Journal articles: 'Alexander the Great'

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Olbrycht, Marek Jan. "The India-Related Tetradrachms of Alexander the Great." Phoenix 76, no. 1 (2022): 275–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/phx.2022.a914299.

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Abstract: The Indian war conducted by Alexander iii of Macedon (327–325 b.c.e.) demonstrated the efficacy of Iranian-Macedonian cooperation. Such cooperation was the foundation of Alexander's policies from 330 to 323 b.c.e.; given this, the references to Iranian traditions in the coin imagery are not surprising. The India-related tetradrachms offer insight into Alexander's conception of his own kingship and into his imperial policy. Abstract: La guerre indienne menée par Alexandre iii de Macédoine (327–325 a. C.) a démontré l'efficacité de la coopération irano-macédonienne. Cette coopération était à la base des politiques d'Alexandre entre 330 et 323 a. C. ; par conséquent, les références aux traditions iraniennes dans l'imagerie des pièces de monnaie ne sont pas surprenantes. Les tétradrachmes liées à l'Inde nous donnent un aperçu de la façon dont Alexandre concevait son propre statut de roi et de sa politique impériale.

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Šehović, Amina. "Aleksandar Veliki, “sin boga Amona” / Alexander the Great, “son of god Amon”." Journal of BATHINVS Association ACTA ILLYRICA / Godišnjak Udruženja BATHINVS ACTA ILLYRICA Online ISSN 2744-1318, no. 7 (December 28, 2023): 59–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.54524/2490-3930.2023.59.

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Alexander the Great, one of the greatest rulers the world has ever seen, in his conquests, among other things, reached Egypt. The focus of this paper is on the influence that Egypt had on Alexander the Great and the influence that Alexander had on Egypt. Particular attention was paid to the writings of various historical sources about Alexander’s stay in Egypt. The Egyptian aspect of Alexander’s life is very important. This country influenced Alexander to get lost in his desires. One of the big questions the paper deals with is whether Alexander really believed that he was the son of the god Amon / Zeus. For the Egyptians, Alexander was the savior. For Alexander, Egypt was a picture of what he wanted to be, and what kind of relationship he wanted to have with people. For a man who did not lose battles, a man who crossed a great path to worship Amon, a man who came to the land he conquered and received treatment, not like a conqueror but a liberator it may not have been hard to believe that he was something more than a ruler himself. For Egypt, the new ruler was not cruel to them. He was their friend. So they accepted him and accepted those who came after him as their own. Alexandria in Egypt, what is considered one of the greatest achievements of Alexander’s conquests, was something new – the center of Hellenistic culture, far from Hellas. In addition to the topics mentioned in the paper, attention is paid to Alexander’s legacy in Egypt and his body in Alexandria as well. The aim of the paper is to review Alexander’s stay in Egypt. A good part of the work is seen through the prism of Alexander’s stay in the temple of the god Amon. The reason for this is the influence that “conversation with Amon” had on this great ruler, but also the fact that through the journey to the temple, Alexander wanted to show the Egyptians what kind of ruler he would be.

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Dai, Gaole. "How Did Alexander the Great influence Macedonian Culture?" Communications in Humanities Research 30, no. 1 (May 17, 2024): 37–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/30/20231516.

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Alexander's empire had a great influence on the later history of Europe. Therefore, this paper hopes to study the culture and policies of other countries in the most glorious period of Alexander's empire, the period of Alexander the Great, to determine whether it really had such a big impact. Alexander the Great exported Macedonian culture including but not limited to architecture, transportation, military ideas, philosophy, and literature. At the same time, he promoted the exchange and integration of various ethnic cultures during his reign. Therefore, we can judge that Alexander's empire had a great influence on the whole of Asia and Europe in every important area of culture, policy and economy. This paper allows the reader to get a clearer picture of where and to what extent Alexander's influence mainly existed.

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Belfiglio, Valentine J. "Cynane: Queen Warrior of Ancient Macedonia." Advances in Social Sciences and Management 3, no. 01 (January 21, 2025): 29–33. https://doi.org/10.63002/assm.301.797.

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Thesis statement: Cynane (358-320 BCE), the half-sister of Alexander the Great, (Alexander III) (356-323 BCE) significantly influenced events in Macedonia after the death of Alexander the Great. Methodology: Historiography and conceptual analysis of ancient Greek, and Roman historians. Results: Cynane’s military victories against Illyria, Thrace, and Macedonian expansion have been largely ignored in favor of Alexander’s campaigns. Conclusion: Cynane significantly influenced events n Macedonia after the death of Alexander.

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Liebert, Hugh. "Alexander the Great and the History of Globalization." Review of Politics 73, no. 4 (2011): 533–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670511003639.

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AbstractAlexander the Great is often understood to be the first statesman to attempt a “universal state,” owing in large part to his philosophical education under Aristotle. This picture of Alexander informs many of his depictions in popular culture, and influences his appropriation in contemporary discourse on globalization. I argue here that Plutarch's Life of Alexander offers an alternative view of Alexander's political action, one that explains his imperial ambitions by focusing on his love of honor (philotimia) and the cultural indeterminacy of his native Macedon, rather than his exposure to philosophy. Plutarch's portrayal of Alexander provides a useful model for the study of globalization by showing how political expansion can arise from and give rise to indeterminate political identities.

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Esmailpour, Maryam, and Seyed Mohsen Hashemi. "Comparison of Personality Dimension of Alexander as Depicted in the Films Alexander (2004) and Alexander the Great (1956) with Persian Poetic Iskandarnāmas, Especially Shāhnāma, Niẓāmī’s Iskandarnāma, and Āyina-yi Iskandarī." International Journal of Persian Literature 9 (October 1, 2024): 161–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/intejperslite.9.0161.

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Abstract Alexander the Great, the world conqueror who brought the Achaemenid dynasty to its knees, has attracted the attention of many Iranian poets and writers. There are numerous poetic and prose works entitled Iskandarnāma (Treatise on Alexander). Ferdowsi’s Shāhnāma and Niẓāmī’s Iskandarnāma are among the most well-known poems narrating Alexander’s life. In addition, several films have been made about Alexander’s life in the West, the most famous of which are Alexander (2004) by Oliver Stone and Alexander the Great (1956) by Robert Rossen. The present descriptive study identifies different dimensions of Alexander’s character in Shāhnāma and Iskandarnāma and compares them with those portrayed in the above-said films. The results show that Alexander’s complex character is composed of four distinct dimensions. Alexander is sometimes an ordinary human being entangled with fear, prone to misjudgment, and an avid lover of love and elaborate festivities. He is an envoy and a warrior. He is also compassionate, generous, resourceful, and politically quite apt. Finally, he has at times the qualities of a prophet and is pious to no end. The films didn’t behoove Alexander’s mysticism or benevolence and focused most tersely on his pillage, murder, and plunder. The literary Alexander of Iran represents a far more dramatic persona than does the film adaptation.

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Narasimhan, M. S. "Alexander the great." Resonance 20, no. 6 (June 2015): 483–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12045-015-0207-2.

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Degen, Julian Michael. "Les Reines de Perse aux pieds d‘Alexandre. Rezeption des exemplum virtutis von Curtius Rufus bis Charles le Brun." historia.scribere, no. 8 (June 14, 2016): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.15203/historia.scribere.8.459.

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The history of Alexander the Great was from his time on a very popular medium for facts and also common known fictions, what let Alexanders deeds become very longing for other rulers, like Louis XIV. He hired Charles le Brun to paint a representative passage of Alexanders history, what he liquidated through the lecture of Cutius Rufus’ historia Alexandri Magni. This paper is about the transformation of ancient sources with their intentions into 17th century France. I created the thesis of „mental horizons“ to depict the motives of adoption into the historical perception.

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Franklin-Brown, Mary. "The Monstrous Birth of Alexander the Great." Journal of Medieval and Early Modern Studies 49, no. 3 (September 1, 2019): 541–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10829636-7724661.

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Alone among the French romances of Alexander the Great penned in the twelfth century, Thomas de Kent’s Roman de toute chevalerie reproduces the story of Alexander’s illegitimate birth from the principal Latin source. According to this account, Alexander’s father was Nectanabus, a mage and astrologer who seduced Queen Olympias with an astronomy lesson, deceived her by using animal pelts to disguise himself as a god, and then used his magic arts to retard the child’s birth when his astrological calculations indicated the child would be born a hybrid man-beast. Thomas wrote his romance at the very moment when both astrology and paradoxography (the writing of marvels) were being reevaluated as means of understanding the world, and so Alexander’s odd birth offers a reflection — shaped by the romance genre — on the limitations and ethical implications of medieval natural science.

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Heckel, Waldemar. "The «boyhood friends» of Alexander the Great." Emerita 53, no. 2 (December 30, 1985): 285–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/emerita.1985.v53.i2.675.

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Bosworth, A. B. "Alexander the Great and the decline of Macedon." Journal of Hellenic Studies 106 (November 1986): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/629639.

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The figure of Alexander inevitably dominates the history of his reign. Our extant sources are centrally focussed upon the king himself. Accordingly it is his own military actions which receive the fullest documentation. Appointments to satrapies and satrapal armies are carefully noted because he made them, but the achievements of the appointees are passed over in silence. The great victories of Antigonus which secured Asia Minor in 323 BC are only known from two casual references in Curtius Rufus, and in general all the multifarious activities in the empire disappear from recorded history except in so far as they impinge upon court life in the shape of reports to Alexander and administrative decisions made by him. Moreover, the sources we possess originate either from high officers of Alexander's court, such as Ptolemy and Nearchus, or from Greek historians like Callisthenes and Cleitarchus, whose aims were literary or propagandist and whose interests were firmly anchored in court life. Inevitably Alexander bestrides that narrow world like a colossus and monopolises the historical picture. But even the figure of Alexander is far from fully fleshed. No contemporary history survives, and for continuous narratives of the reign we are dependent upon late derivative writers who saw Alexander through the filter of centuries of rhetoric and philosophy. The king had long been a stock example of many contradictory traits; he was at once the conqueror and the civiliser, the tyrant and the enlightened king. Cicero and Seneca saw him as the type of unbridled license, Arrian as the paradigm of moderation. The result is that the sources present a series of irreconcilable caricatures of Alexander but no uniform or coherent picture.

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Sánchez Vendramini, Darío N. "Alexander the Great on Late Roman contorniates: religion, magic or history?" Journal of Ancient History 10, no. 2 (November 28, 2022): 262–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2022-0003.

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Abstract In this paper, I want to focus on a specific set of numismatic images of Alexander the Great, which has received less attention than comparable ones: the depictions on the Late Roman medallions known as contorniates. First, in two introductory sections, I connect the tradition of Alexander's numismatic imagery with the contorniates and present the general characteristics of these medallions. Next, I offer a detailed analysis of the different depictions of Alexander on contorniates. Thirdly, I briefly summarise the discussion of the functions of the contorniates and, on this basis, question the interpretations of them as pagan symbols and amulets proposed by Alföldi and Mittag. Finally, based on the critique of these interpretations, I argue that the Alexander contorniates reflect an interest in the historical figure of the great conqueror and the quasi-fictional hero of the Alexander Romance. If this Alexander was a symbol, it was of Greco-Roman patriotism and the empire's ability to prevail over its barbarian enemies.

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Chan, MingHam. "A Research on Alexander of Macedonia, One of the Greatest Conquerors Ever." Communications in Humanities Research 30, no. 1 (May 17, 2024): 164–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/30/20231752.

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The motivations for Alexander the Greats military expedition are significant due to the extent of his military conquests. This essay analyses a combination of fundamental motivations for Alexanders conquests, his behavioural patterns, and development during Alexanders youth that might contribute to his motivation. How he was raised and unique events in his life was also considered in an attempt to reach a more reasonable conclusion. A comparison of all these influencing factors is still unable to provide a definite conclusion. However, it has resulted in a speculation that fame was a major influencing factor, in addition to social norms not holding significant impact of Alexander. There is a certain amount of historical evidence that supports his tendency to want more fame. This essay combines the ancient study of history and the relatively modern study of psychology to try and gain a more well rounded understanding of Alexander the Great of Macedonia.

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Měřička, Matěj. "Vilém Gabler’s Library and Alexander the Great." Acta Musei Nationalis Pragae – Historia litterarum 61, no. 1-2 (September 1, 2016): 73–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/amnpsc-2017-0021.

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Abstract The article is divided into three parts. The first one aims to present the figure of Vilém Gabler, a close colleague of Karel Havlíček and František Ladislav Rieger, as a person important for the beginnings of Czech–French relations and for the spread of the knowledge of the Czech language and culture in the Czech milieu. The second part is devoted to the summary of previous research and the reconstruction of the personal library of Vilém Gabler, scattered in the central collection of the National Museum Library. The last, third part discusses Gabler’s article Alexander Veliký [Alexander the Great], written in reaction to the work Alexandre le Grand from the pen of Alphonse de Lamartine and under the impression of the events of 1859. Despite its thematic focus on the ancient commander, it provides abundant information on the author’s view of the recent Austrian-Czech past as well as present. It thus shows a man with his own world of opinion and moral schemes created based on his own experience from 1848 and strongly influenced by the study of French history, especially the period after 1789.

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Kopij, Kamil. "When Did Pompey the Great Engage in his imitatio Alexandri?" Studies in Ancient Art and Civilisation 21 (July 27, 2018): 119–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/saac.21.2017.21.07.

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The aim of this article is to revisit the issue of Pompey the Great’s imitatio Alexandri, especially the timetable for its beginnings and development. Previous studies of the subject have indicated that either the Roman general was involved in imitating the Macedonian king since his youth, or he did not do so at all. Meanwhile, this article presents evidence indicating that the most likely scenario implies that the image of Pompey as the Roman Alexander was created during his eastern campaign against Mithridates. Moreover, it was probably Theophanes of Mytilene, Pompey’s friend and trusted advisor, who developed this theme. Additionally, there is evidence indicating that Pompey tried to limit the use of imitatio Alexandri primarily to the eastern parts of the Roman Empire, fearing that an ambiguous perception of Alexander in Rome would harm his image.

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Dawson, James Doyne. "Alexander the Great (review)." Journal of Military History 72, no. 2 (2008): 551–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2008.0117.

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Ellis, Chris. "Alexander the Great Syndrome." South African Family Practice 51, no. 4 (July 2009): 354. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/20786204.2009.10873881.

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Garstad, Benjamin. "Alexander’s Comrades in the Chronicle of John Malalas." Studies in Late Antiquity 4, no. 4 (2020): 452–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/sla.2020.4.4.452.

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As a rule in the historical tradition, over time the larger cast of characters behind a series of events, the king and his court, is distilled down to the person of a single actor, the king, while his ministers and lieutenants are consigned to oblivion. Alexander the Great is by and large an exception to this rule. His Companions play important roles in his reign and campaigns, his character is developed to a great extent in his relations with them, and they rise to prominence in their own right as his successors; they form an indispensable part of the memory of Alexander. This is certainly true of the account of Alexander in the Chronographia of John Malalas, the seminal work of the Byzantine chronicle tradition. The men surrounding Alexander are referred to repeatedly, in marked contrast to the other historical personages who feature in the Chronographia. The terms that Malalas uses of Alexander’s Companions, however, are unusual, and require some interpretation. And the prominence of his Companions in this narrative seems intended to contribute to an essentially, but subtly negative depiction of Alexander by recalling the most disreputable incidents in Alexander’s career, which usually involved his Companions.

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Wickramasinghe, Chandima S. M. "The Indian Invasion of Alexander and the Emergence of Hybrid Cultures." Indian Historical Review 48, no. 1 (May 12, 2021): 69–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/03769836211009651.

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Alexander the Great usurped the Achaemenid Empire in 331 bc, captured Swat and Punjab in 327 bc, and subdued the region to the west of the Indus and fought with Porus at the Hydaspes in 326 bc. But he was forced to return home when the army refused to proceed. Some of his soldiers remained in India and its periphery while some joined Alexander in his homeward journey. When Alexander died in 323 bc his successors ( diodochoi) fought to divide the empire among themselves and established separate kingdoms. Though Alexander the Great and related matters were well expounded by scholars the hybrid communities that emerged or revived as a result of Alexander’s Indian invasions have attracted less or no attention. Accordingly, the present study intends to examine contribution of Alexander’s Indian invasion to the emergence of Greco-Indian hybrid communities in India and how Hellenic or Greek cultural features blended with the Indian culture through numismatic, epigraphic, architectural and any other archaeological evidence. This will also enable us to observe the hybridity that resulted from Alexander’s Indian invasion to understand the reception the Greeks received from the locals and the survival strategies of Greeks in these remote lands.

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Салингарос, Никос Ангелос. "ALEXANDER’S GREAT MISTAKE. WHY COULDN’T CHRISTOPHER ALEXANDER HUMANIZE ARCHITECTURE?" Академический вестник УралНИИпроект РААСН, no. 4(51) (December 30, 2021): 40–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.25628/uniip.2021.51.4.007.

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В переведенной нами статье, представленной в августе 2021 года для международной конференции Monumentalita & Modernita-21 «Суперстили в архитектуре. Поиск новых закономерностей» (Москва, 21-22 сентября 2021), Н. Салингарос кратко излагает свою версию «болевых точек» модернистской архитектуры, не обладающей адаптивными характеристиками. Строя текст как диалог со своим учителем и другом, архитектором К. Александером, Н. Салингарос систематизирует категориальный аппарат анализа и критики модернистской архитектуры, ломающей традиционный подход, вводя такие понятия, как QWAN («качество без названия»), паттерны проектирования, визуальные паттерны, центры, дружественность архитектуры и ее элементов, мемы в архитектуре и т. д. Как и ранее, он критикует современное архитектурное образование, напрямую связывая его с дискурсом власти, и рекомендует активнее использовать коллекции паттернов проектирования, разработанные К. Александером и его коллегами. In this translated article, presented in August 2021 for the International Conference Monumentalita & Modernita-21: «Super Styles in Energy. Search for new patterns» (Moscow, September 21-22, 2021), N. Salingaros summarizes his version of the «pain points» of modernist architecture, which does not have adaptive characteristics. Building the text as a dialogue with his teacher and friend, the architect C. Alexander, N. Salingaros systematizes the categorical approach, introducing concepts such as QWAN («Quality Without A Name»), design patterns, visual patterns, centers, friendliness of architecture and its elements, memes in the architecture, etc. As before, he criticizes modern architectural education, directly linking it with the discourse of power, recommends more active use of the collections of design patterns developed by C. Alexander and his colleagues.

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Kleymeonov, Alexander. "The influence of Xenophon’s didactic writings on the military leadership practice of Alexander the Great." Hypothekai 5 (September 2021): 113–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.32880/2587-7127-2021-5-5-113-140.

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The article examines the influence of Xenophon’s didactic works on the military activities of Alexander the Great. It is re-vealed that messages from ancient sources containing direct in-dications of the fact that Alexander was familiar with Xeno-phon’s works are either fundamentally unreliable or subject to different interpretations. Nevertheless, a comparison of the rec-ommendations proposed in “Kyropedia” and other Athenian au-thor’s writings the with Alexander’s practical activities reveals obvious similarities in their views on training military personnel, organizing competitions in military skill, providing soldiers with richly decorated weapons, and caring for the sick and wounded. A set of coincidences is associated with the political and admin-istrative activities of Alexander, who, like Cyrus the Elder in Xenophon’s writings, demonstratively showed mercy towards the vanquished, attracted representatives of the local elite to the ser-vice, wore clothes traditional for a conquered country. A large number of similarities, good education of Alexander and the popularity of Xenophon’s writings in the second half of the 4th century BCE allow us to conclude that the Macedonian king was familiar with the works of the Athenian author. However, the components of Xenophon's didactic legacy associated with the methods of warfare do not correlate well with Alexander's mili-tary leadership practice. The fundamental differences are re-vealed in the armament of the cavalry and their tactics, the depth of the infantry formation, the role of army branches on the battle-field. They were caused by a significant breakthrough in the art of war that took place in Macedonia during the time of Philip II. This breakthrough also led to the emergence of new tactics that provided for crushing the enemy not with a frontal attack of heavy infantry, but through the combined use of various types of troops. Alexander as a military leader was raised under the con-ditions of a new, more developed military art. Thus, the over-whelming majority of Xenophon's recommendations, which de-scribed the cavalry as a purely auxiliary branch of the army and considered the classical hoplite phalanx a decisive force in battle, were clearly irrelevant for him and therefore ignored.

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Schoenaers, Dirk, Laurent Breeus-Loos, Farley P. Katz, and Remco Sleiderink. "Reconstructing a Middle Dutch Alexander Compilation." Fragmentology 4 (December 17, 2021): 29–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.24446/vpsb.

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This article provides a first description, edition and analysis of Antwerp, University Library, Special Collections, MAG-P 64.19. This fragment is the sole known remnant of a Middle Dutch compilation of stories about Alexander the Great copied by the well-known Ferguut scribe (ca.1350). Our research shows that this compilation comprised Dutch versions of the Voeux du paon and the twelfth-century Fuerre de Gadres, which was previously unknown to have been translated into Dutch. We advance the possibility that the Stuttgart and Brussels fragments of Alexanders geesten and Roman van Cassamus, which were also copied by the Ferguut scribe, belonged to a second copy of this compilation, providing a continuous narrative about the life of Alexander. In this respect, the Dutch compilation resembles contemporary manuscripts of the Roman d'Alexandre in which Alexandre de Paris' vulgate compilation was complemented with various amplifications. The combination of pre-existing Dutch stories into one (semi)coherent narrative is also similar to the famous Lancelot compilation, a collection of Arthurian narratives created in Brabant in approximately the same period. The fragment thus sharpens our understanding of the role of compilations in the dissemination of Middle Dutch chivalric romance.

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Stoneman, Richard. "Naked philosophers: the Brahmans in the Alexander historians and the Alexander Romance." Journal of Hellenic Studies 115 (November 1995): 99–114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631646.

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The encounter of Alexander the Great with the Indian Brahmans or Oxydorkai/Oxydracae forms an important episode of the Alexander Romance as well as featuring in all the extant Alexander historians. The purpose of this paper is to consider how far the various accounts reflect genuine knowledge of India in the sources in which they are based, and to what extent the episode in the Alexander Romance diverges or adds to them and to what purpose. A future paper will consider the development of the episode in later works, Geneva Papyrus inv. 271 andPalladius De gentibus Indiae et Bragmanibus, as well as theCollatio Alexandri et Dindimi.

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Modanez de Sant’Anna, Henrique. "Oliveira Martins’s Alexander the Great in O Helenismo e a civilização cristã." e-Journal of Portuguese History 21, no. 2 (May 9, 2024): 432–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/16456432-20040002.

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Abstract This article analyzes Joaquim Pedro de Oliveira Martins’s view of Alexander the Great as described in O helenismo e a civilização cristã (1878). I argue, first, that Oliveira Martins’s increasing interest in Hellenism’s contribution to the rise of Christianity is part of his attempt to make sense of his own time, and a consequence of his early revolutionary ideals. Second, I advance the debate about Oliveira Martins’s ancient sources, arguing that his use of Plutarch’s account alone in Chapter 6 (“Alexander’s empire”) is not arbitrary. In fact, it both reflects and supports his view on the Macedonian king as a revolutionary historical figure, whom he calls “Alexander the Messiah.”

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Cornwall, Owen T. A. "Alexander and the astrolabe in Persianate India: Imagining empire in the Delhi Sultanate." Indian Economic & Social History Review 57, no. 2 (April 2020): 229–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0019464620912615.

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This article is about the historical memory of Alexander the Great in the Delhi Sultanate and how his figure was emblematic of a trans-regional Persianate culture. Amir Khusrau’s largely overlooked Persian epic Āyina’i sikandarī (The Mirror of Alexander) (1302) depicts Alexander the Great as an exemplary Persian emperor who reused material cultures from around the world to produce inventions such as his eponymous mirror and the astrolabe. Through Alexander, Khusrau envisions the Persian emperor as an agent of trans-cultural patronage, reuse and repurpose. Roughly 60 years after Khusrau’s death, the poet’s theory of Alexander’s Persianate material patronage was put into practice by the Delhi Sultan Firuz Shah Tughluq (r. 1351–88), who claimed to have discovered Alexander’s astrolabe and then used the instrument to adorn the Delhi-Topra pillar, the centrepiece of his new capital Firuzabad. Citations of Khusrau’s epic in a contemporary chronicle help us see how Khusrau’s imagination of ancient Persian Empire framed a practice of organising different styles of material culture into an imperial bricolage. The article concludes with some implications of this research for defining Persianate culture in general.

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Damiani, Ernesto. "Emile Littré and the death of Alexander the Great." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 7 (December 10, 2024): 99–116. https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.116.

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The French philologist Émile Littré (1801-1881) is credited by several scholars as the first to propose that Alexander the Great died of malaria. This article demonstrates that this opinion of traditional origin is unsupported by Littré's scholarly production. He published only two full papers on the topic of Alexander's death, the first in 1844 and the latter in 1853. In both works he stated that Alexander died of a pseudo-continuous fever, that is, a long lasting fever characterized by initial phases of remission to become continuous at the end. This feverish pattern differed from that of intermittent fever of malarial type that Littré described in his medical Dictionary. The articles of 1865, 1872 and 1927 were reprints of the 1853 article. The 1927 version published in Æsculape was preceded by a preface in which the anonymous author arbitrarily introduced the new word “paludisme”, giving rise to the erroneous belief that has been handed down to date.

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Molina, Ignacio. "Reseña: G. Barnett, Emulating Alexander. How Alexander’s the Great legacy fuelled the Roman wars with Persia, Barnsley, Pen & Sword Military, 2017, 214. pp [ISBN 9781526703002]." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 2 (November 8, 2019): 114–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.39.

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Holt, Frank L., and P. M. Fraser. "Cities of Alexander the Great." American Historical Review 102, no. 4 (October 1997): 1131. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2170649.

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Balakhvantsev, Archil. "Alexander the Great and Chorasmia." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 6 (2020): 32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080012664-7.

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Nawotka, Krzysztof. "Alexander the Great in Persepolis." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 43, no. 1-2 (November 2003): 67–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.43.2003.1-2.7.

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Lytton, Randolph H. "Cities of Alexander the Great." History: Reviews of New Books 25, no. 3 (April 1997): 136. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1997.9952846.

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Battersby, Cameron. "WHAT KILLED ALEXANDER THE GREAT?" ANZ Journal of Surgery 77, no. 1-2 (January 2007): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1445-2197.2006.03983.x.

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Anson, Edward M. "Religion and Alexander the Great." Karanos. Bulletin of Ancient Macedonian Studies 5 (December 15, 2022): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/karanos.94.

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Alexander the Great was religiously both a man of his time and the catalyst for change in the pattern of Greek religious life. He accepted the ubiquity of divine presence in the world and participated actively in the practice of Greek paganism, but he was also imbued with his own importance which evolved over time into a belief in his own divinity. This belief and the desire for such recognition led to the worship of Hellenistic kings as mortal gods.

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Unz, Ron K. "Alexander's brothers?" Journal of Hellenic Studies 105 (November 1985): 171–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631534.

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Our knowledge of the early life of Alexander the Great is based upon very slender literary evidence. Arrian devotes only a few sentences to the years prior to Alexander's campaigns. Plutarch's coverage of Alexander's youth is also very condensed, and both he and Arrian rely almost exclusively upon pro-Alexander sources such as Ptolemy and Aristoboulos. The books of Curtius which deal with the early years of Alexander have been lost, and Diodorus' coverage is as usual very scanty. Justin's epitome of Trogus is among our longest and most comprehensive accounts, but it is often rhetorically unreliable and careless with details. Yet apart from occasional flashbacks and allusions in these sources and a few fragments of other historians, this evidence—heavily biased, meager, and unreliable as it is—comprises all we know concerning the first twenty years of Alexander's life.

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Tolić, Isidora. "Four Hooves and a Horn: How (Not) to Poison Alexander the Great." Philologia Classica 17, no. 2 (2022): 269–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.206.

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Several ancient authors tell a puzzling story of treason to murder Alexander the Great by presenting him with poison or poisonous water carried in a curious vessel — a hoof of a horse, a mule, or an ass. Porphyry of Tyre, citing Kallimachos and Philo the Paradoxographer, gives us a reason to believe that the mention of hoof-made vessels was a misinterpretation of hornmade chalices, or put otherwise, drinking horns. Presuming that the vessel in question indeed was a drinking horn, we are left with an unusual image — Alexander the Great perished after drinking the poisonous water from the horn of a hornless animal. We can look into the development of this legend and propose its origins by examining mutual features of two distinct traditions — the Greek legend of the river Styx and its lethal streams and the Indo-Iranian tradition of several miraculous features of a unicorn’s horn, attested in Iranian, Indian, and Greek sources. After the survey of relevant sources, we see that the horn from Philo’s story represented a legendary present of Indian rulers intended to save Alexander the Great from harm. Various layers of misapprehension transformed the legendary gift into a device contracted to harm him. This way, the author demonstrates two points: 1) that the story told by Porphyry in Styg. 375F is a part of an Indo-Iranian tradition about unicorns and their miraculous features; and 2) that the legend of Alexander’s poisoning represents a transformed and misinterpreted story of Alexander’s grandest gift.

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Sullivan, Vickie. "Alexander the Great as “Lord of Asia” and Rome as His Successor in Machiavelli's Prince." Review of Politics 75, no. 4 (2013): 515–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670513000569.

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AbstractAlexander the Great and his legacy suffuse The Prince, a fact that has received little attention. Machiavelli uses Alexander to illustrate the form of rule in which one is lord and all others are slaves. In recounting the Roman Republic's conquest of Greece, Machiavelli treats Alexander's vanquished successors. Alexander's legacy enters Rome itself, igniting in Romans the desire to subject the world to sole preeminence. According to Machiavelli, Caesar imitated Alexander, and Caesar overturned the republic, initiating the rule of one in Rome. Caesar had his own Roman successors, the emperors who ruled under his name. Rome succeeded in imposing the rule of one on Europe. That form of rule exists in Machiavelli's times with the states of the Turk and the Sultan as well as with the papacy in a limited respect. Something of the old Rome and its Alexandrian aspirations persists in Christian Rome.

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Imrie, Alex. "CARACALLA AND ‘ALEXANDER'S PHALANX’: CAUGHT AT A CROSSROADS OF EVIDENCE." Greece and Rome 68, no. 2 (September 8, 2021): 222–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017383521000048.

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It is well known that Alexander the Great offered inspiration to successive monarchs and autocrats. Few of these, however, could claim to match the affection shown by the Roman emperor Caracalla (198–217 ce). Caracalla is said to have been an almost pathological aficionado of Alexander, constantly promoting a public association between himself and his idol. One aspect of Caracalla's imitatio Alexandri was allegedly the levy of a peculiar phalangite formation based on the arms and equipment of Alexander's time. For years it was impossible to gauge whether this was a real development or a hostile literary fabrication, but the discovery of funerary remains at Apamea in Syria, which appear to memorialize phalangites and lanciarii, confirmed to some the historicity of Caracalla's bizarre levy. This article argues, however, that the apparently convincing combination of evidence is illusory, and that Caracalla's ‘phalanx’ was rather a convenient label applied to an inherently Roman formation.

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Kholod, Maxim М. "The Administration of Syria under Alexander the Great." Klio 103, no. 2 (November 9, 2021): 505–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/klio-2021-0005.

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Summary The author is of the opinion that as a result of Alexander the Great’s conquest of Syria (late 333–332 BC), which had been a single administrative entity under the Achaemenids, it was divided into two satrapies – the northern and the southern one. He believes that Menon, son of Cerdimmas, was appointed as the first head of the northern satrapy (winter 333/332), to be replaced by Arimmas (early spring 331), who, in his turn, was succeeded by Asclepiodorus, son of Eunicus (late summer 331). Besides, it seems that Andromachus became the first head of the southern satrapy (shortly before winter 332/331), and after he was killed, Menon, transferred from the north to the south, took his place (early spring 331). Already in Alexander’s lifetime, probably in 329/328, Syria was once again merged into one satrapy. It is unclear who was installed as satrap of the unified region. At any rate, it could not have been Menes, son of Dionysius: the hypothesis that in winter 331/330 he was made satrap of the new province including Syria and Cilicia does not stand scrutiny. In the author’s view, the main task Alexander assigned to Menes was to take control and then to keep open and organized the sea communications with the coast of Syria, Phoenicia and Cilicia, and in the matters concerning these activities Menes was fully independent of the local satraps.

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Trifković, Dimitrije. "Alexander the Great between the Greek pantheon and Eastern cults." Leskovački zbornik 64, no. 1 (2024): 43–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/lz-liv1.043t.

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The unilateral portrayal of Alexander III of Macedon as an Oriental despot has influenced various interpretations regarding his relationship with religion. An intriguing dilemma arose: did the greatest conqueror of antiquity remain faithful to traditional Hellenic religion, or did the noticeable changes in his behaviour and mode of governance also lead to the acceptance of foreign deities from different regions of the conquered Persian Empire? The use of narrative, numismatic and epigraphic sources suggests an answer to this quandary. Until the end of his life, Alexander maintained piety and sincere reverence for the Greek gods. He honoured the entire Olympian pantheon, as well as other deities and heroes from Hellenic tradition and mythology. Instances of adopting foreign religions and cults, such as those in Egypt or Babylon, were politically motivated. State interests imposed such an attitude so that the new ruler of the world could legitimize his position through religion. Alexander’s patron gods always remained Greek, and only the Hellenistic period brought about the true mixing of great civilizations and diverse religious systems.

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Lainas, Panagiotis, Dimitrios Panutsopulos, Panagiotis N. Skandalakis, Odysseas Zoras, and John E. Skandalakis. "“Most Brilliant in Judgment”: Alexander the Great and Aristotle." American Surgeon 71, no. 3 (March 2005): 275–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000313480507100322.

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From historical sources, it is evident that Alexander the Great was indebted to one of his teachers, Aristotle of Stagira. It was the teaching of Aristotle that evoked all the nascent talents of young Alexander and turned him into a great man. Alexander was extremely interested in the secrets of medicine and considered it an art. The medical knowledge he acquired from Aristotle may have saved his life and the lives of his troops on many occasions. If Alexander did not possess medical knowledge and if his everyday life had not been so greatly influenced by medicine, he might never have been able to create his empire.

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Kim, Tae Hun. "The Dream of Alexander in Josephus ANT. 11.325-39." Journal for the Study of Judaism 34, no. 4 (2003): 425–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006303772777035.

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AbstractIn dialogue with the remarkably insightful publication "Alexander the Great and Jaddua the High Priest According to Josephus" by Shaye J. D. Cohen (1982-83), this article argues that the story of Alexander-Jaddua meeting in Antiquities may be more persuasively explained as a propagandistic mixture of elements found in several types of ancient dream narratives rather than as a single type such as the soteriological epiphany as defined by Cohen. Cohen's classification relies heavily upon how Alexander's dream narrative functions in the larger context, but the theme and content of Alexander's dream narrative are in themselves not soteriological but a propagandistic divine legitimization of his conquest.

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Sant'Anna, Henrique Modanez de. "The purported enthronement of Alexander the Great in Egypt (332 B.C.): between fragments of Greek historians, Hellenistic-Roman accounts and historiographical speculation." Revista de História, no. 183 (May 8, 2024): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2020.214607.

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Commentators on the Alexander Romance (AR) have often countered the reservations of modern historians on using the text as a historical source for the life of Alexander the Great. This is particularly relevant with regard to the king’s purported enthronement at Memphis. Historical biographies of Alexander as well as recent studies on his Egyptian royal titles lend support to the use of the AR as a source for this particular event, by arguing that an Egyptian enthronement can be defended. These studies make use of a complete onomastic protocol in archaeological evidence that dates from Alexander’s time. The present article offers a systematic discussion of ancient accounts of his first stay in Memphis to emphasize that the reservations of modern historians are based on the silence on the first by historians from the time of Alexander, whose works (preserved only in fragments) were used by writers of the main corpus of Hellenistic-Roman sources. I argue that there is evidence of a Macedonian strategy that sought to align its monarchical experience with older Egyptian traditions as well as the inclination of the Memphite priestly elite to fulfill a messianic expectation disseminated since the disappearance of Nectanebo II. Both, however, for reasons including both the length of Alexander’s stay in Egypt and the special solemnity of the coronation of Egyptian kings, seem not to have resulted in his formal enthronement in Memphis. The silence of the Hellenistic-Roman sources remains imperative.

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Sant'Anna, Henrique Modanez de. "The purported enthronement of Alexander the Great in Egypt (332 B.C.): between fragments of Greek historians, Hellenistic-Roman accounts and historiographical speculation." Revista de História, no. 183 (May 8, 2024): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2024.214607.

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Commentators on the Alexander Romance (AR) have often countered the reservations of modern historians on using the text as a historical source for the life of Alexander the Great. This is particularly relevant with regard to the king’s purported enthronement at Memphis. Historical biographies of Alexander as well as recent studies on his Egyptian royal titles lend support to the use of the AR as a source for this particular event, by arguing that an Egyptian enthronement can be defended. These studies make use of a complete onomastic protocol in archaeological evidence that dates from Alexander’s time. The present article offers a systematic discussion of ancient accounts of his first stay in Memphis to emphasize that the reservations of modern historians are based on the silence on the first by historians from the time of Alexander, whose works (preserved only in fragments) were used by writers of the main corpus of Hellenistic-Roman sources. I argue that there is evidence of a Macedonian strategy that sought to align its monarchical experience with older Egyptian traditions as well as the inclination of the Memphite priestly elite to fulfill a messianic expectation disseminated since the disappearance of Nectanebo II. Both, however, for reasons including both the length of Alexander’s stay in Egypt and the special solemnity of the coronation of Egyptian kings, seem not to have resulted in his formal enthronement in Memphis. The silence of the Hellenistic-Roman sources remains imperative.

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Liao, Zhicai. "How Alexanders Relationship with Olympias Impacted His Achievement and Ultimate Downfall." Communications in Humanities Research 29, no. 1 (April 19, 2024): 209–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7064/29/20230739.

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Inspired by previous researches on the family heritage of Alexander the Great, this paper will focus on the relationship between Alexander and his mother, Olympias. It examines the influence Olympias has on Alexander in aspects of his virtuous qualities, political and military records, religious beliefs, and pioneering opinions about society, in chronological order. This paper is divided into three sections: Olympias influence on Alexander in his early years (from birth to ascendancy to the throne in 336 B.C.), the years of campaign (from 334 to 327 B.C.), and the last years of his life (from 327 B.C. to 323 B.C.). This paper highlights Alexanders precocious achievements, such as his military conquests, and factors leading to his ultimate demise, such as hubris and unrelenting exertions to promote ethnical integrations. Unlike most documentaries that place Olympias in the background, this paper recognizes her importance to Alexander as a source of his education and decision-making, and a woman ahead of her times with eminent aspiration and ability to achieving success.

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Bowden, Sarah, and Susanne A. Friede. "Zum Problem der ‚Heilsgeschichte‘: Raumzeitliche Situierungen der Alexanderfigur in deutschen und französischen Texten des 12. Jahrhunderts." Poetica 55, no. 1-2 (July 8, 2024): 29–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25890530-05512002.

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Abstract This essay takes as its starting point the tension between the biblical role of Alexander the Great and his status as a non-Christian, and explores how medieval texts deal with this tension. Working outwards from selected theories of the secular that establish the term as a representative construct and describe its (modern) functions, the essay analyses the semantics of time and space in two twelfth-century Alexander romances: the German Vorauer Alexander and its manuscript transmission, and the French Roman d’Alexandre in the version of Alexandre de Paris. Through detailed analysis the essay tests the concept of ‘Heilsgeschichte’ (‘salvation history’), which emerges as both a productive yet also highly problematic critical terminology and interpretive matrix. The analysis also demonstrates that Alexander narratives (or episodes within them) defy straightforward categorisation as either religious or secular/worldly; the semantics of time and space in the texts create forms of meaning that cannot be grasped through idealised binaries of Christian and ‘worldly’ signification.

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Harmatta, János. "Alexander the Great in Central Aasia." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 45, no. 2-3 (June 1, 2005): 125–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.45.2005.2-3.2.

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This paper focuses on the historical data that can be gathered from the sources about Alexander’s campaign against nomadic tribes living around the Amu-darya and the Sir-darya. The identity of the Dahae and the Massagetae for Arrian is pointed out; the names “Dahae” and “Massagetae” are interpreted; the symbiosis between Sogdians and Dahae is touched upon, as well as the nomads called “royal Sakas” living beyond the Sir-darya; the geographical location of Nautaka in Bactria is determined; and the reliability of the reports of Alexander’s campaign in Central Asia is illustrated with the examples of Sogdian proper names preserved by Arrian and Strabo.

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Peña and Ojeda. "Miniature Herms Representing Alexander the Great." Hesperia: The Journal of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens 89, no. 1 (2020): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2972/hesperia.89.1.0083.

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Spawforth, Tony, Jesper Carlsen, Bodil Due, Otto Steen Due, Birte Poulsen, and Michael Wood. "Alexander the Great: Reality and Myth." American Journal of Archaeology 103, no. 3 (July 1999): 563. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/506998.

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Harmatta, János. "ALEXANDER THE GREAT IN CENTRAL ASIA." Acta Antiqua Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae 39, no. 1-4 (March 1999): 129–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/aant.39.1999.1-4.11.

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Oates, John F., and N. G. L. Hammond. "Three Historians of Alexander the Great." Classical World 79, no. 4 (1986): 283. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349883.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Alexander the Great'

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