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Journal articles on the topic 'Algonquian language'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 8 February 2022

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1

Proulx, Paul. "Reduplication in Proto‐Algonquian and Proto‐Central‐Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 71, no. 2 (April 2005): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491634.

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2

Mathieu, Éric. "Flavors of Division." Linguistic Inquiry 43, no. 4 (October 2012): 650–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00110.

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The theoretical aim of this article is to integrate the singulative into the theory of division proposed by Borer (2005) and other theoretical linguists (e.g., Krifka 1995 , Doetjes 1996 , 1997 , Chierchia 1998 , Cheng and Sybesma 1999 ). To illustrate my claim, I offer a brief case study of Ojibwe, an Algonquian language, which I argue uses gender shift (from inanimate to animate) to mark singulativization. Singulatives, as morphological markers, are primarily known from Celtic, Afro-Asiatic, and Nilo-Saharan languages, but are not a known feature of Algonquian languages. Further support for my claim that the grammar of Algonquian languages embeds a singulative system comes from Fox (Mesquakie).
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3

Pentland, David H. "Initial *S > N in Arapaho-Atsina." Diachronica 15, no. 2 (January 1, 1998): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.15.2.05pen.

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SUMMARY In Arapaho and Atsina, two closely related Algonquian languages spoken on the Great Plains of North America, almost all Proto-Algonquian phonemes have undergone significant shifts. Normally, *s becomes h, but Ives Goddard contended that in word-initial position *s becomes n, although he could cite only two examples. Since the change is phonetically unlikely and so sparsely attested, its status as a product of regular sound change has been questioned. However, this paper presents twelve different initial elements with Arapaho-Atsina n from Proto-Algonquian *s to show that it is in fact a regular sound shift. RÉSUMÉ En Arapaho et Atsina, deux langues algonquiennes des plaines d'Amérique du Nord prochement apparentés, presque tous les phonèmes proto-algonquiens ont subis des changements considérables. En principe, *s devient h, mais Ives Goddard prétend qu'au commencement d'un mot *s devient n, bien qu'il ne puisse en citer que deux exemples. Puisqu'il est un changement phonétique improbable et peu attesté, on a contesté son titre comme résultat de changement régulier. Cependant, cet article présente douze éléments initials différents avec un n arapaho-atsina d'un *s proto-algonquien pour demontrer qu'il s'agit en effet d'un changement phonologique régulier. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Fast alle Laute des Uralgonquischen haben im Arapaho und im Atsina, zwei eng miteinander verwandten Sprachen der großen Ebenen von Nord-amerika, beträchtlichen Wandel durchgemacht. *s wird normalerweise zu h, doch hat Ives Goddard, obwohl er nur zwei Beispiele anzuführen hatte, da-rauf bestanden, daß *s im Anlaut zu n würde. Da ein solcher Wandel pho-netisch ungewöhnlich ist, und auch in Anbetracht der dürftigen Belege, sind Zweifel daran erhoben worden, ob es sich dabei wirklich um ein Resultat lautgesetzlicher Entwicklung handelt. Dagegen führen wir in diesem Aufsatz zwölf eigenstandige Elemente an, die im Arapaho und Atsina anlautendes n als Reflex des uralgonquischen *s aufweisen, und beweisen damit, daB es sich im vorliegenden Falle tatsächlich um einen lautgesetzlichen Wandel handelt.
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4

Proulx, Paul. "Proto-Algonquian Residence." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 3, no. 2 (December 1993): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1993.3.2.217.

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5

Cowan, William. "Sixteenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 52, no. 4 (October 1986): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466037.

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6

Cowan, William. "Seventeenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 52, no. 4 (October 1986): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466038.

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7

Cowan, William. "Eighteenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 53, no. 2 (April 1987): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466057.

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8

Cowan, William. "Nineteenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 54, no. 3 (July 1988): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466091.

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9

Cowan, William. "Twentieth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 55, no. 4 (October 1989): 482–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466135.

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10

Cowan, William. "Twenty-Second Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 57, no. 3 (July 1991): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ijal.57.3.3519729.

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11

Cowan, William. "Twenty-First Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 2 (April 1990): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466159.

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12

Cowan, William. "Twenty-Fourth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 59, no. 1 (January 1993): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466191.

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13

Cowan, William. "Twenty-Fifth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 60, no. 2 (April 1994): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466231.

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14

Pentland, David H. "Twenty-Sixth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 61, no. 2 (April 1995): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466255.

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15

Goddard, Ives. "Leonard Bloomfield’s descriptive and comparative studies of Algonquian." Historiographia Linguistica 14, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1987): 179–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.14.1-2.17god.

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Summary Bloomfield’s Algonquian studies comprise a large body of descriptive and comparative work on Fox, Cree, Menominee, and Ojibwa. The materials he used were derived from his own fieldwork, for the most part, and especially in the case of Fox from the published work of others. His major achievement was to bring explicitness and orderliness to the description of Algonquian inflectional and derivational morphology. An examination of the development of his solution to certain phonological problems in Menominee and of his practices in editing his Menominee texts shows his struggle to reconcile the conflicting goals, formulated in his general statements (in his 1933 Language and elsewhere), of describing a language by determining the norm of the speech community and documenting a language in exhaustive objective detail. In his diachronic studies Bloomfield reconstructed the phonology of Proto-Algonquian and worked out the historical phonology of the languages he was concerned with; his work on morphology was largely confined to the comparison and reconstruction of directly corresponding features. A normative approach to variation is evident in these diachronic studies as well.
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16

Bruening, Benjamin. "Algonquian Languages Have A-Movement and A-Agreement." Linguistic Inquiry 40, no. 3 (July 2009): 427–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.3.427.

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Ritter and Rosen (2005) claim that Algonquian languages lack A-movement and A-binding, and they theorize that all agreement in Algonquian is agreement with Ā-positions. I show that this proposal cannot be maintained, given facts of quantifier scope in Passamaquoddy. These facts require recognizing a step of A-movement to a derived A-position, comparable to Spec, TP in languages like English. I further contrast this movement with the movement involved in crossclausal agreement (Branigan and MacKenzie 2002) and show that the two differ in exactly the ways that A-movement and Ā-movement differ. Algonquian languages clearly have A-movement as distinct from Ā-movement.
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17

Campana, Mark. "The Conjunct Order in Algonquian." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 41, no. 3 (September 1996): 201–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100016406.

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AbstractThis article examines the conjunct order found in Algonquian languages and attempts to characterize the difference between the conjunct and the independent orders in formal terms. Most of the examples are drawn from Passamaquoddy-Maliseet and Montagnais. Specific morphological properties of the two orders are considered: the ability to take person prefixes, the richness of agreement features, and the phonological conditioning of stem-initial vowels. A weak word order effect is observed in Montagnais, and the overall distribution of the two verb paradigms is examined. All of these facts are related to the hypothesis that verbs bearing conjunct morphology move to Comp, while independent verbs remain in Infl. This operation is motivated by the dependence of a conjunct clause on a higher verb or noun, as in subordination or relativization. In some cases, the dependency may derive from the adjunct status of the conjunct clause itself. The overall picture is one of a configurational language type, with superficial differences reducible to parametric variation.
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18

Kilarski, Marcin. "Algonquian and Indo-European gender in a Historiographic Perspective." Historiographia Linguistica 34, no. 2-3 (November 13, 2007): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.34.2.06kil.

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Summary This article examines shared motifs in the history of the study of grammatical gender in North American Indian and Indo-European languages. Specifically, I investigate the degree of semantic and cultural motivation attributed to gender in Algonquian languages, and present analogies with accounts of gender in Indo-European. The presence of exceptions within animate gender in Algonquian has led to conflicting interpretations: while some focused on the arbitrary nature of the categorization, others regarded them as culturally based. Algonquian languages provide an example of how claims that have traditionally been made about Indo-European gender, particularly its supposed semantic arbitrariness, have been extended to languages apparently less suited for the purpose.
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19

Drechsel, Emanuel J. "Algonquian Loanwords in Mobilian Jargon." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 393–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465906.

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20

Berman, Howard. "New Algonquian-Ritwan Cognate Sets." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 3 (July 1990): 431–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466168.

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21

Wolfart, H. Christoph. "Lahontan’s Bestseller." Historiographia Linguistica 16, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.16.1-2.02wol.

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Summary Among the early descriptions of the Algonquian languages of New France, the Petit Dictionaire (1703) of the baron de Lahontan stands out, despite its modest size, as the first vocabulary to appear in print. Thanks to the remarkable success of his Nouveaux Voyages, to which it forms an appendix, Lahontan’s Algonquin (Ojibwa) vocabulary became very widely known, serving as either model or source for many successors (including, it appears, the first printed vocabulary for Cree). On the evidence of a set of verb stems exhibiting a common non-initial morpheme (*-êl-), Lahontan’s analytical approach appears consistent in the segmentation of the inflexional prefixes, but the morpheme which defines this set is variously recorded with either l or r. The further variation between the French and English editions of 1703 sheds some light on the editorial process, and the general congruence between the occasional Algonquin word in his travel narratives and those in the Petit Dictionaire seems to corroborate Lahontan’s account of his efforts at language learning. The political establishment and his Jesuit detractors notwithstanding, Lahontan’s Algonquin vocabulary proved to be as influential in its domain as his narrative and philosophical writings were in the intellectual and literary world of the 18th century.
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22

Darnell, Regna. "Linguistic Anthropology in Canada: Some Personal Reflections." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 50, no. 1-4 (December 2005): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100003698.

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AbstractLinguistic anthropology can be understood as attention to the use and communicative context of language across cultures and societies. The legacy of linguistic anthropology for both of its constituent disciplines resides in qualitative research methods and the attention paid to the particular words of particular speakers. Linguistic anthropologists have also modelled ethical ways of doing collaborative research. Canadian linguistic anthropology has been pragmatic and closely tied to the maintenance and revitalization of First Nations (Native Canadian) languages. Issues of language are inseparable from those of community and larger social processes: this can be seen in the context of traditional Algonquian languages in the Prairies as well as in the adaptation of English to First Nations purposes. The latter is a reaction to the imposition of residential schooling that alienated students from their culture, their community, and their language, and escalated language loss. Current research on life-history narratives indicates that nomadic legacies of subsistence hunting are still present in the decision-making strategies of contemporary Algonquian peoples in southern Ontario.
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23

Pentland, David H. "The Proto-Algonquian Word for 'Sun'." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465962.

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24

Proulx, Paul. "The Demonstrative Pronouns of Proto-Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 54, no. 3 (July 1988): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466088.

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25

Biedny, Jerome, Matthew Burner, Andrea Cudworth, and Monica Macaulay. "Classifier Medials across Algonquian: A First Look." International Journal of American Linguistics 87, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711606.

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26

Karstedt, Lars V. "Papers of the Thirty-Third Algonquian Conference." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 16, no. 2 (December 2006): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.2006.16.2.287.

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27

Proulx, Paul. "Proto-Algonquian *nl and *nɫ in Fox." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 541–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465965.

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28

Goddard, Ives. "Primary and Secondary Stem Derivation in Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 4 (October 1990): 449–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466171.

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29

Rees-Miller, Janie. "Morphological Adaptation of English Loanwords in Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 62, no. 2 (April 1996): 196–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466287.

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30

Oxford, Will. "An illusory subject preference in Algonquian agreement." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 3 (July 14, 2021): 412–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.13.

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31

Oxford, Will. "The Activity Condition as a Microparameter." Linguistic Inquiry 48, no. 4 (October 2017): 711–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00260.

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Using data from agreement in three Algonquian languages (Ojibwe, Cheyenne, and Plains Cree), this squib shows that effects typically attributed to Chomsky’s ( 2000 , 2001 ) Activity Condition (AC) can vary not only across languages, as in Baker’s (2008b) macroparametric proposal, but within a language as well. AC effects are thus another instance in which an apparent macroparameter turns out, on closer inspection, to be a microparameter instead, as in prominent cases such as the pro-drop parameter and the polysynthesis parameter ( Kayne 2005 , Baker 2008a ).
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32

Wier, Thomas R. "Papers of the Thirty-Fourth Algonquian Conference (review)." Language 83, no. 1 (2007): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2007.0051.

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33

Picard, Marc. "The Case against Global Etymologies: Evidence from Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 64, no. 2 (April 1998): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466353.

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34

Ritter, Elizabeth, and Sara Thomas Rosen. "Agreement without A-Positions: Another Look at Algonquian." Linguistic Inquiry 36, no. 4 (October 2005): 648–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438905774464304.

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35

Hockett, C. F. "Letters from bloomfield to Michelson and Sapir." Historiographia Linguistica 14, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1987): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.14.1-2.07hoc.

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Summary Between 1919 and 1930, Leonard Bloomfield corresponded with the anthropologist Truman Michelson (1879–1938) concerning Algonquian linguistics, and between 1924 and 1925 with Edward Sapir (1884–1939), with regard to American Indian languages, linguistic theory, and Bloomfield’s appointment as field-worker for the Canadian Bureau of Mines. The surviving letters are enumerated and discussed, and non-technical portions of them are reproduced, for the light which they shed on three of Bloomfield’s professional concerns: his work in Algonquian; his move from Illinois to Ohio State in 1921 ; and the planning and founding of the Linguistic Society of America in 1924–25. They also afford a few glimpses of his (in general little known) personal life and attitudes.
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36

LeSourd, Philip S. "Traces of Proto‐Algonquian*wi·la‘he, she’ in Maliseet‐Passamaquoddy." International Journal of American Linguistics 69, no. 4 (October 2003): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/382737.

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37

Lochbihler, Bethany, Will Oxford, and Nicholas Welch. "The person-animacy connection: Evidence from Algonquian and Dene." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 3 (August 10, 2021): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.14.

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38

Cowan, William. "Passing through Time: My career from Arabic to Algonquian." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 28, no. 1-2 (2001): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.28.1-2.19cow.

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39

Brown, Cecil H. "Lexical acculturation, areal diffusion, lingua francas, and bilingualism." Language in Society 25, no. 2 (June 1996): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0047404500020637.

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ABSTRACTThis study continues an investigation of lexical acculturation in Native American languages using a sample of 292 language cases distributed from the Arctic Circle to Tierra del Fuego (Brown 1994). Focus is on the areal diffusion of native language words for imported European Objects and concepts. Approximately 80% of all sharing of such terms is found to occur among closely genetically related languages. Amerindian languages only distantly related, or not related at all, tend to share native labels for acculturated items only when these have diffused to them from a lingua franca, such as Chinook Jargon (a pidgin trade language of the Pacific Northwest Coast) or Peruvian Quechua (the language of the Inca empire). Lingua francas also facilitate diffusion of terms through genetically related languages; but sometimes, as in the case of Algonquian languages, these are neither familiar American pidgins nor languages associated with influential nation states. An explanatory framework is constructed around the proposal that degree of bilingualism positively influences extent of lexical borrowing. (Amerindian languages, bilingualism, language contact, lexical acculturation, lexical diffusion, lingua francas)
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40

Rosen, Nicole. "French‐Algonquian interaction in Canada: A Michif case study." Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 22, no. 8 (January 2008): 610–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02699200802221570.

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41

Starks, Donna. "Planned vs Unplanned Discourse: Oral Narrative vs Conversation in Woods Cree." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 39, no. 4 (December 1994): 297–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100015437.

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Most research on Algonquian languages, of which Cree is a typical example, is based on collections of narrative texts (Wolfart 1973; Dahlstrom 1986; James 1986). Although there is nothing intrinsically wrong with this approach, the use of one particular type of database in such an extensive amount of research lends itself to a genre-biased description of the language. In oral cultures, many narrative texts are typically preplanned (Chafe 1985) and therefore will have, according to researchers in discourse analysis, many of the features of preplanned texts such as complete and longer sentences, higher clause density and a larger proportion of subordinate clauses (Brown and Yule 1985:151–117; Biber 1988:47). In addition, other language-specific features may occur.
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42

Rankin, Robert L. "On Some Ohio Valley Siouan and Illinois Algonquian Words for 'Eight'." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (October 1985): 544–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465967.

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43

Kilarski, Marcin. "American Indian Languages in the Eyes of 17th-Century French and British Missionaries." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 53, s1 (December 1, 2018): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2018-0014.

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Abstract This paper examines 17th-century descriptions of Algonquian and Iroquoian languages by French and British missionaries as well as their subsequent reinterpretations. Focusing on such representative studies as Paul Le Jeune’s (1592–1664) sketch of Montagnais, John Eliot’s (1604–1690) grammar of Massachusett, and the accounts of Huron by Jean de Brébeuf (1593–1649) and Gabriel Sagard-Théodat (c.1600–1650), I discuss their analysis of the sound systems, morphology, syntax, and lexicon. In addition, I examine the reception of early missionary accounts in European scholarship, focusing on the role they played in the shaping of the notion of ‘primitive’ languages and their speakers in the 18th and 19th centuries. I also discuss the impressionistic nature of evaluations of phonetic, lexical, and grammatical properties in terms of complexity and richness. Based on examples of the early accounts of the lexicon and structure of Algonquian and Iroquoian languages, I show that even though these accounts were preliminary in their character, they frequently provided detailed and insightful representations of unfamiliar languages. The reception and subsequent transmission of the linguistic examples they illustrated was however influenced by the changing theoretical and ideological context, resulting in interpretations that were often contradictory to those intended in the original descriptions.
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44

Cogley, Richard W. "John Eliot and the Millennium*." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 1, no. 2 (1991): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1991.1.2.03a00050.

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In 1643, twelve years after his arrival in Massachusetts Bay, John Eliot (1604-90), the Roxbury clergyman better known as the “Apostle to the Indians,” began to learn an Algonquian dialect in preparation for missionary work. After three years of study, he started to preach to the Indians in the colony. He continued to labor among them until the late 1680's, when his infirmity no longer permitted him to leave Roxbury. Over the course of these forty years, he attracted some eleven hundred Indians to the Christian faith, established fourteen reservations (“praying towns”) for his proselytes, and produced for Indians' use a number of Algonquian language works, including a translation of the Bible.During the past twenty-five years, Eliot's career has received considerable scholarly attention. In 1965 Alden Vaughan portrayed Eliot as a conscientious missionary whose objective was to spread “Christian civilization” among the Indians.
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45

James, Deborah, Sandra Clarke, and Marguerite MacKenzie. "The Encoding of Information Source in Algonquian: Evidentials in Cree/Montagnais/Naskapi." International Journal of American Linguistics 67, no. 3 (July 2001): 229–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466459.

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46

Benítez-Torres, Carlos M., and Anthony P. Grant. "On the origin of some Northern Songhay mixed languages." Journal of Pidgin and Creole Languages 32, no. 2 (December 4, 2017): 263–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jpcl.32.2.03ben.

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This paper discusses the origins of linguistic elements in three Northern Songhay languages of Niger and Mali: Tadaksahak, Tagdal and Tasawaq. Northern Songhay languages combine elements from Berber languages, principally Tuareg forms, and from Songhay; the latter provides inflectional morphology and much of the basic vocabulary, while the former is the source of most of the rest of the vocabulary, especially less basic elements. Subsets of features of Northern Songhay languages are compared with those of several stable mixed languages and mixed-lexicon creoles, and in accounting for the origin of these languages the kind of language mixing found in Northern Songhay languages is compared with that found in the (Algonquian) Montagnais dialect of Betsiamites, Quebec. The study shows that Tagdal and the other Northern Songhay languages could be construed as mixed languages, although the proportion of Berber and Songhay elements varieties somewhat between these languages, and also indicates that the definition of ‘mixed language’ is labile because different mixed languages combine their components in different ways, so that different kinds of mixed languages need to be recognized. NS languages seem to belong to the category of Core-Periphery languages with respect to the origins of more versus less basic morphemes.
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47

Branigan, Phil, and Marguerite MacKenzie. "Altruism, Ā-Movement, and Object Agreement in Innu-aimûn." Linguistic Inquiry 33, no. 3 (July 2002): 385–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438902760168545.

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This article examines the syntactic properties of a long-distanceagreement construction in Innu-aimûn (Algonquian)in which a matrix verb may agree with an argument in its complement clause, normally with an associated topic interpretation for the DP target of agreement. It is shown that this is true cross-clausal agreement into a finite complement, rather than agreement with a prothetic object or exceptional Case marking. The topic interpretation effect is shown to reflect a (covert) Ā-movement that produces a complement clause with an accessible target for agreement at the left periphery.
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48

Buccini, Anthony F. "Dutch, Swedish, and English Elements in the Development of Pidgin Delaware." American Journal of Germanic Linguistics and Literatures 11, no. 1 (1999): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1040820700002468.

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This paper investigates the influence of Dutch, Swedish, and English on the syntax of Pidgin Delaware, a contact language used in the Middle Atlantic region in the seventeenth century. Arguments are presented against Thomason's (1980) view that the pidgin predated European contact; instead, the structures of the pidgin are viewed from the perspective of Dutch speakers attempting to learn the Delaware language. The theoretical framework of Van Coetsem 1988 is used to explain which Algonquian features were successfully acquired by the Dutch and where the Dutch imposed features from their native language in the early, formational stage of the pidgin. In addition, subsequent changes in Pidgin Delaware are attributed to its use by Swedish and English speakers.
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49

Bernhardt, Barbara May, Joseph Paul Stemberger, and Daniel Bérubé. "Crosslinguistic Phonological Development: An International Collaboration." Perspectives of the ASHA Special Interest Groups 2, no. 17 (January 2017): 21–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/persp2.sig17.21.

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An international study is investigating phonological development in 12 languages: Romance (Canadian French, Granada, Mexican and Chilean Spanish, and European Portuguese); Germanic (German, English, Swedish, and Icelandic); Semitic (Kuwaiti Arabic); Asian (Japanese, Mandarin); South Slavic (Bulgarian, Slovene). Additional phonological assessment materials have been created for Anishinaabemowin (Algonquian, Canada), Brazilian Portuguese, European French, Punjabi, Tagalog, and Greek. The study has two purposes: (a) to investigate crosslinguistic patterns in phonological development; and (b) to develop assessment tools and treatment activities. Equivalent crosslinguistic methodologies include: (a) single word lists for elicitation that reflect major characteristics of each language; (b) data collection and transcription by native speakers; (c) participant samples of 20–30 preschoolers (ages 3 to 6) with typical versus protracted phonological development; and (d) data analysis supported by Phon, a phonological analysis program. The current paper provides an overview of the study and introduces a website that offers free tutorials and materials for speech-language pathologists (SLPs).
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50

Lochbihler, Bethany, and Eric Mathieu. "Wh-agreement in Ojibwe relative clauses: Evidence for CP Structure." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 58, no. 2 (July 2013): 293–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100003042.

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AbstractThis article discusses the morphological and syntactic structure of relative clauses in Ojibwe (Algonquian), in particular their status as wh-constructions. Relatives in this language are full clauses that bear special morphology, show evidence of A′-movement of a wh-operator, and consequently exhibit wh-agreement also found in interrogatives and certain types of focus constructions. Ojibwe shows the possibility of wh-agreement realized on T (in addition to C and v for other languages), as it appears on tense prefixes. We account for the realization of wh-agreement on T in Ojibwe via the mechanism of feature inheritance. We propose that while declarative matrix clauses are canonical in that C introduces φ-features in Ojibwe, the role of C in embedded or wh-contexts is to introduce δ-features (discourse features), such as [uwh], rather than φ-features. These δ-features can be introduced by C, but are transferred down to T where they spell out as wh-agreement.
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