Academic literature on the topic 'Algerian Propaganda'

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Journal articles on the topic "Algerian Propaganda"

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Escandon, Amaya. "Cinquante Cinq Millions de Français?: French Propaganda During the Algerian Revolution." Swarthmore Undergraduate History Journal 3, no. 1 (2022): 38–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.24968/2693-244x.3.1.3.

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In the late 1950’s to early 1960’s, the visual landscape of Algerian communities would have included walls plastered with various posters and pamphlets in both French and Arabic urging them to “talk,” or to enlist in the French Army, or to “say yes to France and Algeria,” or to say “Yes to Peace.” During the Algerian Revolution, a conflict of urban warfare, terrorism, torture, and no detectable enemy for the French to target, both sides recognized that the war would be won through political control of the population. One of the ways they fought for this control was through visual propaganda. I
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Zouhir EL HERRI. "Manufacturing Disinformation and Deceptive Narratives in Algerian News Coverage of the Moroccan Sahara." Journal of Pragmatics and Discourse Analysis 4, no. 1 (2025): 51–80. https://doi.org/10.32996/jpda.2025.4.1.6.

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This study critically analyses disinformation in journalistic discourse, investigating the Algerian government–media nexus, with a particular focus on how this relationship is strategically used to disseminate conspiracy theories, disinformation, and propaganda. This research forms part of a broader doctoral thesis project investigating disinformation discourse within Algerian media, with a primary focus on coverage related to Moroccan issues, and a particular emphasis on the national cause of the Moroccan Sahara as represented in various Algerian news outlets. Against this backdrop, and given
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Onyedum, Jennifer Johnson. "“HUMANIZE THE CONFLICT”: ALGERIAN HEALTH CARE ORGANIZATIONS AND PROPAGANDA CAMPAIGNS, 1954–62." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (2012): 713–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000839.

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AbstractThis article explores the vitally important yet often neglected role of medicine and health care in the conduct of the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Using French, Swiss, and recently opened Algerian archival materials, it demonstrates how Algerian nationalists developed a health-service infrastructure that targeted the domestic and international arenas. It argues that they employed the powerful language of health and healing to legitimize their claims for national sovereignty and used medical organizations to win local support, obtain financial and material aid from abroad, a
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Scales, Rebecca P. "Subversive Sound: Transnational Radio, Arabic Recordings, and the Dangers of Listening in French Colonial Algeria, 1934–1939." Comparative Studies in Society and History 52, no. 2 (2010): 384–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417510000083.

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In November of 1934, Algerian Governor General Jules Carde asked the Algiers Police Prefecture to investigate a rumor circulating through the French bureaucracy that “natives” in the Arab cafés (café maures) of the city were tuning in to biweekly Arabic broadcasts transmitted by an unspecified Italian radio station that featured “commentaries unfavorable to France” and “openly attacked France's Muslim policy.” As the governor of three overseas Frenchdépartements, Carde had already received notification that the airwaves over North Africa were becoming dangerous. A few months earlier, Jean Bert
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Fontaine, Darcie. "TREASON OR CHARITY? CHRISTIAN MISSIONS ON TRIAL AND THE DECOLONIZATION OF ALGERIA." International Journal of Middle East Studies 44, no. 4 (2012): 733–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743812000840.

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AbstractThis article explores the role that Christianity played in the decolonization of Algeria and in particular how the complex relationship between Christianity and colonialism under French rule shaped the rhetoric and actions of Christians during the Algerian War of Independence (1954–62). Using the case of a 1957 trial in the military tribunal of Algiers in which twelve Europeans were charged with crimes ranging from distributing propaganda for the National Liberation Front to sheltering suspected communist and nationalist militants, I demonstrate how “Christian” rhetoric became one of t
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Zuraikat, Malek J., and Ikram Sahnoune. "YOUNES'S PERPLEXING HYBRIDITY IN KHADRA'S WHAT THE DAY OWES THE NIGHT." Folia linguistica et litteraria XIII, no. 45 (2023): 259–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.45.2023.15.

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This study investigates the structure and reverberations of AlgerianFrench hybridity in Khadra's novel What the Day Owes the Night, as represented by Younes the protagonist. Being called Younes and Jonas, talking French and Arabic, living in Algerian Jnane Jatto and French Rio Salado, the protagonist is viewed here as an incarnation of hybridity practiced by some Algerians during French colonialism. We contend that such state of being does not necessarily imply deliberate submissiveness to the colonizer; rather, it sometimes reflects the colonized's confusion and uncertainty regarding resistin
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Perišić, Alexandra. "The Algerian Revolution Through a Yugoslav Lens." Expressions maghrébines 22, no. 2 (2023): 101–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/exp.2023.a913758.

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Abstract: This article explores the Yugoslav involvement in the Algerian War through the archival collection of Zdravko Pečar and Veda Zagorac, a married couple of Yugoslav journalists and diplomats who founded the Belgrade Museum of African Art. The archive Pe?ar and Zagorac built contains many photographs of the Algerian War that strive to counter French propaganda, by representing the ALN in a different light and focusing mostly on the joy of revolution, rather than its bloody consequences. This archive of friendship and revolution, as I call it, reveals overlooked solidarities that underpi
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Zouhir EL HERRI. "The Representation of the Moroccan Sahara in El Moudjahid Discourse: A Critical Study." International Journal of Linguistics, Literature and Translation 8, no. 5 (2025): 76–94. https://doi.org/10.32996/ijllt.2025.8.5.7.

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This study employs Critical Discourse Studies (CDS) to analyse the news discourse of El Moudjahid and explore how political narratives and legitimacy are embedded within the deep structure of news discourse, specifically to legitimize Algeria’s support for the Polisario Front’s territorial claims against Morocco’s sovereignty over Western Sahara. The research investigates how media discourse remains a powerful tool for propaganda under the control of the Algerian government.The study emphasises the imperial hubris of Algerian political and military elites, who utilize media as an extension of
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Thomas, Nicholas. "Colonial Conversions: Difference, Hierarchy, and History in Early Twentieth-Century Evangelical Propaganda." Comparative Studies in Society and History 34, no. 2 (1992): 366–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417500017722.

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Colonial discourse, sometimes referred to in the singular, seems unmanageably vast and heterogeneous, for it must encompass not only the broad field of colonialism's relations and representations which constitutes or arises from the business of official rule, including administrative reports and censuses, but also the works of metropolitan literature and other forms of high culture which deploy images of the exotic or the primitive, paintings of unfamiliar landscapes, tourist guides, anthropological studies, and Oriental fabric designs. Colonial discourse includes chinoiserie, Kim, the Victori
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Mercier, Edad. "Colonialism, Collective Memory, and Memory Politics: Critical Reflections on Narratives and Public Archives of the Algerian War." Middle Eastern Journal of Research in Education and Social Sciences 2, no. 4 (2021): 89–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.47631/mejress.v2i4.350.

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Purpose: The article examines the trial of French General Paul Aussaresses (b. 1918, d. 2013) in the 2000s for war crimes committed during the Algerian War (1954 to 1962). Approach/Methodology/Design: A historiographical analysis covering topics such as colonialism, public memory, collective memory, counter-narratives, education, forgetting, and authenticity. Findings: Public history without individual memories or lived experiences of communities that have survived historical events can be viewed as inauthentic. It might even be called propaganda to present only state state-sanctioned accounts
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Algerian Propaganda"

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Anderson, Patrick. "The Algerian conflict (1954-1962) and the Northern Ireland conflict (1968-1974) in the British liberal press : a comparative analysis." Thesis, University of Ulster, 2001. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.365395.

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Sparks, Benjamin J. "The War Without a Name: The Use of Propaganda in the Decolonization War of Algeria." BYU ScholarsArchive, 2011. https://scholarsarchive.byu.edu/etd/2921.

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The Algerian war for independence, 1954-1962, also known as the War Without a Name due to its lack of recognition as a war by the French government, remains an indelible scar on the face of France. The Algerian war represents one of the most critical moments in modern French history since the French Revolution (Le Sueur 256), putting into question the motto of the French republic, "liberté, égalité, fraternité". This thesis will show that although the French won the war militarily they lost the war of ideas, that of propaganda and persuasion. Thus, this thesis will demonstrate that propaganda
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Bensalem, Boutaïna. "La presse française et l'espace marocain 1822-1912." Thesis, Bordeaux 3, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017BOR30054.

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Au début du XIXe siècle, la presse française connaissait peu le Maroc, certes ce dernier avait un traité de paix avec la France et un mouvement commercial existait entre les deux pays, mais ce n’est qu’à partir de la conquête d’Alger en 1830, que les quotidiens de Paris vont s’intéresser particulièrement à cet espace avec lequel désormais la France partageait des frontières. Ces dernières ouvertes et mouvantes seront la source de beaucoup de froissements entres les deux pays. La donne sécuritaire influencera ainsi le regard des journaux sur l’espace marocain. Ce dernier de plus en plus présent
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Leroux, Denis. "Une armée révolutionnaire : la guerre d'Algérie du 5e bureau." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H077.

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Durant la guerre d'Algérie, des officiers français ont pensé l'armée et son action comme révolutionnaire. Il s'agissait pour eux de réformer radicalement l'institution militaire, en l'adaptant à un conflit présenté comme une guerre révolutionnaire menée par le communisme dont l'enjeu est le contrôle politique de la population. Cette armée révolutionnaire se devait de participer à la modernisation de l'Algérie, intégrant les Algériens au corps social français, permettant l'émergence d'une «Algérie nouvelle». Afin de réaliser cet objectif, ces officiers prônaient un durcissement autoritaire de l
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Books on the topic "Algerian Propaganda"

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Rewriting the Troubles: War and Propaganda, Ireland and Algeria. Greenisland Press. ein Imprint von Elsinor Verlag e.K., 2022.

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Brand, Laurie A. Official Stories: Politics and National Narratives in Egypt and Algeria. Stanford University Press, 2014.

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Ginsberg, Terri, and Chris Lippard. Historical Dictionary of Middle Eastern Cinema. 2nd ed. Rowman & Littlefield, 2020. https://doi.org/10.5040/9798881822354.

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To a substantial degree cinema has served to define the perceived character of the peoples and nations of the Middle East. This book covers the production and exhibition of the cinema of Morocco, Algeria, Tunisia, Egypt, Palestine, Jordan, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, the United Arab Emirates, Saudi Arabi, Yemen, Kuwait, and Bahrain, as well as the non-Arab states of Turkey and Iran, and the Jewish state of Israel. This second edition of Historical Dictionary of Middle Eastern Cinema contains a chronology, an introduction, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 500 cross-refer
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Gannon, James. Military Occupations in the Age of Self-Determination. Greenwood Publishing Group, Inc., 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9798400685941.

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This book offers a perspective decidedly different from that of the Bush Administration and its neoconservative supporters. Since the United Nations embraced the right of national self-determination in 1945, the historical odds have been unfavorable to great powers that impose military occupations on smaller nations. This point is bolstered by the evidence from history, and is particularly pertinent to the American occupation of Iraq, where a robust insurgency has delayed projected successes by the administration and wartime planners. Drawing on historical antecedents to the occupation of Iraq
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Book chapters on the topic "Algerian Propaganda"

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Aggoun, Nacéra. "Psychological Propaganda during the Algerian War — Based on a Study of French Army Pamphlets." In The Algerian War and the French Army, 1954–62. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230500952_12.

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Khenouf, Mohamed, and Michael Brett. "Algerian Nationalism and the Allied Military Strategy and Propaganda during the Second World War: the Background to Sétif." In Africa and the Second World War. Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18264-0_10.

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Macmaster, Neil. "The Communist Party and Peasant Mobilization, c.1932–48." In War in the Mountains. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860211.003.0008.

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The Algerian Communist Party (PCA) played a particularly important role in the anti-colonial movement in the Chelif region, a prominence that explains why it was chosen as the primary base for the ‘Red Maquis’ guerrilla force in 1956. Chapter 7 looks at the way in which the PCA, dominated by the French Communist Party, initially opposed nationalism and followed the orthodox Marxist doctrine that the peasantry could not constitute a revolutionary class, a vanguard role that could only be assumed by an industrial or urban proletariat. In the Chelif region the veteran communist and trade union le
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Gerits, Frank. "Chapter 4 Redefining Decolonization in the Sahara, 1959–1960." In The Ideological Scramble for Africa. Cornell University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501767913.003.0005.

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This chapter looks into the redefinition of decolonization in the Sahara. It notes that negotiations about independence in Belgian Congo, British Central Africa, and French Algeria were profoundly shaped by Ghana's propaganda campaign and reconfigured diplomatic alliances in the North and South. The problem of African sovereignty was particularly urgent in 1959, following the atomic fallout on the African continent and the negotiations between colonial powers and African nationalists in the Belgian Congo and the Central African Federation. The chapter explains that the contested meaning of sov
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Ginio, Ruth. "‘Saving French West Africa’: the French army, African soldiers and military propaganda during the 1950s1." In Francophone Africa at fifty. Manchester University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9780719089305.003.0005.

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Continuities of military structures and of protagonists within these structures are a particularly important aspect of the process of transforming colonial domination into the uneven partnerships of the post-colonial period. Ruth Ginio discusses in this context the role of the so-called tirailleurs sénégalais (becoming soldats africains), West African (veteran) soldiers mobilized by the French for service during the Second World War and the wars in Indochina and Algeria. Ginio shows that the necessities of the anticolonial revolts and widespread discontent among African soldiers in the afterma
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Macmaster, Neil. "The Arzew Camp." In War in the Mountains. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198860211.003.0019.

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The chapter examines the success of the forms of psychological warfare deployed during Opération Pilote. A key element of Servier’s plan was to recruit peasants to undertake a crash training programme in the COIN centre at Arzew, so that they could be secretly reinserted in the douars to act as future political leaders. The first cohort proved to be of mediocre ability, and their placement in the douars, known to the FLN, proved to be perilous. The army turned to other techniques of mass brainwashing of the rural population, who were either subjected to propaganda teams or, at Warnier in the C
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