Academic literature on the topic 'Ali Shariati'

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Journal articles on the topic "Ali Shariati"

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Saffari, Siavash. "Ali Shariati and Cosmopolitan Localism." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 39, no. 2 (August 1, 2019): 282–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-7586797.

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AbstractLeading twentieth-century Iranian public intellectual Ali Shariati has been described by some as a proponent of a project of nativism and cultural authenticity. This article offers an alternative reading of Shariati, one that highlights the germination of his thought in a process of constant oscillation between particular historical-sociopolitical attachments and a decidedly cosmopolitan intellectual horizon. This oscillation, it is argued, while born out of the core-periphery dynamics of commodity and knowledge production within a colonially constructed world order, nevertheless allows Shariati to transcend postcolonial anxieties and nativist traps even as he calls on his fellow Iranian and Muslim intellectuals to attend to resources within the local culture and to delink from Eurocentric and colonially globalized knowledge regimes. In order to place his thought within the broader framework of the emergence and evolution of anti- and decolonial thought, Saffari reads Shariati in dialogue with some of the leading twentieth- and twenty-first-century critics of colonial modernity: Muhammad Iqbal, Frantz Fanon, Enrique Dussel, and Walter D. Mignolo. Saffari argues that the oscillation between local attachments and cosmopolitan vistas in Shariati's work is best understood as a function of his cosmopolitan localism.
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Baihaqi, Wazin. "FILSAFAT MANUSIA ALI SHARI'ATI." ALQALAM 26, no. 3 (December 31, 2009): 323. http://dx.doi.org/10.32678/alqalam.v26i3.1566.

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The philosophy of man, according to Ali Shariati, covers several ideas. He explains the philosophy of man by stating that the verses of the Qur'an much more use the symbolic language. The symbols stated in the Qur'an are then interpreted by Ali Shariati to express his concept on the philosophy of man.The history of the creation of Adam telling that Adam is able to mention the names of several objects around him is a symbol of the intellectual ability of man. Performing the angels bow because of Adam's intellectual capability shows us the appreciation of Islam to humanism. The statement of the Qur'an that human spirit is created from a part of God's spirit is interpreted that human is endowed power (at a certain levels) by God in which it is, as a matter of fact, a manifestation of the attributes of Allah. Due to his intellectual capability and his power, man is, then, appointed to be His khalifah in the World.Ali Shariati states that human is two-dimensional beings. This conclusion constitutes an interpretation of several verses of the Qur'an stating that man is made of loam ( as a symbol of lowness) and a part of God's spirit (as a symbol of holiness). In order not to be fell into one of the extreme poles, man needs religion, God, holy book and prophet that have two-dimensional aspects, the mundane and the beyond. The only religion that has both of these aspects is Islam.
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Hamèd, F. "La hiérocratie shi'ite et Ali Shariati." CEMOTI 14, no. 1 (1992): 79–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cemot.1992.1023.

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HAMED, F. "La hiérocratie shi'ite et Ali Shariati." CEMOTI, no. 14 (June 1, 1992): 79111. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/cemoti.345.

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Nurrochman, Nurrochman. "ISLAM DAN SOSIALISME (Telaah atas Pemikiran Ali Syariati)." Wahana Akademika: Jurnal Studi Islam dan Sosial 1, no. 1 (May 6, 2016): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.21580/wa.v1i1.800.

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<p><span>Abstract</span></p><p><span>Ali Shariati, as it is known, is a key figure behind the Iranian revolution. In line<br /><span>with the thinking Hanafi and Engineer, Shariati comes with the embodiment of<br /><span>the spirit of a just social system. He was a great orator and a writer profilik. In<br /><span>the early days of the Iranian revolution, the classroom is always filled by a<br /><span>Shariati college students who want to listen to his revolutionary ideas. Similarly,<br /><span>his works. Although sometimes seem provocative, but Shariati's writings can not<br /><span>be denied has become a kind of detonating the Iranian revolution. Shariati was<br /><span>able to stand in the middle of these two poles, Islam (Shia) on the one hand and <span>Marxism on the other. He shrewdly combining the two, and then give birth to <span>an idea of Islamic socialism. This paper is framed to elaborate further thought <span>Ali Shariati primarily on the concept of Islamic socialism. Posts will be limited to <span>the three principal discussions, namely, how the concept of Islamic socialism Ali <span>Shariati, is there any influence of Marxism in Islamic thought possible Shariati <span>and juxtaposed with the classical teachings of Marxism?</span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></p><p><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><span><br /><span><strong>Keywoard:</strong> <em>Islam, sosialisme, marxisme, kiri Islam</em></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span></span><br /></span></p>
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Dehaghi, Ali Asghar Amini. "Ali Shariati’s Use of Traditional Media and the Historical Memory for Promoting Islamic Revolution in Iran." Asian Social Science 12, no. 4 (March 19, 2016): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ass.v12n4p37.

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<p>The thing that has always made Shariati immanent, according to some of his fans, in addition to his companionship conscious in first period and reforming in the second is Shariati’s use of social communication process in form of traditional media which is usually about Shia clergy.</p><p>Plus, in order to have a stronger impact on his contacts tried to de familiarize traditional concepts especially religious and historical-myth memory community in the process of extraction and refining from religious – historical concepts. So when audiences were exposed to the message of Ali Shariati in the traditional communication process they imagined it was a manifestation of religion with the concept of revolution, which had never happened before. Therefore Shariati was one of the most successful intellectuals in contacting with the audience, someone unprecedented in the history of Iran. </p>
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Abedi, Mehbi. "Ali Shariati: the architect of the 1979 Islamic revolution of Iran." Iranian Studies 19, no. 3-4 (September 1986): 229–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00210868608701678.

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Mahdavi, Mojtaba. "One Bed and Two Dreams? Contentious Public Religion in the Discourses of Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati." Studies in Religion/Sciences Religieuses 43, no. 1 (September 20, 2013): 25–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0008429813496102.

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Ayatollah Khomeini and Ali Shariati are seen as twin pillars of revolutionary Islam in contemporary Iran. This article contextualizes and compares these radical discourses in three sections. It first problematizes the transformation of Khomeini as a quietist cleric into a revolutionary ayatollah. While Khomeini’s theory of velayat-e faqih was a radical departure from the dominant Shiite tradition, its practice has contributed to a new era of post-Khomeinism. Second, it examines Shariati’s discourse and a new reading of his thought in the post-revolutionary context. Third, it demonstrates that these discourses differ radically on the three concepts of radicalism, public religion, and state. The conclusion sheds some light on the conditions of Khomeinism after Khomeini, and Shariati’s discourse three decades after the revolution. It suggests that Iran has gradually entered into a new era of post-Islamism.
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Ghessimi, Hamed. "Translation and political engagement." Babel. Revue internationale de la traduction / International Journal of Translation 65, no. 1 (February 26, 2019): 51–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/babel.00073.ghe.

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Abstract The activist aspect of translation that has illocutionary and perlocutionary dimensions is a sort of speech act that rouses, inspires, bears witness, mobilizes and incites to rebellion, actually participating in social movement and political change. In this way, translators are the producers of new knowledge signifying the assertion of power by choosing deliberately to subvert the traditional allegiance of translation and also interjecting their own world view and politics into their work, and these translators undertake the work they do because they believe the texts they produce will benefit humanity or impact positively upon the receptor culture in ways that are broadly ideological. This paper investigates the issue of an Islamic Marxist translators’ agency applying Pierre Bourdieu’s sociological concepts (habitus, field, capital) in the socio-political context of Iran in the 1960s and 1970s. This study surveys how based on his habitus Ali Shariati, an Islamic Marxist translator and thinker, translated some texts to transfer new knowledge to society as cultural capital which intensified the initiation and facilitation of social reform and political change in Iran in the 1970s. The paper peruses some texts translated by Ali Shariati to show that he wielded his own politics in translation to illuminate Iranians’ thought against the imperial regime to stimulate them to subvert the Pahlavi dynasty.
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Saffari, Siavash. "Rethinking the Islam/Modernity Binary: Ali Shariati and Religiously Mediated Discourse of Sociopolitical Development." Middle East Critique 24, no. 3 (June 10, 2015): 231–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19436149.2015.1046708.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Ali Shariati"

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Vakily, Abdollah. "Ali Shariati and the mystical tradition of Islam." Thesis, McGill University, 1991. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=60680.

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This thesis presents Dr. Ali Shariati vis-a-vis the mystical tradition of Islam, focusing particularly on his inner spiritual and mystical orientation. Shariati is well known as a sociologist of religion, as a political activist, and as "the Teacher of Revolution" in Iran. Yet in his much neglected personal writings he reveals quite a different dimension of his being, a dimension which is clearly mystical in character. This study investigates the hidden mystical aspect of Shariati, and analyzes its relation to the other aspects of his personality. What is disclosed is the existence of a continuous struggle between Shariati's intellectual convictions and his spiritual intuitions, or rather between his mind and heart, as well as Shariati's repeated attempts to reconcile these two conflicting dimensions of his person.
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Darwish, Linda. "Revolutionary images of Abraham in Islam and Christianity : Ali Shariati and liberation theology." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=21206.

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The story of Abraham, as understood by Christians and Muslims, has always had a formative influence on the central theological dicta of Christianity and Islam. In theologies that perceive class struggle and oppression of the poor as issues distinctly within the purview of religion to address, the role of Abraham is remarkably significant. In re-telling the story of Abraham from the perspective of the oppressed, Abraham becomes an archetypal monotheist within a new reading of history, one which sees God on the side of the exploited masses.
This thesis examines and compares the socio-theological themes connected to the interpretation and application of the life story of Abraham in these two faith traditions. it does so by comparing the position of the Iranian religious ideologue known to many as one who had a major role in inspiring the Iranian youth to revolution in 1978--79, Dr. 'Ali Shari'ati, with Latin American liberation theology. It suggests that the affinity of their goals leads them to use similar methodologies---symbolism and constant interplay between text, context and reader---and ultimately, to create images of Abraham that are as much related to each other as they are to their own faith tradition.
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Darwish, Linda. "Revolutionary images of Abraham in Islam and Christianity, 'Ali Shari'ati and liberation theology." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape10/PQDD_0027/MQ50509.pdf.

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Callewaert, Teresa. "Theologies Speak of Justice : A Study of Islamic and Christian Social Ethics." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-315357.

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The purpose of this study is to investigate how religious ethics, while retaining its identity, can contribute to political debate and to the understanding of justice. The inquiry addresses these issues by focusing on theological perspectives which challenge the solutions offered to these questions by the liberal paradigm. Three kinds of challenges are studied, each of which is represented by one thinker from the Islamic tradition and one from the Christian tradition, in order to enable a comparative perspective on the contributions of religious traditions. The thinkers studied are: 1) modified liberalism, represented by Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na’im and Duncan B. Forrester; 2) liberationism, represented by Ali Shariati and Gustavo Gutierrez; and 3) radical traditionalism, as developed by Tariq Ramadan and John Milbank. The study is organized around three main questions. First, how can innovative interpretations of religious tradition be plausibly justified? Second, what role should religious arguments and reasons play in the political sphere? Third, what can religious ethics and theological thought contribute to the understanding of social justice? The questions are engaged by means of a critical and reconstructive engagement with the six thinkers. The suggested solutions are assessed in terms of the criteria of authenticity, communicability, and potential for transformation. It is argued that a religious ethic can rely on a tradition without accepting conservative understandings of that tradition. Furthermore, it is argued that the coherence of religious ethics can be made available for public discourse but that the hospitability of the public forum to such contributions needs to be realized through a deepened democratic culture and a critique of power structures which condition perceptions of rationality. While religious ethics do not articulate complete alternative understandings of justice, they articulate contributions by relating justice to human sociality and to transcendence.
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Blommé, Andreas. "Islam och folkmaktens gränser. : En undersöknning av Sayyid Qutbs, Mawlana Mawdudis och Ali Shariatis teologiska uppfattningar." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för etnologi, religionshistoria och genusvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-91991.

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English abstract Title: Islam and the limitations of the public will of choice. The purpose of this paper have been to investigate how three modern Islamic theorists view the limitations of the public free will of choice based upon their interpretation of the Islamic theology and doctrine. The paper focuses to highlight how all three chosen Islamic theorist interpret the Islamic doctrine based upon my elected theses and more specifically pinpoint were the free will of choice ends, and Islam as a religion starts to take hegemony. The paper’s aim is to further an understanding that in the modern world and as a effect of increased literacy, Islam has been somewhat inclined to split into several Islamisms, based upon the variety of fatwa’s on the Islamic doctrine that is available online. Therefore it remains to the modern day Muslim, to individually decide whether they choose to follow the message of the Holy revelation in the Quran or trust a mufti’s fatwa in their everyday life as a Muslim. The material used and analyzed in this paper is prime source material. That has been written by my chosen theorists themselves and this prime source material, form the core of their interpretation of Islamic theology which I have used trying answer my theses. The conclusions drawn from this paper is that all three theorists share three concepts of the Islamic doctrine and that is the need for tawhid, idjtihad, theology and the umma to form a ample and righteous life in modern day Islam. During the course of the paper it has become evident that the theorist Qutb and Mawdudi do share the doctrine of Islam as the natural religion of the world and that violence can be justified to bring the believers together under Muslim doctrine and rule, therefore limiting the public will of choice based upon their interpretation of Islamic theology.
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Sharifi, Boroujerdi Ali [Verfasser], Michael [Gutachter] Breuß, and Ingo [Gutachter] Schmitt. "Linguistic interpretation of visual contents via Deep Learning / Ali Sharifi Boroujerdi ; Gutachter: Michael Breuß, Ingo Schmitt." Cottbus : BTU Cottbus - Senftenberg, 2019. http://d-nb.info/1184279632/34.

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Baghidoost, Behzad. "Political strategy and leadership in the work of Ali Shari'ati : a theoretical interpretation of the writings of an Islamic-Iranian revolutionary sociologist." Thesis, University of Essex, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.635552.

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This thesis examines the writings and ideas of Iranian revolutionary sociologist Ali Shari'ati (1933- 1977). He was the central figure in Iranian religious/Islamic intellectual circles before the revolution of 1979 and is acknowledged as the founder of the ideology of Iranian revolution in 1979. His political discourse and his narration of Islam as a revolutionary and political ideology have been received widely throughout the Islamic world, especially amongst religious and non-religious intellectuals and young educated people alike. He is well-known and highly regarded as a religious thinker who developed Islam as a modern and advanced political ideology. In Iranian religious intellectual society he is known as a teacher and a martyr; his name invested with highly positive historical, religious, and cultural significance.
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Sadeghi-Boroujerdi, Eskandar. "Disenchanting political theology in post-revolutionary Iran : reform, religious intellectualism and the death of utopia." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2014. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:ad199c6b-535f-4af0-a6a5-21c40734c331.

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This thesis delineates the transformation of Iran’s so-called post-revolutionary ‘religious intellectuals’ (rowshanfekran-e dini) from ideological legitimators within the political class of the newly-established theocratic-populist regime to internal critics whose revised vision for the politico-religious order coalesced and converged with the growing disillusionment and frustration of the ‘Islamic left’, a constellation of political forces within the governing elite of the Islamic Republic, that following the death of Ayatollah Khomeini increasingly felt itself marginalised and on the outskirts of power. The historical evolution of this complex, quasi-institutionalised and routinized network, encompassing theologians, jurists, political strategists and journalists, which rose to prominence in the course of the 1990s, and its critical engagement with the ruling political theology of the ‘guardianship of the jurist’, the supremacy of Islamic jurisprudence, political Islamism and all forms of ‘revolutionary’ and ‘utopian’ political and social transformation, are scrutinised in detail. In this vein, the thesis examines the various issues provoked by the rowshanfekran-e dini’s strategic deployment and translation of the concepts and ideas of a number of Western thinkers, several of which played a pivotal role in the assault on the ideological foundations of Soviet-style communism in the 1950s and 1960s. It then moves to show how this network of intellectuals and politicos following the election of Mohammad Khatami to the presidency in May 1997 sought to disseminate their ideas at the popular level by means of the press and numerous party and political periodicals, and thereby achieve ideological and political hegemony. The thesis proceeds to demonstrate the intimate connection between the project of ‘religious intellectualism’ and elite-defined notions of ‘democracy’, ‘electoral participation’, ‘reform’ and ‘political development’ as part of an effort to accumulate symbolic capital and assert their intellectual and moral leadership of the polity.
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Books on the topic "Ali Shariati"

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Sociology of religions: Perspectives of Ali Shariati. New Delhi: Prentice-Hall of India, 2008.

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An Islamic utopian: A political biography of Ali Shariati. London: I.B. Tauris, 2000.

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Sharīʻatī, ʻAlī. Shariati on Shariati and the Muslim woman: Who was Ali Shariati? for Muslim women: Woman in the heart of Muhammad, The Islamic modest dress, expectations from the Muslim woman, Fatima is Fatima, and Guide to Shariati's collected works. USA: ABC International Group, 1996.

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Ibrahim, Mir Mohammed. A reconstruction of social thought in Islam: A case study of Dr. Ali Shariati. Srinagar, J & K: Valley Book House, 1997.

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Jalāl, Matīnī, ed. Khāṭirāt-i Jalāl Matīnī: Duktur ʻAlī Sharīʻatī dar Dānishgāh-i Mashhad (Firdawsī) = Memoories of Jalal Matini about Dr. Ali Shariati in Ferdowsi University. Los Angeles, CA: Shirkat-i Kitāb, 2014.

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Sharīʻatī, ʻAlī. School of thought and actions. Albuquerque: Abjad, 1990.

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Dabla, Bashir A. Islam & Muslims: Dr. Ali Shariati's sociological views. New Delhi: Dilpreet Pub. House, 1992.

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Dabla, Bashir A. Islam & Muslims: Dr. Ali Shariati's sociological views. New Delhi: Dilpreet Pub. House, 1992.

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Ali Shari'ati and the shaping of political Islam in Iran. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2011.

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Chatterjee, Kingshuk. 'Ali Shari'ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119222.

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Book chapters on the topic "Ali Shariati"

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Byrd, Dustin J. "Ali Shariati (1933–1977)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 1–16. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-91206-6_10-1.

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Byrd, Dustin J. "Ali Shariati (1933–1977)." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Imperialism and Anti-Imperialism, 106–20. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-29901-9_10.

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Callewaert, Teresa. "Return to Our Own: Revolution, Religion and Culture in Amilcar Cabral and Ali Shariati." In Future(s) of the Revolution and the Reformation, 211–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-27304-0_10.

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Manoochehri, Abbas. "Chapter 18. Enrique Dussel and Ali Shari’ati on Cultural Imperialism." In Cultural Imperialism, edited by Bernd Hamm and Russell Smandych, 290–300. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442602090-028.

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Hermansen, Marcia K. "Fatimeh as a Role Model in the Works of Ali Shari'ati." In Women and Revolution in Iran, 87–96. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429268632-8.

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Chatterjee, Kingshuk. "Introduction." In 'Ali Shari'ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran, 1–20. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119222_1.

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Chatterjee, Kingshuk. "The Languages of Power and Politics in Modern Iran." In 'Ali Shari'ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran, 21–45. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119222_2.

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Chatterjee, Kingshuk. "Language of Opposition Politics in Late Pahlavi Iran." In 'Ali Shari'ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran, 47–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119222_3.

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Chatterjee, Kingshuk. "The World as Tauheed: Envisaging an Islamic Alternative." In 'Ali Shari'ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran, 73–97. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119222_4.

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Chatterjee, Kingshuk. "The Purpose of Political Order: The State or the People?" In 'Ali Shari'ati and the Shaping of Political Islam in Iran, 99–119. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230119222_5.

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Conference papers on the topic "Ali Shariati"

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Jenko, Aladin. "Divorce problems Divorce from a man does not occur except in court model." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp238-250.

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"Divorce is considered a form of family disintegration that leads to the demolition of the family and family pillars after its construction through the marriage contract and then the termination of all social ties between husband and wife and often between their relatives. Divorce rates have risen to frightening levels that threaten our Islamic societies. Among the most important causes of divorce in our society are the following: The failure of one or both spouses in the process of adapting to the other through the different nature of the spouses and their personalities, the interference of the parents, the lack of harmony and compatibility between the spouses, the bad relationship and the large number of marital problems, the cultural openness, the absence of dialogue within the family. Several parties have sought to develop possible solutions to this dangerous phenomenon in our society, including: Establishment of advisory offices to reduce divorce by social and psychological specialists, and include the issue of divorce within the educational and educational curricula in a more concerned manner that shows the extent of the seriousness of divorce and its negative effects on the individual, family and society, and the development of an integrated policy that ensures the treatment of the causes and motives leading to divorce in the community, as well as holding conferences. Scientific and enlightening seminars and awareness workshops and the need for religious institutions and their media platforms to play a guiding and awareness role of the danger and effects of divorce on family construction and society, and to educate community members about the dangers of divorce and the importance of maintaining the husband’s bond and stability. As well as reviewing some marriage legislation and regulations, such as raising the age of marriage and reconsidering the issue of underage marriage, which is witnessing a rise in divorce rates. Among the proposed solutions is the demand to withdraw the power of divorce from the man's hands and place it in the hands of the judge, to prevent certain harm to women, or as a means to prevent the frequent occurrence of divorce. The last proposition created a problem that contradicts the stereotypical image of divorce in Islamic law, for which conditions and elements have been set, especially since Islamic Sharia is the main source of personal status laws in most Islamic countries. Therefore, the importance of this research is reflected in the study of this solution and its effectiveness as a means to prevent the spread of divorce, and not deviate from the pattern specified for it according to Sharia."
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Namiq, Asos. "Base estoppel and its impact on modifying the binding force of the contract." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp213-221.

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The contract is the Sharia of the Contracting Party as a rule that does not govern the contract only upon formation, but also upon execution, since the terms of the contract are transformed, after its formation, into a law that imposes itself, and its sanctity cannot be violated. That is, when the contract is valid and enforceable, it must be executed according to what it contains and in accordance with good faith and trust between people, and this is called the principle of binding force of the contract. Whenever the contract is binding on both parties, one of the parties cannot be the only one to rescind or amend it. The mandatory limits of the contract are not limited to what the contracting parties have agreed only, but include all of its requirements in accordance with legislative and customary rules, and what justice requires, and what is imposed by the nature of the full-time obligation of the contract. When executing the contract, the extent of the debtor’s commitment to the contract is measured in the manner in which it is implemented, and his agreement with the requirements of the contract, that is, the closer the method of implementation is with the requirements of the contract, the debtor is considered on the right path in fulfillment, and the more the method of implementation is far from the requirements of the contract, the debtor is considered in breach of his contractual obligations. Since the debtor may deviate from the prescribed path in some cases due to the difficulty of implementing the obligation on the one hand, and the difficulty of harmonizing the circumstances and methods of implementation on the other hand, the law allowed the creditor to object to the debtor’s behavior whenever he saw it as different from the contract based on the binding force of the contract. But this right granted to the creditor is not an absolute right. Rather, it is restricted by his act or statement that revealed to the debtor the safety of his conduct in the implementation of the contract, meaning that despite the recognition of the right to object to the creditor, the creditor may be suspended by what was previously issued by him, i.e. closed The door of objection to it, and this is called the rule of judgment closure that we have chosen as the subject of our study. We deal with it by research and study to show the limits of this rule, and its impact on modifying the binding force of the contract, whether by making mandatory certain clauses in the contract or even creating new clauses, or by stripping a contractual obligation of its binding force.
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Reports on the topic "Ali Shariati"

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HEFNER, Robert. IHSAN ETHICS AND POLITICAL REVITALIZATION Appreciating Muqtedar Khan’s Islam and Good Governance. IIIT, October 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/01.001.20.

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Ours is an age of pervasive political turbulence, and the scale of the challenge requires new thinking on politics as well as public ethics for our world. In Western countries, the specter of Islamophobia, alt-right populism, along with racialized violence has shaken public confidence in long-secure assumptions rooted in democracy, diversity, and citizenship. The tragic denouement of so many of the Arab uprisings together with the ascendance of apocalyptic extremists like Daesh and Boko Haram have caused an even greater sense of alarm in large parts of the Muslim-majority world. It is against this backdrop that M.A. Muqtedar Khan has written a book of breathtaking range and ethical beauty. The author explores the history and sociology of the Muslim world, both classic and contemporary. He does so, however, not merely to chronicle the phases of its development, but to explore just why the message of compassion, mercy, and ethical beauty so prominent in the Quran and Sunna of the Prophet came over time to be displaced by a narrow legalism that emphasized jurisprudence, punishment, and social control. In the modern era, Western Orientalists and Islamists alike have pushed the juridification and interpretive reification of Islamic ethical traditions even further. Each group has asserted that the essence of Islam lies in jurisprudence (fiqh), and both have tended to imagine this legal heritage on the model of Western positive law, according to which law is authorized, codified, and enforced by a leviathan state. “Reification of Shariah and equating of Islam and Shariah has a rather emaciating effect on Islam,” Khan rightly argues. It leads its proponents to overlook “the depth and heights of Islamic faith, mysticism, philosophy or even emotions such as divine love (Muhabba)” (13). As the sociologist of Islamic law, Sami Zubaida, has similarly observed, in all these developments one sees evidence, not of a traditionalist reassertion of Muslim values, but a “triumph of Western models” of religion and state (Zubaida 2003:135). To counteract these impoverishing trends, Khan presents a far-reaching analysis that “seeks to move away from the now failed vision of Islamic states without demanding radical secularization” (2). He does so by positioning himself squarely within the ethical and mystical legacy of the Qur’an and traditions of the Prophet. As the book’s title makes clear, the key to this effort of religious recovery is “the cosmology of Ihsan and the worldview of Al-Tasawwuf, the science of Islamic mysticism” (1-2). For Islamist activists whose models of Islam have more to do with contemporary identity politics than a deep reading of Islamic traditions, Khan’s foregrounding of Ihsan may seem unfamiliar or baffling. But one of the many achievements of this book is the skill with which it plumbs the depth of scripture, classical commentaries, and tasawwuf practices to recover and confirm the ethic that lies at their heart. “The Quran promises that God is with those who do beautiful things,” the author reminds us (Khan 2019:1). The concept of Ihsan appears 191 times in 175 verses in the Quran (110). The concept is given its richest elaboration, Khan explains, in the famous hadith of the Angel Gabriel. This tradition recounts that when Gabriel appeared before the Prophet he asked, “What is Ihsan?” Both Gabriel’s question and the Prophet’s response make clear that Ihsan is an ideal at the center of the Qur’an and Sunna of the Prophet, and that it enjoins “perfection, goodness, to better, to do beautiful things and to do righteous deeds” (3). It is this cosmological ethic that Khan argues must be restored and implemented “to develop a political philosophy … that emphasizes love over law” (2). In its expansive exploration of Islamic ethics and civilization, Khan’s Islam and Good Governance will remind some readers of the late Shahab Ahmed’s remarkable book, What is Islam? The Importance of Being Islamic (Ahmed 2016). Both are works of impressive range and spiritual depth. But whereas Ahmed stood in the humanities wing of Islamic studies, Khan is an intellectual polymath who moves easily across the Islamic sciences, social theory, and comparative politics. He brings the full weight of his effort to conclusion with policy recommendations for how “to combine Sufism with political theory” (6), and to do so in a way that recommends specific “Islamic principles that encourage good governance, and politics in pursuit of goodness” (8).
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