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Journal articles on the topic 'Algerian socialism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Shaev, Brian. "The Algerian War, European Integration, and the Decolonization of French Socialism." French Historical Studies 41, no. 1 (2018): 63–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00161071-4254619.

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AbstractThis article takes up Todd Shepard's call to “write together the history of the Algerian War and European integration” by examining the French Socialist Party. Socialist internationalism, built around an analysis of European history, abhorred nationalism and exalted supranational organization. Its principles were durable and firm. Socialist visions for French colonies, on the other hand, were fluid. The asymmetry of the party's European and colonial visions encouraged socialist leaders to apply their European doctrine to France's colonies during the Algerian War. The war split socialis

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2

Beke, Dirk. "De Berberse Identiteit en Het Nieuwe Meerpartijenstelsel in Algerije." Afrika Focus 9, no. 1-2 (1993): 125–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-0090102007.

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Berber Identity and the New Multi-Partyism in Algeria The article first argues that the present population of Algeria can be designed as Arabo-Berber and Berber. The original inhabitants, collectively identified by most historians as Berbers, formed no physical ethnic unity, but they had a common Berber language and culture. The Islamisation of the population of North Africa proceeded faster and became almost general, this in contrast to the slower and more limited Arabisation. The physical-ethnic process of Arabisation by settlement and fusion was altogether restrained. The Arabisaiton was es

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3

Beke, Dirk. "La Constitution Algerienne De 1989: Une Passerelle Entre le Socialisme Et L’islamisme?" Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (1991): 241–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/2031356x-00703004.

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The Algerian Constitution of 1989: A Bridge Between Socialism and Islamism? The riots of october 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted

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4

Pervillé, Guy. "La révolution algérienne et la « guerre froide » (1954-1962)." Études internationales 16, no. 1 (2005): 55–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/701794ar.

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To the French military, still recovering from their defeat in Indochina, the Algerian war was but the final outcome of the "subversive war" carried out by international communism against the colonial empires of the "imperialistic" powers since 1920. The historical analysis does not corroborate this far too unlateral interpretation of the complex and ambiguous relations which existed between the communist and the nationalist movements of Algeria: the algerian FLN in the beginning was no less anticommunist than antinationalist. However, the strategic and diplomatic needs of its struggle against

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5

Kirillova, L. V. "BUILDING THE NATION: SOCIALIST CONSTRUCTION PROJECTS IN ALGERIA, 1962-1978." Вестник Удмуртского университета. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения 4, no. 3 (2020): 334–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2020-4-3-334-343.

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Since the middle of the 1950s, the Socialist countries led by the Soviet Union had made significant contribution to the economic advancement of the developing countries. Under the umbrella of the Council of Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA), Soviet aid programs extended on many African countries, including Algeria. Founded by the Soviet Bloc in 1949, the CMEA was a response to the Marshall Plan. Within the confines of the Cold War, this international governmental organization aimed to promote the socialist economic integration not only of its members but also the emerging nations beyond the Ir

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6

Zeffane, Rachid. "Participative Management in Centrally Planned Economies: Algeria and Yugoslavia." Organization Studies 9, no. 3 (1988): 393–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/017084068800900306.

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Experiments in industrial democracy and participative forms of management constitute central issues in the ongoing search for viable models of organizing. In countries that have espoused the socialist strategy for socio-economic development, such forms constitute prime instruments in the integration of individual and national objectives. In principle, institutionalized models of participative management should blend with both underlying socialist 'intentions' and socio-economic endeavours. However, examina tion and comparisons of the systems adopted in Algeria and Yugoslavia suggests that thes

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7

Ighemat, Arezki. "The Call from Algeria." American Journal of Islam and Society 14, no. 4 (1997): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v14i4.2220.

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The main theme of the book is the study of how "Third Worldism"-as aschool of thought-was born and developed, how it reached its apogee in themid-1970s, and how it disappeared from the international scene in the 1980s,leaving in its place new trends such as liberalization, democratization, andlslamism. The author demonstrates his thesis through an examination ofAlgeria. Robert Malley explains his choice of Algeria for this case study by sayingthat Algeria is one of the "principal surrogates of Third Worldism," addingthat "understanding Algeria's contemporary history is a good way to understand

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8

Garon, Lise. "Crise économique et consensus en État rentier : le cas de l'Algérie socialiste (Note)." Études internationales 25, no. 1 (2005): 25–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/703278ar.

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Like other oil-producing Arab countries, socialist Algeria has followed a specific line of development : that of the rentier State. Its economy has been characterized by dependence on oil revenues which account for 98 % of all export earnings. Among the elites and the population, this income has served to maintain a consensus around the government's power. What happens, however, when the rentier State loses this consensus ? The case of socialist Algeria suggests that the rentier State would then be forced to use up its income, thereby bringing about its disappearance. This unprecedented case m

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9

Drew, Allison. "Bolshevizing Communist Parties: The Algerian and South African Experiences." International Review of Social History 48, no. 2 (2003): 167–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859003001007.

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In 1924 and 1925 the Comintern introduced its policy of Bolshevization. A goal of Bolshevization was the creation of mass-based communist parties. In settler societies this meant that the local communist party should aim to be demographically representative of the entire population. This article traces the efforts of the communist parties in Algeria and South Africa to indigenize, seeking to explain why their efforts had such diverse outcomes. It examines four variables: the patterns of working-class formation; the socialist tradition of each country; the relationship between the Comintern and

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10

Almeida, Rodrigo Davi. "Jean-Paul Sartre e o Terceiro Mundo (1947-1979)." Latin American Journal of Development 3, no. 5 (2021): 2789–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.46814/lajdv3n5-002.

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O artigo estuda as posições políticas de Jean-Paul Sartre (1905-1980) relacionadas ao Terceiro Mundo entre 1947 e 1979. Além disso, e a partir delas, enseja reflexões e/ou debates sobre o papel do intelectual na sociedade à luz do conhecimento histórico. As posições políticas de Sartre sobre o Terceiro Mundo constituem, portanto, o objeto deste trabalho cujo problema é a liberdade. Sob o “impacto da História”, isto é, no curso dos acontecimentos do Terceiro Mundo – da Guerra da Argélia (1954-1962), da Revolução Cubana (1959-1961) e da Revolução Vietnamita (1946-1976) – Sartre elabora uma nova

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11

Byrne, Jeffrey James. "The Middle Eastern Cold War: Unique Dynamics in a Questionable Regional Framework." International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, no. 2 (2011): 320–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743811000109.

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One of the more prominent themes to emerge from this roundtable is the desire to integrate the history of the modern Middle East with broader trends in international history, particularly with regard to the recent emphasis on “decentralizing” and “globalizing” the Cold War narrative. My own research interests are consistent with this approach, as one of the central concerns of my current project is to show how Algeria's revolutionary nationalists defied the regional categories imposed on them from the outside by pursuing overlapping diplomatic initiatives under the rubrics of Maghribi unity, A

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12

Zouache, Abdallah. "Socialism, Liberalism and Inequality: The Colonial Economics of the Saint-Simonians in 19th-Century Algeria." Review of Social Economy 67, no. 4 (2009): 431–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00346760802621591.

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13

byrne, jeffrey james. "Our Own Special Brand of Socialism: Algeria andï¿½ the Contest of Modernities in the 1960s." Diplomatic History 33, no. 3 (2009): 427–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-7709.2009.00779.x.

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14

Ireland, John, and Constance Mui. "Editorial." Sartre Studies International 25, no. 2 (2019): iv—vi. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ssi.2019.250201.

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We are thrilled, on the occasion of the 25th anniversary of Sartre Studies International, to publish for the first time in English (thanks to Dennis Gilbert’s initiative and perseverance) two interviews on theater given by Sartre to Russia’s oldest continually running theater journal, Teatr, whose first issues date from the 1930s. Six years apart, these two interviews give us the flavor of Sartre addressing a Soviet audience, in early 1956, just before Russian tanks rolled into Hungary and then again in early 1962, as France negotiated its exit out of the disastrous Algerian War. While these i

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15

Davis, R. G. "Deep Culture: Thoughts on Third–World Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 6, no. 24 (1990): 335–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x00004899.

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Does vague approval for the social objectives of much third-world theatre blind sympathetic western observers to its defects? And, where those objectives are specifically socialist, are the complex dialectics which generate revolution too readily supplanted in favour of simplistic affirmation? R. G. Davis takes examples from his own experience in Cuba, Nicaragua, and Algeria to propose a closer, more active, and inter active attention to the relationship between theatre and national needs, based in a lateral approach to what theatre can and cannot do well. R. G. Davis was founding director of

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16

Knopek, Jacek. "Systemy parlamentarne wybranych państw arabskich i muzułmańskich w świetle notatki dla kierownictwa MSZ z 1972 r." Przegląd Politologiczny, no. 2 (June 19, 2018): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/pp.2013.18.2.4.

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The paper discusses the parliamentary systems of selected Arab and Muslim countries in the Middle East and North Africa at the turn of the 1960s.The analysis concerns a document drawn up for executives in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in late 1972, with an attachment discussing the parliamentary systems of the countries of primary importance for the goals and interests of Poland. As concerns the Middle East, the parliamentary systems of Lebanon, Syria, Jordan, Iraq, Kuwait, Iran and North and South Yemen were described. In North Africa, the analysis encompassed the Maghreb region: Morocco, A

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17

Weiss, Dieter. "Ibn Khaldun on Economic Transformation." International Journal of Middle East Studies 27, no. 1 (1995): 29–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743800061560.

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A number of Arab countries have been exposed to structural adjustment programs. Under the guidance of the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund, these programs are aimed at making various kinds of Arab socialist and mixed-economy regimes more “market-friendly,” a policy that started in the 1950s and 1960s in countries like Algeria, Tunisia, Syria, and Egypt. Considering the mounting social tension that results from continuing population growth, urban agglomeration, and unemployment, it would be naive to expect—with Fukuyama—an “end of history” as most countries try to adopt market reg

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18

Zartman, I. William. "Bechir Tlili, Nationalismes, Socialisme et Syndicalisme dans le Maghreb des annees 1919–1934, vol. 1, Fondements et orientations des nationalismes en Tunisie et en Algerie 1919–1921; vol. 2, Nationalisme, Socialisme, Syndicalisme en Tunisie et en Algerie 1919–1934. Tunis: University of Tunis, 1984 (Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Tunis, quatrieme serie: Historie, vol. 27). 362+398 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900016951.

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19

Zartman, I. William. "Bechir Tlili, Nationalismes, Socialisme et Syndicalisme dans le Maghreb des annees 1919–1934, vol. 1, Fondements et orientations des nationalismes en Tunisie et en Algerie 1919–1921; vol. 2, Nationalisme, Socialisme, Syndicalisme en Tunisie et en Algerie 1919–1934. Tunis: University of Tunis, 1984 (Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Tunis, quatrieme serie: Historie, vol. 27). 362+398 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900002593.

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20

Zartman, I. William. "Bechir Tlili, Nationalismes, Socialisme et Syndicalisme dans le Maghreb des annees 1919–1934, vol. 1, Fondements et orientations des nationalismes en Tunisie et en Algerie 1919–1921; vol. 2, Nationalisme, Socialisme, Syndicalisme en Tunisie et en Algerie 1919–1934. Tunis: University of Tunis, 1984 (Faculté des Lettres et Sciences Humaines de Tunis, quatrieme serie: Historie, vol. 27). 362+398 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 30 (1986): 141–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900003975.

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21

Crane, Sheila. "Algerian Socialism and the Architecture of Autogestion." Architectural Histories 7, no. 1 (2019). http://dx.doi.org/10.5334/ah.345.

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22

Beke, Dirk. "The Algerian Constitution of 1989: a Bridge between Socialism and Islamism?" Afrika Focus 7, no. 3 (1991). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v7i3.6120.

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The riots of October 1988, the most violent uprising since independence against FLN-rule, forced president Chadli Bendjedid to accelerate and to extend the constitutional reforms announced earlier. An adaption of the constitutional law to the ongoing economic liberalization-process had become a necessity, but the popular pressure now not only asked economic changes, but also profound political reform. The new constitutional text was rapidly elaborated by a small circle of persons around the President and then submitted directly to a popular referendum. In contradiction with the procedure fixed

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23

Beke, Dirk. "Berber Identity and the new Multi-Partyism in Algeria." Afrika Focus 9, no. 1-2 (1993). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/af.v9i1-2.5783.

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The article first argues that the present population of Algeria can be designed as Arabo-Berber and Berber. The original inhabitants, collectively identified by most historians as Berbers, formed no physical ethnic unity, but they had a common Berber language and culture. The Islamisation of the population of North Africa proceeded faster and became almost general, this in contrast to the slower and more limited Arabisation. The physical-ethnic process of Arabisation by settlement and fusion was altogether restrained. The Arabisaiton was essentially a cultural process (language, popular cultur

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24

De Preter, Jan. "De BSP tussen kolonialisme en afro-socialisme in Algerije en Congo." Brood & Rozen 6, no. 3 (2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.21825/br.v6i3.2924.

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25

Ouibrahim, Nacer, and Robert Scapens. "Accounting and Financial Control in a Socialist Enterprise: A Case Study from Algeria." Accounting, Auditing & Accountability Journal 2, no. 2 (1989). http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/09513578910132295.

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26

Dodd, Adam. ""Paranoid Visions"." M/C Journal 4, no. 3 (2001). http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/mcj.1914.

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Despite the period's fashionable aspiration to a materialist, scientific objectivity, the new wilderness revealed by the microscope in the nineteenth century did not lend itself quickly or easily to sober, observational consensus. Rather, the nature of the microscopic world was, like the cosmos, largely open to interpretation. Since techniques of observation were largely undeveloped, many microscopists were not certain precisely what it was they were to look for, nor of the nature of their subjects. Did monstrosity lurk at the threshold, or was the microscope a window to the divine designs of

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