in Europe, where without doubt the wars in the formerYugoslaviaoccupied the principal news in media. In these wars, the Albanian case is the most sensitive. Albanians are people divided in five states in theBalkan Peninsula. This element is enough to make the region have always in mind the Albanian question. After the fall of communism, Albanians were forced to immigrate due to difficult economic situation in the country. During the war in Kosova and the crises inMacedoniain 2001, the Albanians there were forced to move in order to escape genocide.The end of wars brought Albanians come closer toEuropethrough mobility. The old continent has been for years the forbidden dream of Albanians. The Albanians in the Balkan region faced very hard challenges during the XX century. In this article I have tried to compare the past mobility of Albanians with the present times and to draw the conclusion that in the first years of the XXI century, the dream of free movement of Albanians is put under question. The methodology that I have introduced in this article is mainly focused on historic issues of the past with elements of today in order to draw a comparative study between what has happened and what is expected to happen to Albanians in the Balkan region.In this article I have tried to make an effort to explain why Albanians were forced to move and why the territory of Albanians was turned into a violent greed by the neighbours. The descriptive and comparative elements that I have tried to introduce in this article possibly shed new light why this forced mobility among Albanians is still in a first view unstoppable
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Jovanka Ćirlić-Mentzel, Dorota. "Świat przedstawiony i nieprzedstawiony byłej Jugosławii na przełomie wieków." Miscellanea Posttotalitariana Wratislaviensia 4 (April 26, 2016): 101–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2353-8546.4.9.

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The world presented and not presented in the former Yugoslavia. Not everyone puts their eternal myths on banners in order to kill others. The question is how a nation transforms myths into art, and in particular into theatre. A sudden focus in the Yugoslavia, which no longer existed, on topics that used to be forbidden, was a natural reaction to the previous existence of taboo. When Poland was celebrating its accession to the European community, the citizens of Yugoslavia were experiencing the nightmare of war. Later, the transformation reached them as well. And with it came corruption, theft, gangsters and kitch-coloured life. The dissolution of Yugoslavia was overzealously supported by ideologues and politicians. The authors of the new generation, such as Biljana Srbljanović and Milena Marković Serbia, Ivana Sajko and Tena Štivičić Croatia, Dorutina Basha an Albanian from Kosovo, write about what people living in the former Yugoslavia lost irretrievably. And in this way they fight the servile function of art towards the official ideology. But does anyone want to hear what the theatre warns against? Transformation of the world is a political project, which always finds its place in the theatre, if only a group of people meet, sharing common beliefs and ideas and wishing to change the world. Someone said so once in the former Yugoslavia.Prikazan i neprikazan svet bivše Jugoslavije. Ne ispisuju svi svoje prastare mitove na barjacima kako bi ubijali druge. Ono što je bitno je kako svaki narod pretvara mitove u umetnost, a posebno u pozorište. Naglo okretanje prethodno zabranjenim temama bila je, u već nepostojećoj Jugoslaviji, prirodna reakcija na dotadašnje tabue. Dok se Poljska radovala zbog pridruženja ujedinjenoj Evropi, građani Jugoslavije doživljavali su košmar rata. Onda je i kod nijh stigla transformacija. A sa njom korupcija, lopovluk, gangsteri i kičasto-šareni život. Raspad Jugoslavije je postignut uz svesrdnu podršku ideologa i političara. O tome što su ljudi, koji su tamo živeli, nepovratno izgubili, pišu autori nove generacije kao što na primer Bilijana Srbljanović i Milena Marković Srbija, Ivana Sajko i Tena Štivičić Hrvatska, Dorutina Basha Albanka iz Kosowa. I na taj se način suprotstavljaju stavu da umetnost prati zvaničnu ideologiju. Ali da li iko želi da čuje na šta upozorava pozorište? Menjanje sveta je politički projekat koji će naći mesto u pozorištu kada se okupi grupa istomišljenika koji imaju volju da menjaju svet. Jednom je neko tako rekao u bivšoj Jugoslaviji.
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26

Hasani, Lavdi. "Ornamental plants in the Southern Region of Albania contaminated by entomoparasites of U/Order Coccoinea, Insecta Class." EUREKA: Life Sciences, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 32–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.21303/2504-5695.2021.001752.

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In this paper, one of the most specific groups of plant entomologists, that of the U/Order Coccoinea Class Insecta is taken into analysis. Below it is seen important to identify the problems of infections of a variety of ornamental plants, found in the Southern Region of Albania, precisely by this group of pests. The role of the quality of the natural environment in our health has recently taken tremendous priority in the context of the contamination of all forms in the wild nature and especially those in the air. Precisely, to increase the quality of our life, the establishment of major parks with a truly significant green space per unit of population, is one of the current main objectives of each country. In these conditions, those environments are pretty rich in a variety of plants that, in addition to the functional values of environmental creativity, also have many aesthetic values with relaxing power and positive effects on our physical and mental health This type of plants is represented not only by those that are cultivated directly in the nature, but also by those that are planted and cultivated in greenhouses, which from time to time we take them out to realize the required decorations and compositions, asked to cover the needs of the parks. The healthier these components of this environment are, the more effective is their role on our personal health. For this reason it is equally important to recognize the dangers that threaten this vegetation by disabling its main function, for which we, as citizens, are interested, due to the need of our health, to have it in the highest efficiency. On this basis arose the idea of a comprehensive study on the above group of insects, which in a form or another constitute some of its main pests. These insects, as a specific group of pests that feed on plant lymph, not only dry out the plant, but also transmit to it a series of viral diseases, leading the plant to complete degradation. Most of them spend the winter (one of the most delicate periods for their survival) as parasites on them. We show below, which of these entomophytes is found in this group of plants in the region in question. It is also shown, which of the analyzed plant species emerges as the most frequented by this group of pests. We also identify the prevalence of this pollution in both variety and percentage. On the basis of the analysis, the question is also what is the distribution of plant species encountered, at different altitudes above the sea level? The paper contains, figuratively, a series of morpho-defining characteristics of the representatives, mentioned in this paper. As will be seen in the following material, the truth is that this specific group of ornamental plants, part of the relaxing parks around the world, in our country turns out to be contaminated by a large number of these parasites. This shows that in order to carry out quality work in this direction, we must not leave without considering the role of these pests in this process. Thus, we will be able to control the quality and function of our recreational environments in the role, for which we realize them. For this reason, detailed data are given below. We have identified these parasites in about 15 (fifteen) species of these ornamental plants, taking into account that parks in our country are not valued for the size of the area, as in an inferior and small country. In this material we have identified the number and dynamics of parasites according to each plant and also according to their distribution in areas with different altitudes above the sea level. We also give a comparative report on the frequency of vulnerability of the various plants by representatives of these pests. Summarized in a table, we have given for each pest the plant variety that it frequents, noting, in which plant organ this parasite was most commonly found during our research. As it is a group with annual activity on the plants, we have data for each month that we have met them on this vegetation and for each plant organ, where they were met (in leaves, on stalks or even the fruit itself). Regarding the degree of the damage that they cause to the plants, given the many harmful valences they show, not all belong to the category of the very dangerous pests. Some enter the minor pests that are mostly caused by overlapping other diseases, some others into the normal pests and a more specific group enters the category of very powerful pests, the risk of which is maximized with other additional effects. These and other information are given in table Number 1 (one), with the required symbolism. Since this group of plants is the environmental generator, where we live and work, the work in question takes on practical importance and value
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Denda, Stefan, Jasna Micić, and Željko Bjeljac. "The actuality of Cvijic's research in the context of Serbian-Albanian relations in Kosovo and Metohija." Bastina, no. 46 (2018): 213–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina1845213d.

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28

Pavlović, Aleksandar. "The everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional status." Bastina, no. 51 (2020): 461–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/bastina30-26304.

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In this paper the author presents the results of the research of the everyday life of the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the altered socio-political context after the war on Kosovo and Metohija in 1999. The main attention is paid to the status and the functioning of institutions. The aim of the paper is to offer a contribution based on the conceptualization of the ethnographic field work material in order to give the account of the everyday experience of Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica in the conditions of the undefined institutional relations caused by the withdrawal of Serbian authorities from Kosovo and Metohija, the introduction of an international protectorate and the unilateral declaration of Kosovo independence. The results presented in this paper were obtained from the field research conducted several times from 2011 to 2015 in a total duration of over eight months. The change of social-political context after the war in 1999 led to major structural disruptions in Kosovo and Metohija. These disruptions were felt especially in the institutional sphere, where they reflected in almost all aspects of the everyday life of Serbs in this area. The undefined status of institutions, in this regard, has shown to be one of the key issues in the context of the everyday life of the Serb population in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica. The survival of the Serbian institutions for the Serbs in this town represented a confirmation of the presence of the Republic of Serbia in the North of Kosovo and Metohija, which was an important symbol of identification of the local Serbs with the state they considered their own. These institutions, on the other hand, have been under intense international and Albanian pressure since the war in 1999, i. e. under the constant threat of abolition, which caused a continuous feeling of insecurity among the Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica and the concerns regarding their own survival. In the conditions of contested legitimacy the Serbs did not accept the imposed instances of international and Kosovo administration, while the international regulatory bodies and Kosovo institutions did not recognize institutions of the Republic of Serbia, considering them "parallel", i. e. illegal. In Northern Kosovska Mitrovica this led to a social situation characterized by the absence of clearly defined authorities, especially in the domain of executive structures, in which the Serbs in this town led their everyday life in a gap between their needs for carrying out various daily practices on the one hand, and on the other the reality interwoven with intricate institutional relations. The Serbs in Northern Kosovska Mitrovica were forced to adapt to living in "parallel" realities, deprived of the "normalcy" of everyday life inherent in organized societies. Yet, even though they learned how to adapt to those circumstances and even how to take advantage of them, such a reality created a number of everyday problems which, in the conditions of general uncertainty, made their situation even more unfavorable.
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29

Mizsei, Edvárd, Bálint Üveges, Balázs Vági, Márton Szabolcs, Szabolcs Lengyel, Walter P. Pfliegler, Zoltán T. Nagy, and János P. Tóth. "Species distribution modelling leads to the discovery of new populations of one of the least known European snakes, Vipera ursinii graeca, in Albania." Amphibia-Reptilia 37, no. 1 (2016): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685381-00003031.

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Vipera ursinii graeca is a restricted-range, endemic snake of the Pindos mountain range in the southwestern Balkans. The subspecies was previously reported from eight localities in Greece and one locality in southern Albania. We used species distribution modelling based on climate data from known localities in Greece to estimate the potential distribution of the subspecies. The model predicted suitable areas for eleven mountains in southern Albania, which we visited in ten field expeditions in four years. Based on 78 live individuals and 33 shed skins, we validated the presence of the snake on eight of the eleven mountains. Six populations (Dhëmbel, Llofiz, Griba, Shendelli, Tomorr and Trebeshinë Mountains) are reported here for the first time. Morphological characters undoubtedly supported that all individuals found at these new localities belong to V. u. graeca. Genetic analysis of mitochondrial DNA sequences also confirmed the identity of the snakes as V. u. graeca and a low number of identified haplotypes suggested low genetic variability among populations despite significant spatial isolation. All localities were subalpine-alpine calcareous meadows above 1600 m. These high montane habitats are separated by deep valleys and are threatened by overgrazing, soil erosion, and a potential increase in the elevation of the tree line due to climate change. Our surveys increased the number of known populations by 60% and the known geographical range of the subspecies by approximately 30%. Our study serves as a baseline for further ecological research and for conservation measures for one of the least known European viperid snakes.
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30

Turnock, David, and Derek Hall. "Albania and the Albanians." Geographical Journal 162, no. 1 (March 1996): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3060239.

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31

Pettifer, James. "Albania and the Albanians." International Affairs 70, no. 4 (October 1994): 817. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2624632.

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Hann, Chris. "The Albanians of Rrogam." Anthropology Today 7, no. 6 (December 1991): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3033047.

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33

Acciai, Serena. "Developing Deroko's theories: Looking for the "incunabula" of Byzantine housing." SAJ - Serbian Architectural Journal 11, no. 3 (2019): 71–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/saj1901071a.

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Looking at the Byzantine palaces that have survived through centuries until today, such as the Palace of the Porphyrogenitus (Palace of Belisarius) in Istanbul, Aleksandar Deroko has underlined the essential distinction between two fundamental genres of Byzantine houses: monumental palaces made of stone and bricks and everyday houses made with a wooden structure. For centuries, the ordinary Byzantine house was considered as a "Turkish type". Deroko maintained that this classification was erroneous, as the Ottomans actually inherited "the Byzantine house" when they conquered the vast territory of the Byzantine Empire. The Byzantine house was adopted by the Ottomans and the people under their domination, and over the centuries it spread over a broad geographical area - from Anatolia to North Africa and to the Balkans. Unsurprisingly, it did not reflect a single heritage; instead, it mirrored the various cultures that fell under its rule. Based on Deroko's theories, one could consider locations such as Mount Athos, Ioannina, Prizren, Ohrid, Elena and even certain villages of Arbëreshë (Italo-Albanian) communities of South Italy as the "incunabula (the first examples, the origins) of Byzantine housing". Probably, thanks to their morphological characteristics and geographical isolation, some elements of this building type are still visible in these locations, even though they have been integrated into the local housing cultures. These buildings give subtle glimpses of the everyday Byzantine house.
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MARRONE, FEDERICO, GIANBATTISTA NARDI, SIMONE CIANFANELLI, MARIJAN GOVEDIČ, SALVATORE ALESSANDRO BARRA, MARCO ARCULEO, and MARCO BODON. "Diversity and taxonomy of the genus Unio Philipsson in Italy, with the designation of a neotype for Unio elongatulus C. Pfeiffer (Mollusca, Bivalvia, Unionidae)." Zootaxa 4545, no. 3 (January 17, 2019): 339. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.4545.3.2.

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Novel Unio spp. populations from Slovenia, the Italian peninsula, Sardinia and Sicily were genetically analysed in order to define the distribution and diversity of the genus Unio in Italy and neighbouring areas. The presence of two primarily allopatric autochtonous species, Unio elongatulus Pfeiffer, and Unio mancus Lamarck, is confirmed for the Italian peninsula, Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily.Autochthonous populations of Unio elongatulus are present in the peri-Adriatic drainages of the Italian and Balkan peninsulas, south as far as the Ofanto River (Apulia, Italy) and Lake Skadar (Albania), while its presence in the Tyrrhenian rivers of Tuscany is likely due to anthropogenic introduction events. Conversely, Unio mancus turtonii Payraudeau, an endangered peri-Tyrrhenian taxon, was found with autochthonous populations in the Apennine-Tyrrhenian drainages of peninsular Italy, eastern Mediterranean France, Corsica, Sardinia and Sicily, while the actual autochthony of the single population found in the Ionian basin of the Italian peninsula (Bradano River, Basilicata) deserves further investigation. The Italian population of U. mancus requienii Michaud, reported from Lake Montepulciano is to be considered allochthonous.The binomen U. elongatulus, although widely used in the recent scientific literature, was, to date, assigned to a doubtful species, because its type locality includes a large area inhabited by different Unio taxa, which are not clearly distinguishable by their shell alone; furthermore, no type material is present in historical collections. To retain the recently-used name, a new restricted type locality is established, where only U. elongatulus lives, and a neotype is designated. The validity of the subspecies of Unio mancus is also discussed and confirmed.Finally, hypotheses on the origin of Italian mussels, and considerations on their conservation status are discussed.
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35

Demjaha, Agon. "Inter-Ethnic Relations in Kosovo." SEEU Review 12, no. 1 (June 1, 2017): 181–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0013.

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AbstractThe paper aims to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Kosovo between ethnic Albanians and ethnic Serbs, with special focus on the period after unilateral declaration of independence of Kosovo in 2008. Inter-ethnic conflict in Kosovo has exclusively been over its territory since both Serbs and Albanians have made claims about history and ethno-demography to justify their alleged exclusive right to this ethnically mixed region. Consequently, inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have been rather problematic throughout the most of the 20thcentury. During this period Albanians in Kosovo have been subjected to discrimination, intimidation and even mass expulsion by Yugoslav/Serb authorities. In late 1990s, these relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo have progressively worsened and finally escalated in an armed warfare in 1999.Immediately after the war, Serbs in Kosovo were occasionally exposed to acts of inter-ethnic and retaliatory violence. Inter-ethnic relations between the two major ethnicities continued to be tense and fragile after independence of Kosovo in 2008. Dramatic changes of ethnic composition structure, atrocities and huge number of refugees due to the war, have left a legacy of deep mistrust and animosities between Albanians and Serbs in the newly created state. Consequently, Serbs in Kosovo have from the beginning refused to recognize Kosovo’s independence and have rigorously refused any governance by Kosovo authorities. Serbian community, especially in the North, claims stronger territorial autonomy, even separatism and unification with Serbia. The paper claims that in Kosovo inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. Therefore, paper concludes that only overall improvement of relations between Kosovo and Serbia could contribute to overall relaxation of inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Serbs in Kosovo. Unfortunately, the latest incidents between Kosovo and Serbia have increased the tensions between the two sides to alarming levels.
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Golemi, Marinela. "Othello in the Balkans: Performing Race Rhetoric on the Albanian Stage." Multicultural Shakespeare: Translation, Appropriation and Performance 22, no. 37 (December 30, 2020): 125–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2083-8530.22.08.

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This essay examines the racialized rhetoric in Fan Noli’s 1916 Othello translation and the racialized performance techniques employed in A.J. Ricko’s 1953 National Theatre of Albania production. Hoping to combat racial discrimination in Albania, Noli’s translation of Othello renders the Moor an exceptional Turk whose alienation in Venice was designed to mirror the Albanophobic experiences of Albanian immigrants. Moreover, the Albanian Othello can serve as a platform for addressing ethno-racial tensions between Albanians and Turks, northern and southern Albanians, and Albanians of color and white Albanians. Both Noli and Ricko believed there was an anti-racist power inherent within Shakespeare’s play. In the end, however, the race-based rhetoric in the Albanian language, the use of blackface make-up in performance, and the logic and rhetoric of Shakespeare’s play itself challenged these lofty goals for race-healing.
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37

Gjonça, Arjan, and Arland Thornton. "The Spread of Ideas Related to the Developmental Idealism Model in Albania." Sociology of Development 5, no. 3 (2019): 265–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sod.2019.5.3.265.

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In this paper we use data from a nationally representative survey conducted in Albania in 2005 to study the spread of the worldviews, values, and beliefs of developmental idealism in the country. We find that Albanians have adopted developmental idealism, with ideas about development and developmental hierarchies that are similar to those of international elites. A substantial majority of Albanians also endorse the developmental idealist belief of an association between socioeconomic development and family matters. Many perceive development as both a cause and an effect of family change, but with more seeing it as a cause than as an effect. Albanians also perceive development as more closely related to fertility and gender equality than to age at marriage. But despite believing that development and family change are related, most Albanians continue to endorse lifetime marriage and strong intergenerational relations. This unique perception of development and demographic behavior reflects Albania's unique history with regard to economic, political and social change. We conclude that despite living in one of the most radical state socialist regimes in the world, which tried to keep its population sealed off from the outside world for many years, Albanians endorse many of the elements of developmental idealism.
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38

Fischer, Bernd J., and Miranda Vickers. "The Albanians: A Modern History." American Historical Review 101, no. 5 (December 1996): 1581. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170271.

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39

Wukasch, Charles, and Miranda Vickers. "The Albanians: A Modern History." Slavic and East European Journal 41, no. 3 (1997): 527. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/310214.

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40

Radovanovic, Svetlana. "Albanians of the Sirinic district." Stanovnistvo 36, no. 1-2 (1998): 49–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/stnv9802049r.

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The Sirinic district is located in one of the four mountain valleys (Sirinic, Sredska, Opolje and Gora) in the Sara mountain region. Its geographic boundaries almost match the administrative borders of the commune of Strpce. It is first mentioned in Serb manuscripts of the first half of the XIV century. The census taken in 1455 by the Turks shows a relatively high density of Serb population. The Albanians immigrated to the Sirinic district from northern Albania after the second mass migration of Serb population in 1737. They came from north and east, from southern parts of Kosovo, Kacanicka gorge and the Valley of Skoplje. A larger-scale settlement of Albanians into the Sara mountain region was prevented by massive Islamization of native Serb population in the districts of Gora, Opolje and Sredska. Thus, a multi-ethnic buffer zone was formed during Turkish reign which has been basically preserved until today. For this particular reason the region has attracted interest of many domestic and foreign researchers ever since early XIX century. Elaboration of two multi-disciplinary scientific research projects by the Institute of Geography "Jovan Cvijic" of the Serb Academy of Science and Arts in the period from 1989 to 1994 was based on the same considerations. One of the projects is fully concerned with the Sirinic district and the author of this paper was asked to study migrations and the origins of Albanian population as well as to organize and conduct a population census in the commune of Strpce. Immigration of Albanians to the Sirinic district took place in several phases which ultimately led to the formation of five mixed Serb-Albanian settlements located between a group of four homogenous Albanian and seven such Serb settlements. Thus, a relatively stable ethnic and geographic structure was formed as early as in the XIX century. Its territorial and demographic proportions did not substantially change regardless of all tumultuous historical and political events that had since taken place. A more detailed analysis shows that the share of Albanians in total population of the district rose from about 29% in 1931 to only 33% in 1989 in spite of the natural increase in population in excess of 30 per thousand ever since the early 1980s. However, demographic growth of Albanian population remained much below the level of the biological reproduction rate due to intensive emigration i.e., a negative migratory balance ranging from 21.8 per thousand in 1961 to 26.5 per thousand in 1989. The causes for emigration were economic and, for decades, bound toward Kosovo, Western Macedonia and the Valley of Skoplje. Emigration to Turkey began in late XIX century, resumed during the Balkan Wars and was recorded again in the early 1980s (encouraged by the Balkan Treaty signed by the FPRY, Greece and Turkey) but did not much affect total demographic movement of Albanians in the Sirinic district. Economic emigration of population to Switzerland and Germany has been growing from the 1960s onward. This paper also reviews parallel existence and functioning of two crucially different homeostatic demographic systems - the Albanian and the Serb - in the same compact geographic environment. The paper also points to the preserved awareness of a fixed (tribal) affiliation and finally displays a detailed review of migratory dynamics and origins of Albanian population, number of houses (families) and the number of members of each clan in 1989.
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41

Clive, Nigel. "The Albanians: a modern history." International Affairs 71, no. 4 (October 1995): 881. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2625171.

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42

Paunic, Zoran, Neven Vavic, and Nada Dimkovic. "Serbian doctors and ethnic Albanians." Lancet 351, no. 9105 (March 1998): 830–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)78959-5.

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43

Agovino, Theresa. "Serbian doctors and ethnic Albanians." Lancet 351, no. 9105 (March 1998): 831. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0140-6736(05)78960-1.

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44

Mita, Rudina. "Religious Harmony, An Important Factor in the Political Unity of Albanians in Years 1912-1924." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2016): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v8i1.p26-30.

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In the years 1912-1924, Albania was the place in which were four religions: Islam, Orthodox, Catholic and Bectashi. The ideological, political, cultural, educational movement known as the Albanian National Renaissance, (`30 years of the XIX century until 1912 with the declaration of independence of Albania), it devoted an important attention of the political unity of Albanians face as chauvinistic platforms like Megaliideja and Narcetania. present at the time and at high risk for Albanians. The objective of these platforms was as much territorial and assimilationist. The equality of nationality and religion was an idea which was becoming bigger; who was turk was a Muslim, who was catholic was Latino, who was greek was Orthodox. Endangered the existence of a nation. Albanian Renaissance before 1912 aimed to find ways and approsiate means that political unity of Albanians does not sullied in front of assimilating platforms. An important political act for albanians was the Declaration of Independence from the Ottoman Empire on 28 XI.1912. In such a decisive moment religious unity should be an important part for the benefit of political unity. The motto of the Renaissance was "The religion of Albanians is Albanianism", which resulted successfully. During these years albanians demonstrate unity and religious tolerance for political unification. Among the facts that demonstrated this thing mentioned: The government proposed by Ismail Qemal (primeminister) in the moments of the declaration of independence was not approved by the Albanian personalities in the assembly of Vlora. As part of its dominant elements of the Muslim faith, being rewritten after the elements of the four religions in Albania. Proof of this religious unity was the Regency, (Supreme Council), in 1920 the functions of Monarch with four personalities of four religious which functioned until 1924. This clearly demonstrates that the Albanians of all religious in front of national interests were unique. Respecting religious affiliations between them.
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45

Demjaha, Agon. "THE STATE OF INTER-ETHNIC RELATIONS IN MACEDONIA AFTER 16 YEARS OF THE OHRID AGREEMENT." SEEU Review 12, no. 2 (December 20, 2017): 8–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/seeur-2017-0016.

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Abstract Inter-ethnic relations between Albanians and Macedonians in Macedonia have been rather problematic since the times of former Yugoslavia. After independence, the new constitution of the Republic of Macedonia instead of improving it has further downgraded the position of Albanians and other minorities living in the country. The non-fulfilment of Albanians’ core demands led to an armed conflict in 2001. The Ohrid Agreement has in addition to ending the armed conflict, also provided for a range of legislative and policy measures to improve the position of the Albanians by ensuring equality and minority protection. However, 16 years after the Ohrid Agreement, inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia still remain burdened by prejudice and stereotypes, rather than cooperation and mutual prosperity. The main aim of the paper is to analyse the state of inter-ethnic relations in Macedonia, with special focus on relations between ethnic Macedonians and ethnic Albanians. The paper also offers an analysis of main factors that contribute to inter-ethnic tensions in the country and explores possible scenarios in the future. The most relevant part of the paper analyses the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations. The paper claims that similarly to most of the countries in the Western Balkans, inter-ethnic and interstate relations are basically the components of the same equation. The paper concludes that in Macedonia, Kosovo rather than Albania is much more relevant for the causality between inter-ethnic and interstate relations in Macedonia, and it also offers several reasons to support such thesis. Accordingly, the overall inter-ethnic relations between Macedonians and Albanians in Macedonia heavily depend on inter-state relations between Macedonia and Kosovo and vice versa.
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46

Nikolov, Marjan, and Giorgio Brosio. "Efficient Delivery of Local Public Services in Ethnically Fragmented Municipalities." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 299–319. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.299-319(2015).

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Macedonia started its transition from a command to a market economy after its declaration of independence in 1991 from the former Yugoslavia. In 1991, ethnic Albanians abstained from voting for the first Macedonian constitution. Soon claims of ethnic Albanians in Macedonia started to aim at proportional representation in all political institutions, more education in the Albanian language at the university level and changes to the constitution proclaiming Macedonia to be a multi-ethnic country made up, on an equal basis, of Macedonians and Albanians. In 2001, immediately after the Macedonian parliament ratified a border treaty with Serbia, ethnic Albanians clashed with Macedonian armed forces. The clashes ended with the signing of the Ohrid Framework Agreement (OFA) in 2001. Decentralization was a main preferential policy choice out of the OFA. This paper estimates the efficiency of Macedonian municipalities by using the Stochastic Frontier Analysis (SFA). We hypothesise that ethnic fragmentation may have a negative impact on the efficiency of Macedonian municipalities. We also hypothesise that political variables at municipalities in Macedonia also have impact on the municipal efficiency.
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47

Kruja, Genti. "Interfaith Dialogue in Albania as a Model of Interreligious Harmony." Journal of Ethnic and Cultural Studies 7, no. 3 (August 28, 2020): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.29333/ejecs/377.

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Over many centuries, Albanians have been mostly followers of Islam, Catholicism, and Eastern Orthodoxy. There are also other smaller religious communities, including Muslim Bektashi, Protestantism, and Judaism. Christianity and Islam, have coexisted in Albania for centuries. Tolerance is a characteristic of Albanian people, which is probably related to their geopolitical position. Being at the intersection of East and West, Albanians were influenced by both. The lands of Albanians were the meeting and division point of the two greatest empires of the Middle Ages, the Roman and the Byzantine Empires. Experiencing many vicissitudes, this peaceful co-existence, as a national value of a small nation, has continued for centuries and is still ongoing. However, a communist government lasting from 1944 to 1991 imposed a severe prohibition of the practice of religion. The interreligious cooperation during the reopening of the first church and mosque in 1990 was an expression of tolerance despite even though the communist regime was still in power. This paper presents some essential historical facts as well as a sociological approach of the interfaith understanding among Albanians.
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48

Jera, Evalda. "Albania, a Wonderful Example of Coexistence and Religious Tolerance." European Journal of Social Sciences Education and Research 4, no. 1 (August 30, 2015): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.26417/ejser.v4i1.p153-156.

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If we refear to the history of humanity we note that the tolerance of human society is too early, it was born togather with the man. It should be noted that religious beliefs in Albania are and has always been characterized by a strong feeling and a sincere harmony which is reflected in the relations between people with different religious beliefs, as well as between religious people and atheists. Albanians are both Christian and Muslim, Catholic, Orthodox, and Bektashi. For centuries territories populated by Albanians has been remarkable for a unique interfaith tolerance. Religion has never been in the past and is not now a source of conflict in society. In the history of the Albanian religious, communities have always succeeded with a peacefully cooperation. This tolerance stems from the awareness of the Albanians that they belong to the same nation having a strong ethnic identity regardless of external factors affecting the determination of Albanians from other religions. In the Albanian national tradition, religious tolerance is one of the main characteristics of Albanian people morality . The interest of the nation has always been primary in relation to religious matters, it is first of all beeing Albanian. Albanian as well said Pasko Vasa in the nineteenth century "never churches and mosques can separate usbecouse the religion of Albanians is Albanianhood" and so, because of this we create a big example, a wonderful cooperation, a peaceful atmosphere and open the way for peace and friendship between people not only in Albani but worldwide.
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49

Atanasova, Ivanka Nedeva. "Transborder Ethnic Minorities and Their Impact on the Security of Southeastern Europe*." Nationalities Papers 32, no. 2 (June 2004): 355–440. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0090599042000230232.

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Ethnic issues have a paramount impact on the security of Southeastern Europe. The most recent proof of that has been NATO's involvement in the conflict between the Serbian government and the ethnic Albanians in Kosovo. Only NATO's involvement could reverse the highly destabilizing effect of the expulsion of over a million of the Kosovar Albanians by the Serb army and paramilitary forces beyond Kosovo's borders.
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50

ISHIMARU, Yumi. "Albanians in the Second Constitutional Regime." Bulletin of the Society for Near Eastern Studies in Japan 48, no. 2 (2005): 102–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5356/jorient.48.2_102.

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