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Journal articles on the topic 'Algonquin (Langue)'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Junker, Marie-Odile. "Syntaxe du quantifieur universel en algonquin." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 39, no. 1 (1994): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100014821.

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Le but de cet article est d’étudier les caractéristiques syntaxiques du quantifieur universel kakina (‘tous’/‘chacun’) en algonquin, un dialecte ojibwe parlé au sud-ouest du Québec. J’examine la diversité des positions que peut occuper le quantifieur kakina dans la phrase simple ainsi que ses possibilités d’interprétation. Je recherche quels méchanismes syntaxiques ou morphologiques permettent de relier le quantifieur à ses arguments. Les données présentées ici ont été élicitées et reconfirmées auprès d’une locutrice de langue maternelle algonquine, bilingue algonquin-anglais, agée d’une cinqu

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2

Pentland, David H. "Initial *S > N in Arapaho-Atsina." Diachronica 15, no. 2 (1998): 309–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/dia.15.2.05pen.

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SUMMARY In Arapaho and Atsina, two closely related Algonquian languages spoken on the Great Plains of North America, almost all Proto-Algonquian phonemes have undergone significant shifts. Normally, *s becomes h, but Ives Goddard contended that in word-initial position *s becomes n, although he could cite only two examples. Since the change is phonetically unlikely and so sparsely attested, its status as a product of regular sound change has been questioned. However, this paper presents twelve different initial elements with Arapaho-Atsina n from Proto-Algonquian *s to show that it is in fact

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3

Wolfart, H. Christoph. "Lahontan’s Bestseller." Historiographia Linguistica 16, no. 1-2 (1989): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.16.1-2.02wol.

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Summary Among the early descriptions of the Algonquian languages of New France, the Petit Dictionaire (1703) of the baron de Lahontan stands out, despite its modest size, as the first vocabulary to appear in print. Thanks to the remarkable success of his Nouveaux Voyages, to which it forms an appendix, Lahontan’s Algonquin (Ojibwa) vocabulary became very widely known, serving as either model or source for many successors (including, it appears, the first printed vocabulary for Cree). On the evidence of a set of verb stems exhibiting a common non-initial morpheme (*-êl-), Lahontan’s analytical

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4

O'Meara, John. "Algonquin Lexicon. Ernest McGregor." International Journal of American Linguistics 59, no. 1 (1993): 108–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466188.

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5

Proulx, Paul. "Reduplication in Proto‐Algonquian and Proto‐Central‐Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 71, no. 2 (2005): 193–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/491634.

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6

Proulx, Paul. "Proto-Algonquian Residence." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 3, no. 2 (1993): 217–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.1993.3.2.217.

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7

Cowan, William. "Sixteenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 52, no. 4 (1986): 429. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466037.

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8

Cowan, William. "Seventeenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 52, no. 4 (1986): 430–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466038.

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9

Cowan, William. "Eighteenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 53, no. 2 (1987): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466057.

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10

Cowan, William. "Nineteenth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 54, no. 3 (1988): 366–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466091.

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11

Cowan, William. "Twentieth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 55, no. 4 (1989): 482–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466135.

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12

Charland, Philippe. "Nia ta kdak / moi et l’autre." Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 46, no. 1 (2017): 19–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1038932ar.

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Cet article traite des ethnonymes employés par les Abénakis, à travers le temps, pour désigner les nations autochtones les côtoyant. Comme bien des toponymes, les ethnonymes ont subi différentes variations à travers le temps, variations dues entre autres à la méconnaissance des langues autochtones et à la bureaucratisation de ce vocabulaire, qui rendent de nos jours difficiles leur lecture, leur compréhension et leur interprétation. À travers une recherche exhaustive des ethnonymes disponibles dans les sources primaires, il a été possible d’identifier dix-neuf ethnonymes se rapportant à quator

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13

Cowan, William. "Twenty-Second Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 57, no. 3 (1991): 407–8. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/ijal.57.3.3519729.

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14

Cowan, William. "Twenty-First Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 2 (1990): 310–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466159.

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15

Cowan, William. "Twenty-Fourth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 59, no. 1 (1993): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466191.

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16

Cowan, William. "Twenty-Fifth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 60, no. 2 (1994): 196–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466231.

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17

Pentland, David H. "Twenty-Sixth Algonquian Conference." International Journal of American Linguistics 61, no. 2 (1995): 259–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466255.

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18

Oxford, Will. "Inverse marking and Multiple Agree in Algonquin." Natural Language & Linguistic Theory 37, no. 3 (2018): 955–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11049-018-9428-x.

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19

Drechsel, Emanuel J. "Algonquian Loanwords in Mobilian Jargon." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (1985): 393–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465906.

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20

Berman, Howard. "New Algonquian-Ritwan Cognate Sets." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 3 (1990): 431–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466168.

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21

Bruening, Benjamin. "Algonquian Languages Have A-Movement and A-Agreement." Linguistic Inquiry 40, no. 3 (2009): 427–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling.2009.40.3.427.

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Ritter and Rosen (2005) claim that Algonquian languages lack A-movement and A-binding, and they theorize that all agreement in Algonquian is agreement with Ā-positions. I show that this proposal cannot be maintained, given facts of quantifier scope in Passamaquoddy. These facts require recognizing a step of A-movement to a derived A-position, comparable to Spec, TP in languages like English. I further contrast this movement with the movement involved in crossclausal agreement (Branigan and MacKenzie 2002) and show that the two differ in exactly the ways that A-movement and Ā-movement differ. A

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22

Mathieu, Éric. "Flavors of Division." Linguistic Inquiry 43, no. 4 (2012): 650–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00110.

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The theoretical aim of this article is to integrate the singulative into the theory of division proposed by Borer (2005) and other theoretical linguists (e.g., Krifka 1995 , Doetjes 1996 , 1997 , Chierchia 1998 , Cheng and Sybesma 1999 ). To illustrate my claim, I offer a brief case study of Ojibwe, an Algonquian language, which I argue uses gender shift (from inanimate to animate) to mark singulativization. Singulatives, as morphological markers, are primarily known from Celtic, Afro-Asiatic, and Nilo-Saharan languages, but are not a known feature of Algonquian languages. Further support for

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23

Kilarski, Marcin. "Algonquian and Indo-European gender in a Historiographic Perspective." Historiographia Linguistica 34, no. 2-3 (2007): 333–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.34.2.06kil.

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Summary This article examines shared motifs in the history of the study of grammatical gender in North American Indian and Indo-European languages. Specifically, I investigate the degree of semantic and cultural motivation attributed to gender in Algonquian languages, and present analogies with accounts of gender in Indo-European. The presence of exceptions within animate gender in Algonquian has led to conflicting interpretations: while some focused on the arbitrary nature of the categorization, others regarded them as culturally based. Algonquian languages provide an example of how claims th

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24

Pentland, David H. "The Proto-Algonquian Word for 'Sun'." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (1985): 534–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465962.

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25

Proulx, Paul. "The Demonstrative Pronouns of Proto-Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 54, no. 3 (1988): 309–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466088.

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26

Cottier, Jean-François. "Le latin comme outil de grammatisation des langues « sauvages » en Nouvelle-France : à propos des notes du P. Louis André sur la langue algonquine outaouoise (introduction, édition du texte latin et traduction)." Tangence, no. 99 (April 12, 2013): 99–122. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1015114ar.

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Dès les débuts de l’installation des Français en Nouvelle-France, on voit les missionnaires se mettre à l’étude des langues autochtones et fabriquer presque simultanément différents outils d’apprentissage dans un effort manifeste de grammatisation. Ce processus de description des langues amérindiennes s’inscrit dans un mouvement plus général de linguistique missionnaire, dont les fondements théoriques reposent sur la croyance de l’époque en un langage mental originel. Le latin étant utilisé comme modèle de référence pour décrire les langues « sauvages », la perspective s’en trouve forcément fa

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27

Biedny, Jerome, Matthew Burner, Andrea Cudworth, and Monica Macaulay. "Classifier Medials across Algonquian: A First Look." International Journal of American Linguistics 87, no. 1 (2021): 1–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711606.

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28

Karstedt, Lars V. "Papers of the Thirty-Third Algonquian Conference." Journal of Linguistic Anthropology 16, no. 2 (2006): 287–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/jlin.2006.16.2.287.

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29

Proulx, Paul. "Proto-Algonquian *nl and *nɫ in Fox". International Journal of American Linguistics 51, № 4 (1985): 541–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465965.

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30

Goddard, Ives. "Primary and Secondary Stem Derivation in Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 56, no. 4 (1990): 449–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466171.

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31

Rees-Miller, Janie. "Morphological Adaptation of English Loanwords in Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 62, no. 2 (1996): 196–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466287.

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32

Oxford, Will. "An illusory subject preference in Algonquian agreement." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 3 (2021): 412–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.13.

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33

Goddard, Ives. "Leonard Bloomfield’s descriptive and comparative studies of Algonquian." Historiographia Linguistica 14, no. 1-2 (1987): 179–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.14.1-2.17god.

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Summary Bloomfield’s Algonquian studies comprise a large body of descriptive and comparative work on Fox, Cree, Menominee, and Ojibwa. The materials he used were derived from his own fieldwork, for the most part, and especially in the case of Fox from the published work of others. His major achievement was to bring explicitness and orderliness to the description of Algonquian inflectional and derivational morphology. An examination of the development of his solution to certain phonological problems in Menominee and of his practices in editing his Menominee texts shows his struggle to reconcile

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34

Wier, Thomas R. "Papers of the Thirty-Fourth Algonquian Conference (review)." Language 83, no. 1 (2007): 234–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/lan.2007.0051.

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35

Picard, Marc. "The Case against Global Etymologies: Evidence from Algonquian." International Journal of American Linguistics 64, no. 2 (1998): 141–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466353.

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36

Ritter, Elizabeth, and Sara Thomas Rosen. "Agreement without A-Positions: Another Look at Algonquian." Linguistic Inquiry 36, no. 4 (2005): 648–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438905774464304.

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37

Hockett, C. F. "Letters from bloomfield to Michelson and Sapir." Historiographia Linguistica 14, no. 1-2 (1987): 39–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.14.1-2.07hoc.

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Summary Between 1919 and 1930, Leonard Bloomfield corresponded with the anthropologist Truman Michelson (1879–1938) concerning Algonquian linguistics, and between 1924 and 1925 with Edward Sapir (1884–1939), with regard to American Indian languages, linguistic theory, and Bloomfield’s appointment as field-worker for the Canadian Bureau of Mines. The surviving letters are enumerated and discussed, and non-technical portions of them are reproduced, for the light which they shed on three of Bloomfield’s professional concerns: his work in Algonquian; his move from Illinois to Ohio State in 1921 ;

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38

Crago, Martha B., Alice Eriks-Brophy, Diane Pesco, and Lynn McAlpine. "Culturally Based Miscommunication in Classroom Interaction." Language, Speech, and Hearing Services in Schools 28, no. 3 (1997): 245–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1044/0161-1461.2803.245.

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This article identifies a number of ways teachers and students can misunderstand and confuse each other with their language-based communications in the classroom. Cultural variations in the formats for teacher-led lessons and child-generated personal experience narratives are described, using research findings from Canadian Inuit and Algonquin communities. The importance of practitioners learning from miscommunications is stressed.

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39

LeSourd, Philip S. "Traces of Proto‐Algonquian*wi·la‘he, she’ in Maliseet‐Passamaquoddy." International Journal of American Linguistics 69, no. 4 (2003): 357–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/382737.

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40

Lochbihler, Bethany, Will Oxford, and Nicholas Welch. "The person-animacy connection: Evidence from Algonquian and Dene." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 66, no. 3 (2021): 431–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2021.14.

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41

Cowan, William. "Passing through Time: My career from Arabic to Algonquian." Historiographia Linguistica International Journal for the History of the Language Sciences 28, no. 1-2 (2001): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/hl.28.1-2.19cow.

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42

Rosen, Nicole. "French‐Algonquian interaction in Canada: A Michif case study." Clinical Linguistics & Phonetics 22, no. 8 (2008): 610–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02699200802221570.

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43

Darnell, Regna. "Linguistic Anthropology in Canada: Some Personal Reflections." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 50, no. 1-4 (2005): 151–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008413100003698.

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AbstractLinguistic anthropology can be understood as attention to the use and communicative context of language across cultures and societies. The legacy of linguistic anthropology for both of its constituent disciplines resides in qualitative research methods and the attention paid to the particular words of particular speakers. Linguistic anthropologists have also modelled ethical ways of doing collaborative research. Canadian linguistic anthropology has been pragmatic and closely tied to the maintenance and revitalization of First Nations (Native Canadian) languages. Issues of language are

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44

Rogers, Richard A. "Glacial Geography and Native North American Languages." Quaternary Research 23, no. 1 (1985): 130–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0033-5894(85)90077-8.

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This study tests the hypothesis that the number and distribution of some native American languages may be related to ice-margin changes of the Wisconsin glaciation. The analysis indicated that the number of languages per unit area is much greater in unglaciated areas of the last glacial maximum than in glaciated areas. The pattern of languge overlap between land areas sequentially exposed during deglaciation appears to indicate the direction of movement of populations from the periphery toward the core of the area once covered by the Wisconsin Ice Sheet. The data strongly indicate that North A

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45

Vayo, Brendon. "Iconoclasms of Emmett Till and his killers in Lewis Nordan’s Wolf Whistle: A new generation of historiographic metafiction." Semiotica 2018, no. 225 (2018): 167–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/sem-2016-0037.

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Abstract In this essay, I argue that the apparent historical inaccuracies contained within Lewis Nordan’s Wolf Whistle (Nordan, Lewis. 2003 [1993]. Wolf Whistle. Chapel Hill: Algonquin) represent a systematic repeal of the controversial history surrounding the murder of Emmett Till in 1955. Nordan reconstitutes the principle characters to function as iconoclasms of the historical record. As iconoclasms, these representations undermine our culture’s accepted model of history, what Hayden White terms the “historical account” (White, Hayden. 1975. Metahistory: The historical imagination in ninete

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46

Rankin, Robert L. "On Some Ohio Valley Siouan and Illinois Algonquian Words for 'Eight'." International Journal of American Linguistics 51, no. 4 (1985): 544–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/465967.

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47

James, Deborah, Sandra Clarke, and Marguerite MacKenzie. "The Encoding of Information Source in Algonquian: Evidentials in Cree/Montagnais/Naskapi." International Journal of American Linguistics 67, no. 3 (2001): 229–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/466459.

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48

Oxford, Will. "The Activity Condition as a Microparameter." Linguistic Inquiry 48, no. 4 (2017): 711–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00260.

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Using data from agreement in three Algonquian languages (Ojibwe, Cheyenne, and Plains Cree), this squib shows that effects typically attributed to Chomsky’s ( 2000 , 2001 ) Activity Condition (AC) can vary not only across languages, as in Baker’s (2008b) macroparametric proposal, but within a language as well. AC effects are thus another instance in which an apparent macroparameter turns out, on closer inspection, to be a microparameter instead, as in prominent cases such as the pro-drop parameter and the polysynthesis parameter ( Kayne 2005 , Baker 2008a ).

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49

Kilarski, Marcin. "American Indian Languages in the Eyes of 17th-Century French and British Missionaries." Studia Anglica Posnaniensia 53, s1 (2018): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/stap-2018-0014.

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Abstract This paper examines 17th-century descriptions of Algonquian and Iroquoian languages by French and British missionaries as well as their subsequent reinterpretations. Focusing on such representative studies as Paul Le Jeune’s (1592–1664) sketch of Montagnais, John Eliot’s (1604–1690) grammar of Massachusett, and the accounts of Huron by Jean de Brébeuf (1593–1649) and Gabriel Sagard-Théodat (c.1600–1650), I discuss their analysis of the sound systems, morphology, syntax, and lexicon. In addition, I examine the reception of early missionary accounts in European scholarship, focusing on

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50

Branigan, Phil, and Marguerite MacKenzie. "Altruism, Ā-Movement, and Object Agreement in Innu-aimûn." Linguistic Inquiry 33, no. 3 (2002): 385–407. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438902760168545.

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This article examines the syntactic properties of a long-distanceagreement construction in Innu-aimûn (Algonquian)in which a matrix verb may agree with an argument in its complement clause, normally with an associated topic interpretation for the DP target of agreement. It is shown that this is true cross-clausal agreement into a finite complement, rather than agreement with a prothetic object or exceptional Case marking. The topic interpretation effect is shown to reflect a (covert) Ā-movement that produces a complement clause with an accessible target for agreement at the left periphery.

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