Relevant bibliographies by topics / Algonquins (Indiens)

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Academic literature on the topic 'Algonquins (Indiens)'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Algonquins (Indiens)"

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Bousquet, Marie-Pierre. "Les Algonquins ont-ils toujours besoin des animaux indiens ?" Thème 10, no. 1 (July 5, 2004): 63–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/008156ar.

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Résumé Cet article examine l’évolution des conceptions du bestiaire traditionnel chez les Algonquins, Amérindiens du Québec. Il est fondé sur des données contemporaines, analysées à la lumière d’études effectuées au xxesiècle. Les continuités et les transformations des rapports que les Algonquins entretiennent avec les animaux s’inscrivent dans le contexte d’un bouleversement (après la Seconde Guerre mondiale) du mode de vie qui, fondé sur la chasse et le piégeage, a changé avec la colonisation. L’article illustre comment, à travers des actes et des valeurs sociales, les Algonquins définissent le statut des animaux vis-à-vis des humains, dans des relations d’échange, de communication et de respect mutuel, relations qui transcendent les allégeances religieuses.
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Frenette, Jacques. "Les lois de l’extension des frontières du Québec de 1898 et de 1912, la Convention de la Baie James et du Nord québécois et la Première Nation Abitibiwinni." Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 43, no. 1 (April 10, 2014): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1024476ar.

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Les lois de l’extension des frontières de 1898 et de 1912 ont défini, en bonne partie, le territoire du Québec. Des auteurs ont considéré ces lois sous l’angle des droits des Indiens, plaidant, en vertu de l’article 2 de la loi de 1912, l’obligation du Québec à cet égard. Le Québec a reconnu son obligation au moment de signer avec les Cris et les Inuits, en 1975, la Convention de la Baie James et du Nord québécois. Les Anichinabés/ Algonquins, les Attikameks et les Innus, qui habitaient aussi les territoires annexés en 1898 et en 1912, virent leurs droits éteints unilatéralement. Si la loi de 1912 servit d’argument juridique d’importance au moment de la Convention, peu d’auteurs ont cherché à replacer cet acte législatif dans son contexte. La relecture des documents de cette époque ramène au premier plan la question des droits des nations indiennes laissées de côté, comme c’est le cas pour la Première Nation Abitibiwinni.
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Porterfield, Amanda. "Algonquian Shamans and Puritan Saints." Horizons 12, no. 2 (1985): 303–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0360966900035003.

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AbstractThis paper compares the shamanism of seventeenth-century Indians in southern New England with the religion of the New England Puritans. The paper identifies shamanic elements within Puritan religion, focusing particular attention on the visionary experiences and social control the Puritans gained through praying, preaching, reading, and writing. Although the literacy and moralism essential to Puritan religion were absent in seventeenth-century Algonquian shamanism, the powers of Puritan literacy and moralism can be understood in shamanic terms.
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Cogley, Richard W. "John Eliot and the Millennium*." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 1, no. 2 (1991): 227–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1991.1.2.03a00050.

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In 1643, twelve years after his arrival in Massachusetts Bay, John Eliot (1604-90), the Roxbury clergyman better known as the “Apostle to the Indians,” began to learn an Algonquian dialect in preparation for missionary work. After three years of study, he started to preach to the Indians in the colony. He continued to labor among them until the late 1680's, when his infirmity no longer permitted him to leave Roxbury. Over the course of these forty years, he attracted some eleven hundred Indians to the Christian faith, established fourteen reservations (“praying towns”) for his proselytes, and produced for Indians' use a number of Algonquian language works, including a translation of the Bible.During the past twenty-five years, Eliot's career has received considerable scholarly attention. In 1965 Alden Vaughan portrayed Eliot as a conscientious missionary whose objective was to spread “Christian civilization” among the Indians.
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Michna, Gregory. "The Long Road to Sainthood: Indian Christians, the Doctrine of Preparation, and the Halfway Covenant of 1662." Church History 89, no. 1 (March 2020): 43–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640720000025.

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AbstractThis essay explores the origins and expansion of New England Praying Towns in the context of the ongoing theological and religious debates of 1646–1674. This period spawned significant debates regarding the extent of the Abrahamic covenant, the requirements for church membership, and the nature of conversion. The ministers present at the Synod of 1662 gathered to settle the question of “extended baptism,” an issue where Indian and English concerns intersected. Reformers who promoted a generational vision of church membership emphasized the efficacy of spiritual preparation for younger generations and the power of a broader and more inclusive church covenant. This development benefitted Algonquians living in Praying Towns because theological preparation validated efforts to catechize and instruct Praying Indians in religious matters. Likewise, a broadening vision of church membership enabled some colonists to consider the possibility that Indians might be included within their religious communities. These projects, launched before the formalization of the Halfway Covenant in 1662, presented a tangible example of spiritual preparation in practice and served to validate the conversionary process within the colony at large. English observers found Indian conversion impressive (or reacted with intense skepticism) because most theologians considered Indians unlikely converts, especially in larger numbers. For Algonquians demonstrating an interest in English spirituality, church membership represented a degree of parity with their New England brethren. Tracing the development of New England missions, the pathway to church membership, and the debates on both missions and extended baptism reveals both the possibilities and limits to the inclusion of Indian Christians within New England's religious institutions.
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Delisle, Hélène, Marie-Claude Désilets, Estanislao Ramirez Vargas, and Dominique Garrel. "Metabolic syndrome in three ethnic groups using current definitions." Applied Physiology, Nutrition, and Metabolism 33, no. 2 (April 2008): 356–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/h08-003.

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According to two current definitions, the prevalence of the metabolic syndrome (MetS) aamong black Haitians of Montreal was <20%, 30%–36% in Algonquin Indians of Quebec, and >45% in Mexicans of Oaxaca (all aged 35–60 y). Although phenotypes were different, high triglycerides and fasting dysglycemia were good predictors of MetS in all three groups using both definitions. The international cut-offs for abdominal obesity were not predictive of MetS in the Haitian subjects.
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Morissette, Anny. "S’affirmer en tant que Nation." Recherches amérindiennes au Québec 43, no. 2-3 (July 28, 2014): 93–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1026109ar.

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Par la Loi sur les Indiens, les sociétés amérindiennes se sont fait imposer un nouvel univers politique par les autorités canadiennes. Elles ont donc dû composer avec le système des conseils de bande en s'adaptant et en réaménageant leurs façons de faire politiques. La tradition diplomatique algonquienne, bien active au XVIIe siècle et encore durant une partie du XVIIIe, s'est-elle aussi transformée? Depuis la vague de mouvement d'affirmation autochtone des années 1970, les relations des conseils de bande ne se limitent plus au gouvernement canadien, aux autres nations autochtones ou aux relations avec des instances non autochtones locales, régionales, provinciales ou pan canadiennes: elles s'étendent désor mais aussi au niveau international. Peut-on maintenant utiliser le mot « diplomatie » dans le contexte des conseils de bande? À l'aide de l'exemple de la communauté algonquine de Kitigan Zibi, l'auteure explore la participation active de cette bande à des rencontres avec les ambassadeurs de divers pays représentés à Ottawa. L'affirmation d'une identité nationale et la reconnaissance politique de la bande sont au coeur de cette démarche entreprise par les Anishnabeg.
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Timmerman, M. D., L. G. Fuller, and D. L. Burton. "The effects of a crude oil spill on microbiological indices of soil biological quality." Canadian Journal of Soil Science 83, no. 2 (May 1, 2003): 173–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4141/s01-039.

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The effects of a crude oil spill and remediation on the biological quality of an agricultural soil were examined based on three microbiological indices: microbial biomass carbon (MBC), dehydrogenase activity (DHA) and microbial metabolic diversity (MMD). The soils in both contaminated and uncontaminated plots were clay loam Gleyed Rego Black Chernozems developed from lacustrine materials overlying till. The four remedial treatments consisted of: meadow bromegrass (Bromus biebersteinii. Rohman and Schult), alfalfa (Medicago sativa L. ‘Algonquin’), fallow with wheat straw incorporation (SF) and unamended fallow (UFSP). An unamended fallow on adjacent uncontaminated land served as a control (UFCON). The spill had a statistically significant, negative effect on MBC and MMD (P = 0.01 and 0.05, respectively). Although a negative effect on DHA was not significant (P = 0.05), the results show evident trends. The forage treatments were, overall, significantly more effective than the SF treatment in restoring soil biological quality in hydrocarbon contaminated soil to control levels. Based on overall trends only, bromegrass had the greatest effect on soil biological quality relative to the UFSP, followed by alfalfa. The incorporation of wheat straw did not significantly affect any of the examined microbial indices. Key words: Crude oil contamination, soil microbial biomass, dehydrogenase activity, microbial metabolic diversity, soil biological quality
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Stefanuk, Michael A., and Ryan K. Danby. "Accumulated Heating and Chilling Are Important Drivers of Forest Phenology and Productivity in the Algonquin-to-Adirondacks Conservation Corridor of Eastern North America." Forests 12, no. 3 (March 2, 2021): 282. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/f12030282.

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Research Highlights: Forest phenology and productivity were responsive to seasonal heating and chilling accumulation, but responses differed across the temperature range. Background and Objectives: Temperate forests have responded to recent climate change worldwide, but the pattern and magnitude of response have varied, necessitating additional studies at higher spatial and temporal resolutions. We investigated climatic drivers of inter-annual variation in forest phenology and productivity across the Algonquin-to-Adirondacks (A2A) conservation corridor of eastern North America. Methods: We used remotely sensed indices from the AVHRR sensor series and a suite of gridded climate data from the Daymet database spanning from 1989–2014. We used random forest regression to characterize forest–climate relationships between forest growth indices and climatological variables. Results: A large portion of the annual variation in phenology and productivity was explained by climate (pR2 > 80%), with variation largely driven by accumulated heating and chilling degree days. Only very minor relationships with precipitation-related variables were evident. Conclusions: Our results indicate that anthropogenic climate change in the A2A has not yet reached the point of triggering widespread changes in forest phenology and productivity, but the sensitivity of forest growth to inter-annual variation in seasonal temperature accumulation suggests that more temperate forest area will be affected by climate change as warming continues.
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Wu, Tsai-Way, and Robert Kerrich. "Combined oxygen isotope – compositional studies of some granitoids from the Grenville Province of Ontario, Canada: implications for source regions." Canadian Journal of Earth Sciences 23, no. 9 (September 1, 1986): 1412–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1139/e86-134.

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Oxygen isotopic compositions of whole rocks and coexisting quartz–feldspar pairs have been determined for nine pre-, and syn- to late-kinematic granitoid plutons in the Grenville Province of Ontario. These new data demonstrate that granitoid rocks (Algonquin, Mulock) in migmatite terrain of the Ontario Gneiss Segment possess normal δ18O values (<9.0‰), whereas mesozonal to epizonal plutons (Elphin, Coe Hill, Deloro, Barber's Lake) in the Central Metasedimentary Belt (CMB) are characterized by significantly higher 18O contents (δ18O > 9.0‰), in accord with previous results.In the Algonquin sodic suite, a gross covariance of δ18O with compositional indices is present, from 6.4‰, SiO2 = 50.5 wt. % (gabbro) to 8.7‰, SiO2 = 72 wt. % (trondhjemite), resulting from combined assimilation–fractional crystallization. Mafic members of the sodic suite are 18O enriched overall (5.8–7.9‰) relative to fresh tholeiites (5.7 + 0.3‰), implicating some 18O contamination of the protolith. The dispersion of δ18O values in the Algonquin potassic suite, from 4.3 to 9.3‰, is independent of composition and attributed to isotopic exchange with low-18O thermal waters during emplacement. Biotite–hornblende granite of the Mulock batholith is characterized by a limited oxygen isotope compositional range, where the average δ18O = 8.1 ± 0.5‰; δ18O correlates with SiO2 but not with the zonal distribution of Ba, Rb, and Sr abundances.The Union Lake quartz diorite (δ18O = 8.5 ± 0.1‰) and White Lake trondhjemite (δ18O = 7.3 ± 0.6‰) have oxygen isotope compositions comparable to those of other trondhjemitic suites in the CMB. A systematic enrichment of ~1.2‰ in the Union Lake pluton, together with enhanced Ca, Mg, Fe, and Sr, can be accounted for by assimilation of ~5% marbles and 10% amphibolites from the country rock. Uniformly high δ18O values of 11.5 ± 0.8‰ characterize the Elphin granite–syenite complex. The largest values (11.7–12.7‰) and lowest SiO2 (54–56 wt. %) are in the partially assimilated host gabbro–diorite complex, endorsing the presence of 18O-enriched source regions. The Cheddar biotite–hornblende granite, one of a population of intrusions within the alkalic belt of the western CMB, has a restricted isotopic span, where δ18O = 8.8 ± 0.9‰. An unusual concave rare-earth-element (REE) distribution may result from interaction with a heavy rare-earth -element (HREE) enriched volatile phase. The Coe Hill biotite granite (δ18O = 10.4 ± 0.4‰) is isotopically in compliance with other granites and syenites of the CMB. Covariance of δ18O and SiO2, in conjunction with smooth and continuous geochemical trends, is interpreted in terms of assimilation–fractional crystallization.Peralkaline granite of the Deloro pluton includes a hypersolvus phase with high, scattered δ18O values (9.1–11.8‰) and a subsolvus counterpart attributed to late influx of water that induced isotopic reequilibration toward a more constrained range (δ18O = 9.2–10.2‰). REE distributions of a calcic syenite phase are compatible with its evolution by fractional crystallization of a low-K tholeiitic magma, and the high-18O character (δ18O = 11.1–12.6‰) requires 18O enrichment of the protolith and (or) 18O contamination of the magma. Peralkaline rhyolitic volcanics, compositionally coherent with the Deloro pluton and possibly representing extrusive equivalents, possess significantly higher and more variable δ18O values, from 11.7 to 14.2‰; this is attributed to 18O enrichment during low-temperature exchange with thermal waters, superimposed on a primary high-18O magma. The Barber's Lake two-mica granite contains enhanced abundances of U (15 ppm) and Th (36 ppm) in conjunction with systematically elevated δ18O values (10.4 ± 0.5‰). Geochemical constraints are compatible with its evolution from a trondhjemitic magma, but the isotopically enriched nature requires extensive 18O contamination of the protolith and (or) magma. These nine granites variously retain "memory" of primary and (or) secondary features, including δ18O of the source region, covariance of isotopic and compositional parameters, and sporadically superimposed disturbance by exchange with thermal waters. During metamorphism, quartz and feldspar were systematically reset to high-temperature fractionations, but the extent of open-system exchange with rock reservoirs was limited.Despite some probable disturbance by metamorphism and the limited data available, O–Sr isotope systematics of the Grenville granitoids indicate that (1) high-18O granites from the Frontenac Axis were derived from in situ anatexis of Grenville Supergroup metasediments, (2) synkinematic granites were derived by mixing of a primary magma generated at a lower crustal (granulite facies) or upper mantle level with the fusion products generated by partial melting of the Archean–Early Proterozoic type metasediments, and (3) the tonalite–trondhjemite suite in this part of the Grenville Province was derived from a similar lower crustal or upper mantle primary magma by direct fractional crystallization.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Algonquins (Indiens)"

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Gouger, Lina. "L'acculturation des Algonquins au XVIIe siècle." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29276.

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Bousquet, Marie-Pierre. ""Quand nous vivions dans le bois", le changement spatial et sa dimension générationnelle : l'exemple des Algonquins du Canada." Paris 10, 2001. http://www.theses.fr/2001PA100096.

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"Quand nous vivions dans le bois" est une phrase centrale dans le discours que produisent sur eux-mêmes les Algonquins du Canada. Pour ces anciens chasseurs-piégeurs nomades devenus sédentaires entre 1853 et les années 1960, elle rappelle ce qu'ils étaient avant et ce qu'ils sont maintenant. Elle insiste sur le lien qu'ils établissent entre leur tradition et le territoire. Aujourd'hui, alors qu'ils vivent dans des réserves et dans des villes implantées sur leur territoire ancestral, les algonquins se présentent comme une population déracinée et immigrée par rapport à un espace d'origine, la forêt, lieu de la culture. A travers l'étude des référents aux lieux et les discours des différents groupes d'âge, délimités par le marqueur spatio-temporel du passage à la sédentarité, cette thèse remet en perspective la lecture anthropologique du changement spatial et de la transformation sociale. Elle aborde l'adaptation aux milieux rural et urbain comme contextes d'expression d'une identité culturelle repensée. Elle analyse le discours algonquin sur le changement, tant sur le plan des catégories sociales et du fossé perçu entre les générations que de l'évolution des critères d'appartenance à cette nation autochtone, afin de déterminer si l'on peut être déraciné et immigré en ayant continué à vivre sur son propre territoire
"When we lived in the bush" is a saying central to the way the Algonkins of Canada talk about themselves. For these former nomadic hunter-trappers who became sedentary between 1853 and the 1960's, it recalls their old lifestyle as opposed to the way they live now. It stresses the strong ties they evoke between tradition and territory. Nowadays, though the Algonkins live in reservations and towns established on their ancestral territory, they present themselves as immigrants, uprooted from the forests where their culture originated. This dissertation looks at how différent generations (or age groups) of Algonkins talk about space and change, with each generation marking a différent phase in the sedentarisation process. By examining the discourse of the various age groups on change, it offers a new look at the perception of spatial change and social transformation. It explores adaptations to rural and urban settings as contexts for expressing a new cultural identity ; it analyzes Algonkin discourse on social categories, the generation gap, and the evolution of criteria for being a member of this native people. The final question is whether one can be an uprooted immigrant while living on one's own ancestral territory
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Gélinas, Claude. "Les autochtones et la présence occidentale en Haute-Mauricie, Québec, 1760-1910." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0010/NQ39748.pdf.

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Lawson, James Charles Barkley. "First Nations, environmental interests and the forest products industry in Temagami and Algonquin Park." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/NQ66354.pdf.

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Singer, Kate. "Aboriginal injustice, a Canadian reponsibility : an Algonquian perspective of Canada's criminal justice system." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 2001. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk3/ftp05/MQ63368.pdf.

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Lemaitre, Serge. "Kekeewin ou kekeenowin: les peintures rupestres de l'est du Bouclier canadien." Doctoral thesis, Universite Libre de Bruxelles, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2013/ULB-DIPOT:oai:dipot.ulb.ac.be:2013/211124.

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Les peintures rupestres de l’Ontario font partie du grand ensemble de l'art rupestre du Bouclier Canadien. Ce terme recouvre une réalité géologique autant qu'ethnographique, puisque cette région est essentiellement habitée par les Algonquiens. La retraite des glaces laissa un paysage criblé de lacs et de cours d'eau dont les artistes amérindiens peignirent les roches riveraines. Les peintres élirent de préférence des rochers de granit ou de gneiss, lissés par les glaces et plongeant, le long des rivages, presque à la verticale dans l'eau.

Depuis une dizaine d'années, les recherches en art rupestre se développent de plus en plus :de nouvelles techniques, ainsi que des interprétations récentes, prenant plus en compte les autres domaines scientifiques font leur apparition. Toutes ces approches sont largement diffusées par des colloques, des congrès et des périodiques spécialisés. Néanmoins, elles sont encore peu appliquées dans de nombreuses régions, les représentations ne faisant généralement l'objet que d'un relevé succinct, d'une identification des principaux motifs et d'une chronologie relative incertaine. Dans les années '60, Leroi-Gourhan rejetait, à juste titre pour l'art pariétal européen, le comparatisme ethnologique et il préconisait de "recevoir directement du Paléolithique ce qu'il apportait spontanément". Les spécialistes européens se focalisèrent alors sur les peintures et gravures et les étudièrent de la même manière que n'importe quel artefact archéologique (typologie, chronologie, carte de répartitions, analyse quantitative…). Au contraire, en Amérique et en Australie, où l'approche ethnographique et ethnologique est possible, les chercheurs se concentrèrent principalement sur ce dernier axe de recherche. Les dernières recherches en Europe de l'art pariétal paléolithique ont démontré l'importance d'une approche à la fois plus objective, plus exhaustive et plus contextuelle, approche qui fait encore malheureusement très largement défaut dans les travaux consacrés aux art rupestres, notamment les peintures rupestres du Bouclier canadien. Or, ces manifestations "esthétiques" sont susceptibles de nous livrer des informations non seulement sur le fonctionnement mental et spirituel des hommes qui les ont réalisées, par l'analyse des contenus graphiques mais aussi sur leur fonctionnement social grâce à la reconstitution des diverses chaînes opératoires mises en œuvre pour leur obtention. Il est donc désormais indispensable de lier les deux approches et de traiter ces documents archéologiques, tant d’un point de vue anthropologique qu’archéologique. C’est-à-dire, en analysant les peintures dans leur contexte (importance du rocher et des fissures, position du rocher sur le lac et importance de la voie de communication) et en les reliant à ce que nous connaissons de la mythologie et des pratiques culturelles des sociétés amérindiennes.


Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation histoire de l'art et archéologie
info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

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Nickels, Scot 1959. "Importance of experiential context for understanding indigenous ecological knowledge : the Algonquins of Barriere Lake, Quebec." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36667.

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One of the more recent and alluring phrases used by development and resource management practitioners and theorists is "traditional ecological knowledge." Although there is a substantial amount of the literature on this subject, these studies have unfortunately an inadequate characterization of the way in which indigenous people view, order, internalize, and manipulate environmental information. This deficiency indicates a need to (a) improve our understanding and use of indigenous knowledge as an instrument for sustainable development and resource management and (b) revise some of our present conceptual, theoretical, and methodological understandings.
This dissertation examines these issues by investigating the ecological knowledge of the Barriere Lake Algonquins, living largely within Park La Verendrye in northwestern Quebec. The scope of this study concentrates on three aspects of this indigenous knowledge, namely, the (1) cyclicality within, the (2) utilization of, and the (3) terminology for the Algonquin forest environment. Theoretically, I draw to some extent on an approach taken from cognitive science called "connectionism" which helps integrate ecology and cognition. Within this theoretical framework I examine the experiences and understandings that different individuals and groups bring to common every-day situations involving environmental resources.
Three principles are put forward from the empirical findings of this thesis. First, indigenous knowledge formation is a contextual and experientially driven process rather than a static and timeless content. This process involves the natural-material and socio-cultural environment, expanding the typical cognitive unit of analysis beyond the individual person to include his or her entire natural and social surroundings. Second, this contextual and experientially driven process gives rise to heterogeneous, fluid, and contested knowledges. The knowledge-formation process goes beyond the mere generation and transmission of knowledge to how knowledge is articulated and used in particular everyday situations. Third, this process-approach has important implications which, if ignored, will prevent researchers from developing an adequate understanding and appreciation of the contextual nature of IK because the research will fail to consider the everyday experiences which become internalized, shared, and later put to use. The process-approach has important practical, theoretical, and methodological implications for IK and its use in development, resource management, and resource conservation.
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Couillard-Després, Jimmy. "KAPI ICINIKATEK : Le territoire nommé des Apitipi8innik." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/67307.

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Géographiquement associés à la communauté de Pikogan,mais peuple d’une «Abitibi» bien plus grande, les Apitipi8innik entretiennent une relation avec le territoire qui dépasse largement les aspects fonctionnels. Cette relation s’étend jusque dans la langue, où les toponymes occupent une place de prédilection. Comprendre les relations entre les Apitipi8innik et leur territoire nommé est une volonté récente du milieu académique, qui émerge de la considération de phénomènes où les noms de lieux sont employés dans l’espace public comme outils de l’affirmation culturelle en territoire, comme porte-étendard d’un héritage culturel et comme un outil de maintien et de valorisation de la langue. Cette recherche vise la compréhension, la description et la diffusion des noms de lieux apitipi8innik et des relations que les Apitipi8innik entretiennent aujourd’hui avec leur territoire nommé. Il s’agit d’une recherche menée de pair avec les principaux intéressés, où les propos tenus et les finalités visées sont entrepris pour l'intérêt premier du peuple détenant le savoir ici analysé. Ainsi, des entretiens autour de séances de cartographie participative ou de parcours commentés ont complété et enrichi une compilation d’enquêtes toponymiques déjà publiées. Les objectifs d’assembler le savoir toponymique apitipi8inni, de le distinguer des autres toponymies en portant un regard sur ses caractéristiques et la mise sur pied de moyens visant le rayonnement du savoir recueilli ont amenés à une réflexion géographique sur ce qui s’avère être une question aussi linguistique, historique et politique.Les résultats de la recherche pourront permettre d’orienter l’utilisation de cette toponymie par les Apitipi8innik dans de «nouvelles» fonctions, allant de l’affichage à l’officialisation, de la pérennisation de la langue anicinape au tourisme culturel.
Geographically linked to the community of Pikogan, but people of a much larger “Abitibi”, the Apitipi8innik have a relationship with their territory that largely exceeds its functionalist aspects. This relationship extends into the language, where toponyms occupy a central place. Understanding the relationship between Apitipi8innik and their “named territory” is a recent academical desire that emerges from the consideration of phenomena where place names are used in public space as tools for territorial and cultural affirmation, as a gateway to a cultural heritage and as a tool for the maintenance and enhancement of the language. This research aims to understand, describe and disseminate apitipi8innik place names and the relationships that Apitipi8innik maintain today with their named territory. There search was conducted with the main stakeholders and undertaken for the best interest of the people holding the knowledge being analyzed. Thus, interviews around participatory mapping sessions or “commented routes” completed and enriched previously published toponymic surveys. The objectives of gathering apitipi8inni toponymic knowledge, distinguishing other toponymies by looking at its characteristics,and putting in place means aimed at spreading the knowledge collected,have led to a geographical reflection on what must also be a linguistic, historical and political issue.The findings will hopefully guide the use of this toponymy by the Apitipi8innik in "new" functions, ranging from display to officialization and the perpetuation of the Anicinape language to cultural tourism.
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9

Beaulieu, Alain. "Convertir les fils de Caïn : jésuites et Amérindiens nomades en Nouvelle-France, 1632-1642." Master's thesis, Université Laval, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/29149.

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Laberge, Marc. "Création d'une nouvelle iconographie sur les Algonquiens du nord-est de l'Amérique à partir des données ethnohistoriques datant d'avant 1760." Doctoral thesis, Université Laval, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/20.500.11794/28422.

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Books on the topic "Algonquins (Indiens)"

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Daniela, Zekina, ed. Le capteur de rêves. [Montréal]: Hurtubise HMH, 2002.

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Hale, Horatio Emmons. The fall of Hochelaga: A study of popular tradition. [Cambridge, Mass: s.n., 1999.

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Algonquian Conference (28th 1996 Toronto, Ont.). Papers of the Twenty-eighth Algonquian Conference. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba, 1997.

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Boivin, Rollande. Des signes à l'encre noire. Saint-Damien-de-Brandon, Québec: Éditions du Soleil de minuit, 2004.

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Pritchard, Evan T. No word for time: The way of the Algonquin people. Tulsa, Okla: Council Oak Books, 1997.

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Chartrand, Jane. How the eagle got his white head. Winnipeg: Pemmican Publications, 2002.

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Hessel, Peter D. K. The Algonkin Tribe: The Algonkins of the Ottawa Valley : an historical outline. Arnprior, Ont., Canada: Kichesippi Books, 1987.

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Congrès des Algonquinistes (17e 1985 Université McGill). Actes du dix-septième Congrès des Algonquinistes. Ottawa, Ont: Département de linguistique, Université Carleton, 1986.

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Leland, Charles Godfrey. Algonquin legends. New York: Dover Publications, 1992.

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Algonquin. Minneapolis, Minnesota: Big Buddy Books, An Imprint of Abdo Publishing, 2015.

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Book chapters on the topic "Algonquins (Indiens)"

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Brooks, Lisa. "The Harvard Indian College Scholars and the Algonquian Origins of American Literature." In Our Beloved Kin. Yale University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300196733.003.0004.

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This chapter recovers the history of the Harvard Indian College and highlights the multiple cultural, literary, and oral traditions that intersected in colonial Cambridge, Massachusetts. It includes analysis of the missionary schools in which Wawaus, or James Printer, a young Nipmuc scholar, and his Wampanoag, Patucket, and Nipmuc peers were trained alongside English students. Native scholars were trained in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew literatures and participated in the production of the first bilingual works of American literature, including the “John Eliot” bible, printed at the Harvard Indian College, where the first printing press in the colonies was housed. This chapter includes an extensive interpretation of the Latin address of Caleb Cheeshateaumuck, the first Native American graduate of Harvard College. The Harvard Indian College provides a necessary foundation for understanding the complex role of “praying Indians,” or members of Indigenous mission communities, as scribes and scouts during King Philip’s War. The chapter demonstrates that Indigenous scholars were not merely students who received, or were subjected to, colonial education but became significant contributors to a multilingual American literary tradition.
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Elizondo Griest, Stephanie. "The Saint." In All the Agents and Saints. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469631592.003.0015.

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This chapter explores the cult of Kateri Tekakwitha, the Mohawk maiden whose tremendous spiritual discipline (which included daily self-flagellation with tree branches, hot coals, and thorns) convinced Jesuit missionaries that Indians could be “holy” too. Since dying at age 24 in 1680, she—like Mother Julia in South Texas—hasn’t had a moment’s rest: she’s been causing miracles around the St. Lawrence River Valley (and beyond) ever since. In October 2012, she was canonized a Saint by the Vatican—the first Native American ever to be so. More than a thousand Mohawks flew to Rome to bear witness. In this chapter, the author joins the thousand who descended upon Kahnawake, the Mohawk Nation just south of Montreal, Quebec, where Kateri is buried, instead. There, at the Mission of Saint Francis Xavier, she meets an Algonquin woman who graduated from Indian Residential School and learns about the brutal legacies of Catholicism on Mohawk land.
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"Fox (Algonquian Language of the Fox, Sauk, and Kickapoo Indians) for Wikiyapi House." In Encyclopedic Dictionary of Archaeology, 500. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-58292-0_60368.

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Conference papers on the topic "Algonquins (Indiens)"

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Shifflett, Crandall. "PASPAHEGH : VISUALIZING A SEVENTEENTH-CENTURY ALGONQUIAN INDIAN VILLAGE IN THE VIRGINIA CHESAPEAKE." In Electronic Visualisation and the Arts (EVA 2009). BCS Learning & Development, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.14236/ewic/eva2009.10.

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