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Journal articles on the topic 'Alcibiade'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 15 February 2022

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1

Betegh, Gabor. "Alcibiade, and: Alcibiades (review)." Classical World 99, no. 2 (2006): 185–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.2006.0027.

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2

Betegh, Gábor, Chantal Marboeuf, Platon, Plato, and Nicholas Denyer. "Platon, "Alcibiade"." Classical World 99, no. 2 (2006): 185. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4353038.

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3

Luppino Manes, Emma. "Tucidide e Alcibiade." Ktèma : civilisations de l'Orient, de la Grèce et de Rome antiques 28, no. 1 (2003): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ktema.2003.2362.

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4

Mazur, Natalia. "Alcibiade et son image à propos d’une épigramme d’Evgueni Baratynski." Revue des études slaves 87, no. 1 (May 2, 2016): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/res.778.

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5

Cavaillé, Jean-Pierre. "Antonio Rocco, Alcibiade enfant à l’école. Clandestinité, irréligion et sodomie." Tangence, no. 81 (April 24, 2007): 15–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/014959ar.

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L’article est consacré à la fois à l’histoire de la publication clandestine d’Alcibiade enfant à l’école, du xviie siècle à nos jours, et à l’analyse de son dispositif fictionnel et de ses ressources argumentatives. L’ouvrage relate en effet l’entreprise de séduction amoureuse et sexuelle d’un maître de philosophie sur son jeune élève, Alcibiade, fondée sur la persuasion et l’efficacité d’une argumentation idoine, où la philosophie joue un rôle déterminant : un rationalisme foncièrement naturaliste au service d’une éthique résolument hédoniste. Par l’étroite association d’une initiation sexuelle et d’un apprentissage philosophique, ce livre contribue ainsi à la constitution d’un genre qui trouvera une expression ultérieure dans la Satire sotadique de Chorier (ou Académie des dames), Thérèse philosophe et les romans de Sade. On se propose ici de réfléchir sur le sens de la clandestinité de cette oeuvre envisagée au premier chef dans sa composition même, comme discours puissamment transgressif, tout à la fois du fait de ses modes d’écriture, de sa représentation des moeurs et des idées exprimées, et rendu attractif pour ces raisons, mais contenant aussi en lui-même les modalités de son acceptabilité restreinte, comme un livret inoffensif de simple divertissement.
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6

Thein, Karel. "L’âme, l’homme et la connaissance de soi dans le Premier Alcibiade." Chôra 9 (2011): 171–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/chora2011/20129/109.

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7

Timotin, Andrei. "La théorie de la prière chez Jamblique." Articles spéciaux 70, no. 3 (August 31, 2015): 563–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1032792ar.

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L’objectif de cette étude est de dégager la structure générale et les articulations de la théorie de la prière de Jamblique et de préciser sa place dans l’histoire du platonisme. Elle montre comment la doctrine de la prière remplace, chez Jamblique, la démonologie médio-platonicienne en tant que théorie de la médiation (cosmologique et religieuse) entre les hommes et les dieux. Cette transformation permet de comprendre l’évolution de la théorie de la prière, dans le cadre de l’histoire du platonisme, d’une pratique religieuse à caractère philosophique (Second Alcibiade, Maxime de Tyr, Porphyre) vers une réalité d’ordre métaphysique (Jamblique).
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8

Agostini, Marie. "La question de la transmission de la vertu dans le Premier Alcibiade de Platon." Le Télémaque N° 55, no. 1 (2019): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tele.055.0137.

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9

Denyer, Nicholas. "J.-F. Pradeau (trans.): Platon: Alcibiade. Pp. 243. Paris: G. F. Flammarion, 1999. Paper, frs. 39. ISBN: 2-08070988-7." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 278–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00380027.

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10

Pentassuglio, Francesca. "Sócrates sobre a virtude e o autoconhecimento no Alcibíades I e no Alcibíades de Aeschines." Revista Archai, no. 12 (2014): 65–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/1984-249x_12_7.

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11

Daugherty, Gregory N., and Walter Ellis. "Alcibiades." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 397. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350866.

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12

Sheppard, Anne. "A. Ph. Segonds: Proclus. Sur le premier Alcibiade de Platon, Tome II. (Collection des Universitiés de France (Budé).) Pp. 260 (text double). Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1986." Classical Review 38, no. 1 (April 1988): 150. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x00113927.

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13

Todd, Robert B. M., and Nicholas Denyer. "Plato: Alcibiades." Phoenix 57, no. 3/4 (2003): 340. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3648526.

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14

Ferrari, G. R. F. "PLATO’S ALCIBIADES." Classical Review 53, no. 2 (October 2003): 296–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.2.296.

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15

Edwards, Michael J. "AGAINST ALCIBIADES." Classical Review 48, no. 2 (October 1998): 282–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009840x98350015.

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16

Mulhern, J. J. "Alcibiades (review)." Journal of the History of Philosophy 41, no. 2 (2003): 265–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hph.2003.0018.

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17

Cornelli, Gabriele. "Socrates and Alcibiades." PLATO JOURNAL 14 (July 22, 2015): 39–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2183-4105_14_3.

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In Plato’s Symposium eros and paideia draw the fabric of dramatic and rhetorical speeches and, especially, the picture of the relation between Socrates and Alcibiades. This paper will focus, firstly, on two important facts, which are essential for the correct understanding of the dialogue, both of which appear at the beginning. First, it is said that Socrates, Alcibiades and the others (172 b) were present at the famous banquet, and second, that the banquet and the erotic speeches of the participants were so celebrated as to attract the attention for several decades to come. So, the memory of that symposium is thus the memory, far beyond the other symposiasts, and through the erotic speeches, of something precise: that is, a particularly significant relationship, that between Socrates and Alcibiades. What matters most for the aim of this paper is the fact that Alcibiades is considered one of the major reasons for the defeat of Athens and the main cause of the crisis into which the city was plunged during the last years of 5th century BC. Due to the distrust of the city towards the groups of ‘philosophers’ that remitted to Alcibiades’ group, it is no surprise that the so-called Socratics committed themselves to refuting the accusation of Socrates having been Alcibiades’ mentor, to the point of reversing the charge. In the same way as the others Plato, also a Socratic, concerns himself with what might be called the ‘Alcibiades’ Connection’. Realizing there obviously was no way to deny the deep connection between Socrates and Alcibiades, he uses a clever dramatic construction with the intention of operating a political intervention upon the memory of this relationship, that is, of rewriting history, with the intent of relieving him of a more precise charge, which must have especially weighed upon Plato andupon Socrates’ memory: of him having been Alcibiades’ lover/mentor. This Platonic apology is based, ultimately, in a clever rhetorical strategy, which emphasizes the now traditional sexual paranomia of Alcibiades, in order tomake him guilty of an attempted excessive and outrageous seduction not only of Socrates, but of the polis itself. Reusing comic and oratorical/rhetorical motifs of his time, therefore, Plato deepens the J’accuse against Alcibiades, trying to withdraw him from the orbit of Socrates and the Socratics.
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18

Lang, Mabel L. "Alcibiades vs. Phrynichus." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 1 (May 1996): 289–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.1.289.

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Thucydides' account (8.50–1) of the Athenian general Phrynichus' secret correspondence with the Spartan admiral Astyochus is both troubling and obscure. It may be summarized as follows: Phrynichus, having eloquently opposed Alcibiades' efforts to be recalled from exile and fearing that a repatriated Alcibiades would take vengeance on him, wrote to Astyochus revealing Alcibiades' pro-Athenian (anti-Spartan) activities. Astyochus handed the letter to Alcibiades, who then wrote to the ranking Athenians on Samos concerning Phrynichus' ‘treason’ and demanded his execution. Phrynichus then wrote again to Astyochus, now proposing to make it possible for the Spartans to destroy the whole Athenian force at Samos.
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19

Dominick, Yancy Hughes. "IMAGES FOR THE SAKE OF THE TRUTH IN PLATO'S SYMPOSIUM." Classical Quarterly 63, no. 2 (November 8, 2013): 558–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838813000098.

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After arriving drunk (‘plastered’ in one translation) at Agathon's party, Alcibiades offers to praise Socrates instead of love, the object of the other characters' praise. In praising Socrates, Alcibiades says that he will have to use images (εἰκόνων, 215a4–5). He assures his companions, however, that this ‘is no joke: the image will be for the sake of the truth’ (ἔσται δ' ἡ εἰκὼν τοῦ ἀληθοῦς ἕνεκα, οὐ τοῦ γελοίου, 215a6). Alcibiades goes on to present his famous images of a Socrates who is full of divine images (ἀγάλματα), and who casts spells with his words (λόγοι). Later, Alcibiades describes those words themselves as ‘bursting with images of virtue’ (ἀγάλματ' ἀρετῆς, 222a3–4).
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20

Candiotto, Laura. "On the Epistemic Value of Eros. The Relationship Between Socrates and Alcibiades." Peitho. Examina Antiqua 8, no. 1 (October 24, 2017): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2017.1.14.

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Several key lines concerning the relationship between Socrates and Alcibiades, extracted from the Symposium and the Alcibiades 1, are discussed for the purpose of detecting the epistemic value that Plato attributed to eros in his new model of education. As result of this analysis, I argue for the philosophical significance of the relationship between Socrates and Alcibiades as a clear example – even when failed – of the epistemic role of eros in the dialogically extended knowledge.
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21

Candiotto, Laura. "On the Epistemic Value of Eros. The Relationship Between Socrates and Alcibiades." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(8) (October 24, 2017): 225–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/peitho.2017.12227.

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Several key lines concerning the relationship between Socrates and Alcibiades, extracted from the Symposium and the Alcibiades 1, are discussed for the purpose of detecting the epistemic value that Plato attributed to eros in his new model of education. As result of this analysis, I argue for the philosophical significance of the relationship between Socrates and Alcibiades as a clear example – even when failed – of the epistemic role of eros in the dialogically extended knowledge.
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22

Αθήνη, Στέση. "Οι νεοελληνικές τύχες του Αλκιβιάδη ως το τέλος του 19ου αιώνα." Σύγκριση 25 (May 16, 2016): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/comparison.8787.

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The beginning of the closer acquaintance of Modern Greek literature with Alcibiades’ forceful personality is located during the years of Greek Enlightenment, with the discovery of the world of History and the “return to the antiquity” through foreign texts, translated into Greek. Nevertheless, Alcibiades’ appearance as a literary character was delayed compared with his reach European literary fortunes. Alcibiades appears in 1837 through Alcibiades byAugustusGottliebMeissner, a translated “bildungsroman” from German, and half a century later through a second translation, from Italian this time, the homonymous FelicioCavallotti’s historical drama (1889). Examining closely these two texts and considering their presence in the source literatures as well as the terms of their reception in Greek it is concluded that Socrates’ disciple array with literary raiment served the ideological schema aiming at the strengthening of the relations between Modern Greek culture and antiquity and simultaneously the European family.
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23

Wohl, Victoria. "The Eros of Alcibiades." Classical Antiquity 18, no. 2 (October 1, 1999): 349–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25011105.

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Alcibiades is one of the most explicitly sexualized figures in fifth-century Athens, a "lover of the people" whom the demos "love and hate and long to possess" (Ar. Frogs 1425). But his eros fits ill with the normative sexuality of the democratic citizen as we usually imagine it. Simultaneously lover and beloved, effeminate and womanizer, Alcibiades is essentially paranomos, lawless or perverse. This paper explores the relation between Alcibiades' paranomia and the norms of Athenian sexuality, and argues that his eros reveals an intrinsic instability within the sexual economy of the democracy: the desire he embodied blurred the categories that defined Athenian masculinity; the desire he inspired rendered the demos passive and "soft." This same instability can be seen in Thucydides' juxtaposition of the mutilation of the Herms and the legend of Harmodius and Aristogeiton. These two episodes (obscurely linked by Thucydides) together tell of an idealized citizen body under threat. The tyrannicide story figures the democratic citizen as an elite lover, whose sexual dominance is vital to his political autonomy. The Herms, with their prominent phalloi, symbolized this citizen-lover, and thus their mutilation was an assault on the masculinity, as well as political power, of the demos. The tyrannicide legend seems to promise a defense against this threat of civic castration; but instead of shoring up the sexually-dominant citizen, Thucydides' version of the legend merely reveals his frailty and fictionality: even in Athens' heroic past there is no inviolable democratic eros to cure the impotence of mutilation and tyranny. Reading these two episodes against the backdrop of Alcibiades' paranomia (as described by Plutarch and Plato), this paper examines the nature of democratic masculinity, the (eroticized) relation between demagogue and demos, and the place of perverse desire within the protocols of sex.
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24

Finlay, John. "The Night of Alcibiades." Hudson Review 47, no. 1 (1994): 57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3852157.

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25

Vickers, Michael. "Alcibiades at Sparta: AristophanesBirds." Classical Quarterly 45, no. 2 (December 1995): 339–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800043445.

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Although there is a long tradition, going back at least to the tenth century, that would see Aristophanes'Birds(performed in the spring of 414 B.C.) as somehow related to the exile in Lacedaemon of Alcibiades, and to the fortification of the Attic township of Decelea by his Spartan hosts (Arg. Av. 1 Coulon), current scholarship surroundingBirdsis firmly in the hands of those who are antipathetic to seeing the creation of Cloudcuckooland in terms of a political allegory. ‘The majority of scholars today…flatly reject a political reading’;Birdshas ‘no strong and obvious connection with a topical question of public interest’; ‘attempts to find inBirdsany extensive allegorical comment…are unconvincing’. Not only is it widely believed that ‘Birds… is strangely free of political concerns’. but also that ‘the theme of theBirdsis absurdity itself…it is about meaninglessness’ (ibid. 179). This is a tradition that descends from A. W. von Schlegel, for whomBirdswas ‘merely a “Lustspiel”, full of imagination and the marvellous, with amusing touches at everything, but with no particular object’. This approach was reinforced by the fact that by the second half of the nineteenth century, the allegorists had apparently spun out of control. By 1879, there were no fewer than 79 accounts of theTendenzof theBirds—some political, some ‘escapist fantasy’–on offer. The most influential allegorical interpretation ofBirdswas J. W. Suvern's study of 1826, but which is now generally dismissed, and only mentioned to be held up as a warning to those who might be tempted to take the allegorical route. This paper takes a different point of departure, namely Pierre Brumoy'sLe thétre des grecs(Paris, 1730), an allegorical treatment that is full of good sense, and which was too hastily dismissed by Suvern, and ignored by others.
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HOPKINSON, N. "PLATO, ALCIBIADES I 122e." Classical Quarterly 58, no. 2 (December 2008): 673. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838808000736.

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27

Ambler, Wayne. "On Socrates and Alcibiades." Perspectives on Political Science 39, no. 4 (October 7, 2010): 198–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10457097.2010.514561.

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Stephenson, Wendell. "St. Francis and alcibiades." Philosophia 27, no. 1-2 (March 1999): 59–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02380995.

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29

Tiffany, Grace. "Shakespeare's Dionysian Prince: Drama, Politics, and the "Athenian" History Play." Renaissance Quarterly 52, no. 2 (1999): 366–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2902057.

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AbstractThis essay argues that Shakespeare drew on Plutarch's and Plato's representations of the Greek general Alcibiades in his representation of Prince Hal/King Henry V, and on classical and Renaissance representations of Socrates for his representation of Prince Hal's "tutor," Falstaff. Crucial to Shakespeare's adaption of these classical "characters" were the writings of Erasmus and Rabelais, which represented Socrates as both sophist and jovial Silenus. Shakespeare was also influenced by the association Symposium makes between Alcibiades and Dionysus, god of wine and of the theater. Consequently Hal/Henry emerges as a Dionysian Alcibiades, trained in sophistry by his Silenic Socrates, Falstaff, and able to dazzle his subjects with mystical rhetoric and to convert war to Dionysian play.
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30

Partridge, John. "Colloquium 3 Commentary on Giannopoulou." Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium of Ancient Philosophy 30, no. 1 (May 7, 2015): 95–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134417-00301p09.

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In these comments I express doubts about the success of one aspect of Giannopoulou’s intertextual reading of the Theaetetus and Alcibiades I. I argue that the role of interpersonal eros in prompting or bringing about self-knowledge in another is not adequately accounted for; it is not clear what an eros adds to the dialectic in the Alcibiades. If a robust role for eros as a vehicle of self-knowledge is sought, then the Phaedrus is the more illuminating dialogue because it shows how the lover and beloved are transformed by their eros. But comparisons to the Phaedrus would draw the Alcibiades away from the view of self-knowledge found in the Apology and in Giannopoulou’s interpretation of the Theaetetus.
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31

Blank, David L. "The Arousal of Emotion in Plato's Dialogues." Classical Quarterly 43, no. 2 (December 1993): 428–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000983880003994x.

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In Aeschines' dialogue Alcibiades, Socrates sees his brilliant young partner's haughty attitude towards the great Themistocles. Thereupon he gives an encomium of Themistocles, a man whose wisdom and arete, great as they were, could not save him from ostracism by his own people. This encomium has an extraordinary effect on Alcibiades: he cries and in his despair places his head upon Socrates' knee, realizing that he is nowhere near as good a man as Themistocles (Aesch., Ale. fr. 9 Dittm. = Ael. Aristid. 286.2). Aeschines later has Socrates say that he would have been foolish to think he could have helped Alcibiades by virtue of any art or knowledge, but nonetheless by some divine dispensation he has, in virtue of the eros he felt for the youth, been allowed to make him better (fr. lla, c Dittm. = Ael. Aristid., Rhet. 17).
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Shanahan, Colm. "Alcibiades’ Akrasia: Reason for Wrongdoing?" International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 13, no. 2 (November 14, 2019): 131–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18725473-12341439.

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Abstract I will argue that, due to the level of attention given to comparing and contrasting Socratic Intellectualism with the Republic, the question of the possibility of akrasia in Plato’s thought has not yet been adequately formulated. I will instead be focusing on Plato’s Symposium, situating Alcibiades at its epicentre and suggesting that his case should be read as highlighting some of Plato’s concerns with Socratic Intellectualism. These concerns arise from the following position of Socratic Intellectualism: knowing the greater good will necessarily entail doing good, and will thereby remove the motivational content of prior knowledge of what is good. Through Alcibiades, Plato explores the possibility of a negative reaction to knowledge of the greater good. Importantly, rather than simply arising as a result of being overcome by the passions, Alcibiades’ negative reaction assumes that rational freedom is required to reject the greater good (virtue) in favour of the lesser.
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Sheffield, Frisbee C. C. "Alcibiades' Speech: A Satyric Drama." Greece and Rome 48, no. 2 (October 2001): 193–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/48.2.193.

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34

Barbosa, Tereza Virgínia Ribeiro. "O silêncio de Foucault para o Alcebíades de Plutarco." Nuntius Antiquus 6 (December 31, 2010): 201–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17851/1983-3636.6..201-217.

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We intend to relate Plutarch and Foucault through a character present in the work of both thinkers, namely, Alcibiades, the eugenés. A comparison between the two representations shows that the focus of interest differs in each case. Our reflection is based on the following questions: Why doesn’t Foucault discuss Plutarch’s Alcibiades in The Hermeneutics of the Subject? Would it be because, unlike Plato, the Greek moralist reveals the aristocrat as a failure, as the result of a mistaken pedagogical choice or as the portrait of his community?
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35

Giannopoulou, Zina. "Colloquium 3 Self-Knowledge in Plato’s Theaetetus and Alcibiades I." Proceedings of the Boston Area Colloquium of Ancient Philosophy 30, no. 1 (May 7, 2015): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134417-00301p08.

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In this work, I argue that in Theaetetus and Alcibiades I Socrates helps the eponymous characters to acquire self-knowledge by practicing dialectic as a divinely assisted art. In both dialogues, self-knowledge is cashed out as mental seeing and involves inspecting the contents of one’s soul and assessing their viability. The article uses the eye/soul analogy of Alcibiades I as a springboard for an examination of a dialectically induced self-knowledge in the dialogue and for a study of the manifestations of this practice in Theaetetus via Socratic midwifery.
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36

Gygax, Marc Domingo. "Plutarch on Alcibiades' Return to Athens." Mnemosyne 59, no. 4 (2006): 481–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852506778880996.

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AbstractA passage of Plutarch's biography of Alcibiades (Alc. 33.2) invites us to explore the way Athens rewarded its benefactors in the fifth and fourth century, especially the first awards of crowns to citizens. This article challenges the widespread assumption that Alcibiades' crowning with gold when he came back to Athens from his exile is an invention by Plutarch or a previous source. First, there is evidence that the crowning was known to other ancient authors. Furthermore, if one takes into consideration not only inscriptions, but also literary sources, Plutarch's report is not an isolated piece of information. It fits well in the history of the Athenian practice of bestowing honors. It has precedents in Athens, continuity after Alcibiades, parallels in other cities, and corresponds to the behavior one would expect from the dêmos as well as from a benefactor at the end of the fifth century. When viewed in this light, Plutarch's information may help us to understand the first stages of the institution of honoring fellow citizens, which was to become so important in later times.
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37

Nývlt, Pavel. "Was Alcibiades an informant of Thucydides?" Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 54, no. 4 (December 2014): 381–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/068.2014.54.4.3.

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38

Minnick, Nicole Francine. "An Enigma: Montaigne, Admirer of Alcibiades." South Atlantic Review 61, no. 2 (1996): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3201408.

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39

Tarrant, Harold. "Proclus: Commentary on the First Alcibiades." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 5, no. 2 (2011): 315–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254711x589778.

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40

Terezis, Christos, and Marilena Tsakoymaki. "Divine Eros and Divine Providence in Proclus’ Educational System." Peitho. Examina Antiqua, no. 1(5) (January 24, 2015): 163–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2014.1.7.

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This study examines the way in which the Neoplatonic philosopher Proclus treats an episode of the dialectic communication between Socrates and Alcibiades in the Platonic dialogue Alcibiades I. More specifically, it refers to how the characteristics and the choices of two different types of lovers – the divinely inspired one and the vulgar one – are displayed in the aforementioned text. The characterization ‘divinely inspired lover’ befits a person who communicates in a pure way with his beloved one and attempts to teach the latter the objective values of the intellect. By contrast, the characterization of the ‘vulgar lover’ befits that individual that approaches another individual exclusively on the basis of his external beauty. The first type of lover is presented within the realms of the permanently qualitative, while the second as someone who satisfies solemnly his subjectivity and his instincts. Furthermore, it is interesting to note that Proclus argues that Socrates, whom he considers to represent the very definition of a divinely inspired lover, is inspired by divine powers and attempts to act towards to his fellows – in this instance to Alcibiades – in the way through which the divine providence is revealed.
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41

Larivée, Annie. "Eros Tyrannos: Alcibiades as the Model of the Tyrant in Book IX of the Republic." International Journal of the Platonic Tradition 6, no. 1 (2012): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254712x619575.

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Abstract The aim of this article is to make use of recent research on ‘political eros’ in order to clarify the connection that Plato establishes between erosand tyranny in RepublicIX, specifically by elucidating the intertextuality between Plato’s work and the various historical accounts of Alcibiades. An examination of the lexicon used in these accounts will allow us to resolve certain interpretive difficulties that, to my knowledge, no other commentator has elucidated: why does Socrates blame erosfor the decline from democracy into tyranny? What does he mean by ‘ eros’ here, and what link existed between erosand tyranny in the minds of his contemporaries? And finally, who are the mysterious ‘tyrant-makers’ ( turannopoioí, 572e5-6) who, according to Socrates, introduce a destructive erosin the soul of the future tyrant? After a careful examination of the passage from book IX on the genesis of the tyrannical man (focused on the last stage of the metamorphosis, which is concerned with éros túrannos, 572d-573b), I will offer answers to these questions by turning to the writings of Thucydides, Aristophanes and Plutarch while examining the portrait of Alcibiades that Plato paints in the Alcibiades Iand Symposium.
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42

Jirsa, Jakub. "Politics in Socrates’ Alcibiades: A Philosophical Account of Plato’s Dialogue Alcibiades Major, written by Andre Archie." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 34, no. 1 (April 4, 2017): 172–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340112.

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43

Mazzara, Giuseppe. "Plato: Smp. 212e4-223a9. Alcibiades: An Eulogy of Which Socrates? That of Plato, That of Antisthenes and Xenophon or That of All Three?" Peitho. Examina Antiqua 7, no. 1 (March 17, 2016): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pea.2016.1.2.

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In the Symposium, there are two revelations: one is that of the woman of Mantinea, the other that of Alcibiades. The former (201d 1–212e 3) proposes a Socrates reshaped by Plato, but what Socrates does the latter (216a 6–217a 3) express? Can the praise for Socrates contained in the latter also be considered a tribute by Plato to his teacher? The opinions are divided. I looked at two scholars: Michel Narcy (2008) and Bruno Centrone (20142 ), whose judgments, as they are set out and argued, are irreconcilable. The contrast may be determined by a certain ambiguity in Plato’s attitude towards Alcibiades. Part One – In order to clarify this ambiguity and to overcome the contrast between the two scholars I have tried to show how in the praise of Alcibiades there overlap different portraits of Socrates that refer to the tradition, to different experiences of various Socratics and of Plato himself in Apologia, and how this differs from the others and from himself by proposing a whole new portrait of Socrates as a representative of an Eros megas daimōn, revealed by the woman of Mantinea, in contrast to an Eros megas theos. Part Two – As instead regards the accusation of hybris, the hypothesis is this: for Plato his colleagues, and especially Antisthenes and Xenophon, offering an image of Socrates founded exclusively on his way of life and not also on the erotic aspects alluding to the supersensible world, seem to end up arousing laughter and looking like “fools” (nēpioi), like Alcibiades, who at the end of his speech, after making the audience laugh, is unmasked by Socrates for his clumsy attempt to impart a “life lesson” to Agathon, which he did not need at all, paying at his own expenses for his ignorance of the revelation through arriving late at the party.
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44

Joosse, Albert. "Dialectic and Who We Are in the Alcibiades." Phronesis 59, no. 1 (2014): 1–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685284-12341258.

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Abstract In the Platonic Alcibiades, Socrates raises two central philosophical questions: Who are we? and: How ought we to take care of ourselves? He answers these questions, I argue, in his famous comparison between eyes and souls. Both answers hinge upon dialectic: self-care functions through dialectic because we are communicating beings. I adduce arguments for this from the set-up and language of the comparison passage. Another important indication is that Socrates expressly refers back to an earlier, aborted attempt to describe who we are in terms of using discourse. Rather than recommending to Alcibiades a life of contemplation apart from interpersonal exchange, Socrates presents such exchange as central to our self-improvement and identity.
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45

Gordon, Jill. "Eros and Philosophical Seduction in Alcibiades I." Ancient Philosophy 23, no. 1 (2003): 11–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20032319.

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46

Vickers, Michael. "Alcibiades and Aspasia : Notes on the Hippolytus." Dialogues d'histoire ancienne 26, no. 2 (2000): 7–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/dha.2000.2423.

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47

Syse, Henrik. "Plato, Thucydides, and the Education of Alcibiades." Journal of Military Ethics 5, no. 4 (December 2006): 290–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15027570601081044.

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48

Pettersson, Olof. "Power and Person in Plato’s Alcibiades I." Ancient Philosophy 41, no. 1 (2021): 23–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ancientphil20214112.

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49

Mantzouranis, Kleanthis. "Thucydides’ Assessments of Pericles and Alcibiades as a Lesson in Leadership Ethics." Polis: The Journal for Ancient Greek Political Thought 35, no. 2 (September 17, 2018): 523–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/20512996-12340178.

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Abstract The present study examines Thucydides’ assessments of Pericles (2.65) and Alcibiades (6.15) drawing on advances from Leadership Studies. Moving away from conceptions of leadership as a quality of individuals, modern leadership theory views leadership as a relational process between leaders and followers. Thucydides’ assessments of Pericles and Alcibiades examine not only their effectiveness (i.e., their success or failure in conducting the war), but more importantly, the impact of their personal ethics on their relationship with followers. For Thucydides, both leaders displayed administrative competence, but their diverse adherence to ethical principles had a grave impact on their interaction with followers and consequently on their position as leaders. The comparative study of the two passages highlights how Thucydides’ understanding of leadership as a relational process anticipates an important strand of modern leadership theory according to which both effectiveness and ethics are inextricably intertwined in the concept of good leadership.
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Sourvinou-Inwood, Christiane. "Priestess in the Text: Theano Menonos Agrylethen." Greece and Rome 35, no. 1 (April 1988): 29–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383500028758.

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Plutarch's account of the condemnation and punishment of Alcibiades by the Athenians (Plut. Alc. 22.5) includes the following statement: … ἔτι κα καταρσθαι προσεϕηφίσαντο πντας ἱερεĩς κα ἱείας, ὧν μóνην φασ Θεανὼ τν Μνωνος Ἀγρυλθεν ντειπεīν πρòς τò ϕφισμα, φσκουσαν εὐχν, οὐ καταρν ἱρειαν γεγονναι.
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