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Journal articles on the topic 'Alexander of Tralles (Trallianus)'

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1

Mylonas, A. I., F. H. Tzerbos, E. C. Papadopoulou, E. Poulacou-Rebelacoi, and A. C. Eftychiadis. "O.227 Alexander Trallianus and cranio-maxillofacial surgery." Journal of Cranio-Maxillofacial Surgery 36 (September 2008): S57—S58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1010-5182(08)71351-9.

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2

Panagiota, Kripouri, and Filippou Dimitrios. "On the Work of Alexander of Tralles." Acta medico-historica Adriatica 17, no. 2 (December 18, 2019): 295–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.31952/amha.17.2.7.

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Helminthiasis is known to man since antiquity, but it still remains a significant public health problem. In ancient times many plants have been tried as possible therapeutics in search of an effective drug. This manuscript investigates ancient beliefs on parasitic worm infestation. Moreover, Alexander of Tralles’ (525 – 605 CE) suggestions on the treatment of this condition are discussed as found in his lesser-known work “A letter on helminths”, along with comments on the use of those herbal cures by modern medicine.
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3

Bouras-Vallianatos, Petros. "Modelled on Archigenes theiotatos: Alexander of Tralles and his Use of Natural Remedies (physika)." Mnemosyne 69, no. 3 (May 7, 2016): 382–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-12341857.

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In contrast to other Late Antique medical authors, Alexander of Tralles uses the epithet theiotatos (most divine) when referring to Archigenes. This appellation becomes even more significant if one considers that Alexander otherwise only applies it to Hippocrates and Galen. Since the majority of Alexander’s mentions of Archigenes stress his recommendation of popular healing practices, which most medical authors excluded from their work, I argue that for Alexander Archigenes was a model of a well-known ancient medical authority who chose to make consistent use of natural remedies (physika).
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4

Papandreou, Marilù. "The Shape of the Statue." History of Philosophy & Logical Analysis 23, no. 2 (December 18, 2020): 398–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/26664275-02302006.

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Abstract This paper discusses the metaphysical status of artefacts and their forms in the ancient commentators on Aristotle’s Metaphysics. Specifically, it examines the Peripatetic tradition and Alexander of Aphrodisias to then turn to the commentaries of the late Neoplatonist Asclepius of Tralles, and the Byzantine commentator Michael of Ephesus. It argues that Alexander is the pioneer of the interpretation of artefactual forms as qualities and artefacts as accidental beings. The fortune of this solution goes through Asclepius and Michael to influence Thomas Aquinas.
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5

Bouras-vallianatos, Petros. "Clinical Experience in Late Antiquity: Alexander of Tralles and the Therapy of Epilepsy." Medical History 58, no. 3 (June 19, 2014): 337–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/mdh.2014.27.

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AbstractAlexander of Tralles, writing in the late sixth century, combined his wide-ranging practical knowledge with earlier medical theories. This article shows how clinical experience is used in Alexander’s works by concentrating on his therapeutic advice on epilepsy and, in particular, on pharmacology and the group of so-called natural remedies. I argue that clinical testing is used not only for the introduction of new medicines but also as an instrument for checking the therapeutic effect of popular healing practices. On another level, this article discusses Alexander’s role as the author of a medical compendium; it suggests that by marking the cases of clinical testing with a set of recurrent expressions, Alexander leads his audience to reflect on his medical authority and personal contribution.
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6

Turgut, Mehmet. "Early bone-setting procedures and epileptic seizure at the times of Alexander of Tralles." Child's Nervous System 24, no. 1 (July 11, 2007): 1–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s00381-007-0417-3.

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7

Vivian Nutton. "The Latin Alexander Trallianus: The Text and Transmission of a Late Latin Medical Book (review)." Bulletin of the History of Medicine 83, no. 2 (2009): 388–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/bhm.0.0222.

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8

Rzeźnicka, Zofia, and Maciej Kokoszko. "Proso w gastronomii antyku i wczesnego Bizancjum." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 401–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4051.

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The present article deals with some culinary applications of millet in Antiquity and Byzantine period, as demonstrated in select Greek and Roman literary sources (Athenaeus of Naucratis, Pedanius Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Symeon Seth, Geoponica, Byzantine lexi­ca, Cato, Columella, Antimus and Apicius). The authors of the article start their analysis with presenting two kinds of millet, which ancient and Byzantine people were familiar with, namely Latin – milium, i.e. broomcorn millet, Latin – panicum, i.e. foxtail millet. Subsequently, they demonstrate suitability of the cereals for bread baking. As result, they prove that millet bread was fairly popular and appreciated, even though Greek dietitians promoted the doctrine that millet was suitable for the purpose of bread production only in the time of scarcity of other, better quality grains. Accordingly, they specify various kinds of bread and describe diverse sorts of ov­ens (furnus, furniculus) it was baked in. The authors also write about one of the ancient desserts, occasionally made of millet flour, namely about libum. Then, the authors of the article discuss Roman puls, which were two kinds of foods eaten (instead of bread) by a considerable fraction of an­cient and Byzantine society and which could also be prepared from the analyzed cereal. The discussion is exemplified with some extant recipes. Ultimately, the authors of the study refer to the evidence left by medical writers (Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Alexander of Tralles), as they discuss soups/ gruels and beverages prepared from millet, which were said to possess some medical values (and, as the sources re­veal, were profited from mostly to cure alimentary tract disorders).
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9

Galassi, Francesco M., Frank Rühli, and Hutan Ashrafian. "Alexander of Tralles and the first portrayal of a placebo by illusion in the 6th century AD." Clinical Trials: Journal of the Society for Clinical Trials 13, no. 4 (March 10, 2016): 450. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1740774516636596.

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10

Lascaratos, J. "Otorhinolaryngological diseases in Byzantium (A.D. 324–1453): information from non-medical literary sources." Journal of Laryngology & Otology 110, no. 10 (October 1996): 913–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022215100135340.

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AbstractThe knowledge of the Byzantine physicians in the field of otorhinolaryngology and especially of the eminent ones, Oribasius, Aetius of Ameda, Paul of Aegina and Alexander of Tralles is noteworthy. They knew an adequate number of diseases of the ear, nose and throat and treated them with a plethora of drugs and some of them, especially tonsillitis and tonsillar abscess, with operations. The writer, based on the texts of the Byzantine historians and chroniclers, presents information previously unknown. This includes analysis of cases of an epidemic of angina, speech defects, instances of otitis, epistaxis, ulcer of the mouth, acute laryngitis or pharyngitis and psychogenic aphonia. Most cases concern emperors and other prominent figures of the State and Church. This information complements, from the historical point of view, the scientific knowledge of the medical writersin the field of otorhinolaryngology.
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11

Ramoutsaki, Ioanna A., Ioannis A. Ramoutsakis, Chariton E. Papadakis, and Emmanuel S. Helidonis. "Therapeutic Methods Used for Otolaryngological Problems during the Byzantine Period." Annals of Otology, Rhinology & Laryngology 111, no. 6 (June 2002): 553–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000348940211100612.

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Evidence of herbal, animal, and chemical substances from the natural world used in medicines for otolaryngological problems, including opium, hyoscyamus, barley, honey, dried beans and peas, olives, fruits, Agaricus, castoreum, cassia, and afronitron, was traced in the Byzantine medical treatises, mainly from the 4th century ad to the 15th century ad. The texts of Antyllus, Orivasios of Pergamos, Aetios of Amida, Alexander of Tralles, Paul Aeginitis, Leon Iatrosophistis, Theophanis Nonnos, Nickolaos Myrepsos, Michael Psellos, and others strongly suggest the influence of ancient Greek and Roman medicine, but at the same time stress original medical thought. The main otolaryngological problems encountered in that period were loss of hearing, purulent otitis, rupture of the tympanic membrane, pharyngitis, laryngitis, rhinitis, acute tonsillitis, seasickness, vertigo, fracture of the nose, and cancers of the ear, larynx, nose, and oral cavity. The tradition stating that remedies were the final products of substance combinations, started in the classical period (5th and 4th centuries bc), is presented clearly and in detail in Byzantine prescriptions related to otolaryngology.
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12

Bouras-Vallianatos, Petros. "AN UNRECORDED USE OF THE WORD ΚΛΙΜΑΞ." Classical Quarterly 68, no. 2 (December 2018): 739–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838819000077.

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My purpose here is to point out a use of the Greek word κλῖμαξ, lit. ladder, which has not been recorded in the lexica of ancient and medieval Greek. To be specific, the term is found twice in the Therapeutics, a work by the sixth-century a.d. author and practising physician Alexander of Tralles, in reference to a particular kind of composite drug. In the first case, the author refers to the so-called ‘ladder of Hermes’ (Ἑρμοῦ κλῖμαξ, Ther. 1.557.6) without providing any recipe. According to him, this is an antidote for the treatment of epilepsy and similar in action to the well-known theriac. However, in the second case referring to an antidote for the treatment of gout, the ‘so-called ladder’, he provides the following recipe (Ther. 2.571.16–26): ἀντίδοτος ποδαγρικὴ ἡ καλουμένη κλῖμαξ.ἀγαρικοῦοὐγ. α´φοῦοὐγγ. β´πετροσελίνουοὐγγ. γ´μαίουοὐγγ. δ´ὑπερίκουοὐγγ. ε´γεντιανῆςοὐγγ. ς´ἀριστολοχίαςοὐγγ. ζ´κενταυρίουοὐγγ. η´χαμαίδρυοςοὐγγ. θ´μέλιτος τὸ ἀρκοῦν. As evidenced, the term denotes a unique category of composite drugs in which the quantity of each subsequent ingredient is increased by one unit (1 ounce, 2 ounces, 3 ounces and so on), thus metaphorically alluding to an ascending scale.
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13

Rzeźnicka, Zofia, Maciej Kokoszko, and Krzysztof Jagusiak. "Cured Meats in Ancient and Byzantine Sources: Ham, Bacon and "Tuccetum"." Studia Ceranea 4 (December 30, 2014): 245–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.04.16.

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The present study discusses the role of salt-cured meat in dietetics, medicine and gastronomy demonstrated mainly in ancient and Byzantine medical (Galen, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, Anthimus, Alexander of Tralles and Paul of Aegina) and agronomic (Cato, Varro, Columella, Palladius, Geoponica) sources written between 2nd and 10th century A.D. The part dealing with culinary application was also based on De re coquinaria. The article consists of three parts. In the first one, concerning ham, there are presented places in Europe and Asia Minor, were best cured meats were produced. Next, there in an outline of different methods of salting pork, dietetic properties of this kind of food, as well as, the way of using ham in medical treatment. There are also quotations of some recipes for ham that were presented in De re coquinaria. The second, sets forth the importance of bacon in ancient and Byzantine diet and medicine, especially among inhabitants of Gaul. The authors describe also the way it was utilized in by Byzantine physicians in fighting parasites. The last part is devoted to tuccetum – a meat dish, that was only mentioned in few Latin sources and has not yet been researched in detail. Moreover there is a presentation of different ideas for translations of this Latin term given by translators, linguists and historians.
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14

Kokoszko, Maciej, Krzysztof Jagusiak, and Zofia Rzeźnicka. "Rice as a Foodstuff in Ancient and Byzantine "Materia Medica"." Studia Ceranea 3 (December 30, 2013): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.18778/2084-140x.03.04.

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The present study discusses dietetic qualities of rice and culinary recipes pertaining to its preparation as demonstrated in ancient and Byzantine medical treatises compiled between 1st and 7th cent. A.D. (Dioscurides, Galen, Oribasius, Anthimus, Alexander of Tralles, Aetius of Amida and Paul of Aegina). The evidence (in the part touching on gastronomic applications of rice) also includes De re coquinaria attributed to Apicius. The article consists of three parts. The first analyzes sources and modern literature to assess the impact of rice on the Greco-Roman and Byzantine agriculture. The results of the analysis confirm the scholarly opinion that rice was never popular in the Mediterranean in the ancient and early Byzantine periods. A slow and gradual change in its status appeared along with the Arab agricultural revolution. The second chapter of the study is devoted to dietetic characterizations of rice and presents features attributed to the cereal over the ages. The authors come to the conclusion that the most frequent characteristics of the crop which appear in the analyzed sources are its indigestibility, unwholesomeness, astringency (styptic action) as well as the ability to slow down the work of the alimentary tract. The final part of the article tries to retrieve from medical and culinary writings main culinary guidelines according to which rice was prepared as food. The authors conclude that, as a rule, the cereal was not used for bread baking, though it is likely that it was utilized in making cakes. Rice usually was the basis for preparation thick, gruel-like dishes which were normally compared to chondros or poltos, less thick soups which were said to be similar to ptisane, and watery, thin concoctions called chyloi, created by diluting rice stock.
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15

Jagusiak, Krzysztof, and Maciej Kokoszko. "Pisma Orybazjusza jako źródło informacji o pożywieniu ludzi w późnym Cesarstwie Rzymskim." Vox Patrum 59 (January 25, 2013): 339–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.4035.

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The article makes an attempt at the presentation of medical works written by Oribasius (ca. 325 – ca. 400 A.D.), well educated physician from Pergamon, and a close friend of Julian the Apostate. It discusses the content of the treatises, reasons for their compiling and circumstances accompanying the creation of three of his extant writings, notably Collectiones medicae, Synopsis ad Eustathium fi­lium, and Libri ad Eunapium. Moreover, the study presents available information about his lost medical work, whose title is now unknown. The authors focused on these parts of Oribasius’ works, which concern food and dietetic, i.e. five books of Collectiones medicae (from I to V), book IV of Synopsis ad Eustathium filium and a part of book I of Libri ad Eunapium. The above-mentioned books enlist the most important foods like cereals, cereal products (breads, cakes, groats, pancakes), vegetables, fruits, meats, fishes, and seafood, dairy products, soft and alcoholic drinks as well as enumerating some specific diets and groups of food divided ac­cording to their properties or influence on human body. An important part of the article is a succinct presentation of sources of Oriba­sius’ dietetic expertise, and moreover a brief discussion of the medic’s impact on medical systems in three different cultural circles, namely the Byzantine, Arab, and Latin. The authors’ research corroborates the already existing view that major dietetic parts of Collectiones medicae, Synopsis ad Eustathium filium and Libri ad Eunapium are based on writings of Galen (which he, however, reworked with a view of their simplification), but there are many fragments taken from other authorities, for instance Pedanius Dioscurides, Athenaeus from Attalia, Diocles of Carystus, Rufus of Ephesus to mention but a few. As for medical authors, who excerpted or translated Oribasius’ works, the most renowned are Aetius of Amida, Paul of Aegina, Alexander of Tralles, Hunayn ibn Ishāq, and the representatives of the medical school of Salerno. Finally, the authors claim, that Oribasius’ heritage is important especially for two reasons. First of all, it helped preserve a large amount of citations from an­cient works, which today are lost, and known only thanks to the physician’s pains­taking work. Secondly, it contains a cornucopia of information about food, which reflect culinary habits of Late Roman society, and specifically of the Late Roman food market.
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16

Cilliers, Louise, and François Retief. "Tuberculosis in ancient times." Suid-Afrikaanse Tydskrif vir Natuurwetenskap en Tegnologie 27, no. 4 (September 20, 2008): 229–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4102/satnt.v27i4.93.

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In spite of an array of effective antibiotics, tuberculosis is still very common in developing countries where overcrowding, malnutrition and poor hygienic conditions prevail. Over the past 30 years associated HIV infection has worsened the situation by increasing the infection rate and mortality of tuberculosis. Of those diseases caused by a single organism only HIV causes more deaths internationally than tuberculosis. The tubercle bacillus probably first infected man in Neolithic times, and then via infected cattle, but the causative Mycobacteriacea have been in existence for 300 million years. Droplet infection is the most common way of acquiring tuberculosis, although ingestion (e.g. of infected cows’ milk) may occur. Tuberculosis probably originated in Africa. The earliest path gnomonic evidence of human tuberculosis in man was found in osteo-archaeological findings of bone tuberculosis (Pott’s disease of the spine) in the skeleton of anEgyptian priest from the 21st Dynasty (approximately 1 000 BC). Suggestive but not conclusiveevidence of tuberculotic lesions had been found in even earlier skeletons from Egypt and Europe. Medical hieroglyphics from ancient Egypt are silent on the disease, which could be tuberculosis,as do early Indian and Chinese writings. The Old Testament refers to the disease schachapeth, translated as phthisis in the Greek Septuagint. Although the Bible is not specific about this condition, tuberculosis is still called schachapeth in modern Hebrew. In pre-Hippocratic Greece Homer did not mention phthisis, a word meaning non-specific wasting of the body. However. Alexander of Tralles (6th century BC) seemed to narrow the concept down to a specific disease, and in the Hippocratic Corpus (5th-4th centuries BC) phthisis can be recognised as tuberculosis. It was predominantly a respiratory disease commonly seen and considered to be caused by an imbalance of bodily humours. It was commonest in autumn, winter and spring, tended to affect groups of people living close together, and young people in particular. Pregnancy exacerbated phthisis which was characterised by a chronic cough (worse at night), prominent sputum, often blood streaked and presumably arising from necrotic lung tissue. The face was typically flushed with sunken cheeks, sharp nose and very bright eyes. There was atrophy of all muscles with prominent (“winged”) shoulder blades, fever and perspiration often associated with shivering. Symptoms were described which would fit in with complicating lung abscess and empyema. Hippocrates also mentions disease entities which would fit in with extra-pulmonary tuberculosis, like Pott’s disease of the spine and cervical lymphadenopathy (scrofula), although he did not associate this with phthisis. Minimal specific therapy was prescribed. Subsequent writers in the Hellenistic and Roman eras added little to the classic Hippocratic clinical picture of phthisis, but Celsus (1st century AD) and Galen (2nd century) first suggested that it was a contagious condition. From Themison (1st century BC) onwards, therapeutic regimes became more drastic with the addition of inter alia strict dietary regimes, purges, enemas and venesection. Celsus suggested long sea voyages with ample relaxation and a change of climate. Aretaeus (1st century AD) stressed the importance of not exacerbating the suffering of people with chronic disease by imposing aggressive therapy. Except for the introduction of more drastic therapy the concept of phthisis (tuberculosis) had thus not progressed materially in the course of the millennium between Hippocrates and the end of the Roman era – and it would indeed remain virtually static for the next 1 000 years up to the Renaissance. There is, however, some evidence that the incidence of tuberculosis decreased during the major migration of nations which characterised the late Roman Empire.
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