Academic literature on the topic 'All India Hindu Makasabha'

Abstract
 Jinnah is a supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity. He joined the All India National Congress, which became the leader of the Indian independence movement with more than 15 million members. In 1913, Jinnah decided to join the All India Muslim League. He worked for Hindu-Muslim unity through the League. Based on the results of the Muslim League Session held in Lucknow, a joint plan, known as the "Lucknow Pact", wich has many actions had finally led to divisions between Muslims and Hindus. The interests of Muslims could only be guaranteed by forming a separate state from the Hindu state in India. Ali Jinnah determination to separate Indian Muslim as known as Pakistan. The methodology used in this paper is descriptive qualitative with a literature study approach that focuses on the history of the formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan and the role of Ali Jinnah in realizing Muslim rights as a minority in India. Jinnah is a Nationalist who loves her country (India) and even the formation of Pakistan was a form of his love for India and Muslims. The formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan in the thoughts and movements and efforts undertaken by Jinnah as a form of attention to the rights of minorities and to unify the differences between Islam and Hinduism
 Keywords: Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, India
 Abstrak
 Jinnah adalah pendukung persatuan Hindu-Muslim, ia bergabung dengan All India National Congress. Kongres ini menjadi pemimpin gerakan kemerdekaan India dengan lebih dari 15 juta anggota pada tahun 1913, Jinnah memutuskan bergabung dengan All India Muslim League (Liga Muslim India). Ia bekerja untuk kesatuan Hindu-Muslim dari dalam Liga. Dalam pelaksanaan “Pakta Lucknow” banyak perbuatan yang akhirnya menimbulkan perpecahan antara Muslim dan Hindu. Sehingga Jinnah berupaya untuk membentuk Negara Islam Pakistan. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam paper ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka yang menitik beratkan kepada sejarah terbentuknya negara Islam Pakistan dan peran Ali Jinnah dalam mewujudkan hak-hak muslim sebagai minoritas di India. Jinnah adalah seorang Nasionalis yang mencintai negaranya (India) bahkan terbentuknya negara Pakistanpun merupakan wujud kecintaannya terhadap India dan Umat Islam. Pembentukan negara Islam Pakistan dalam pemikiran dan pergerakan serta upaya yang dilakukan oleh Jinnah sebagai bentuk perhatiannya terhadap hak-hak minoritas dan mempersatukan perbedaan antara Islam dan Hindu.
 Kata Kunci : Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, Negara Islam

A new book explores a premodern idea of the Indian subcontinent as a home for members of all religious traditions: the vision of Hindustan developed by the seventeenth-century historian Firishta, a Persian-speaking Muslim. His perspective was neglected and distorted by colonial-era historians who contributed to a Hindu-centric idea of India.

The “foreignness” of Islam in India is a familiar theme in the rhetoric of contemporary-Hindu fundamentalism. The numerical majority of Hindus in India is taken to mean that the nation-state ought to be founded on ideals and institutions defined as authentically “Hindu”, that India is the land of the Hindus, and that it must be ruled only by them. This ideology evidently leaves little room for non-Hindus, but especially so for Muslims, who ruled large parts of the Indian subcontinent for several centuries and who still constitute a sizeable minority in India. It is argued, for instance, that as the ruling elite in India, Muslims not only exploited the Hindus, they never even thought of themselves as “really” Indian and should not consequently be considered as such. For all the centrality of the Muslim Other to constructions of Hindu fundamentalism, the appeal and success of the latter is predicated on the systematic exclusion, if not the expulsion, of Muslims from the Hindu nation-state.

This article argues that gaushalas, or cow shelters, in India are mobilized as sites of Hindutva or Hindu ultranationalism, where it is a “vulnerable” Hindu Indian nation—or the “Hindu mother cow” as Mother India—who needs “sanctuary” from predatory Muslim males. Gaushalas are rendered spaces of (re)production of cows as political, religious, and economic capital, and sustained by the combined and compatible narratives of “anthropatriarchy” and Hindu patriarchy. Anthropatriarchy is framed as the human enactment of gendered oppressions upon animal bodies, and is crucial to sustaining all animal agriculture. Hindu patriarchy refers to the instrumentalization of female and feminized bodies (women, cows, “Mother India”) as “mothers” and cultural guardians of a “pure” Hindu civilization. Both patriarchies commodify bovine motherhood and breastmilk. which this article frames as a feminist issue. Through empirical research, this article demonstrates that gaushalas generally function as spaces of exploitation, incarceration, and gendered violence for the animals. The article broadens posthumanist feminist theory to illustrate how bovine bodies, akin to women's bodies, are mobilized as productive, reproductive, and symbolic capital to advance Hindu extremism and ultranationalism. It subjectifies animal bodies as landscapes of nation‐making using ecofeminism and its subfield of vegan feminism.

A woman was considered less than a full human, an object to be transferred by her male guardian. Though the turn in rights and behavior hasn’t quite corrected itself, women, possibly in a better place today than ever before -women are uniformly discriminated in India concerning all religions. Poly gamy forms a key basis for discrimination among Muslim women. In Christians, a wife can claim separation only on the adultery of the husband and his change of profession of Christianity to some other religion and marrying other women -There are different inheritance rules among the male and female Hindus. All this discrimination among the Indian women have to without any distinction be they Christian, Hindu, Muslim, Parsi, Sikh or Buddhist take what is best in all laws and frame a Uniform Civil Code - This article critically examines the uniform discrimination of women in India among Hindu, Muslim and Christian female marriage, Divorce and succession.

The 21st century global business environment is more diverse and interconnected than ever before. As organizations continue to expand their global reach, business professionals often find themselves having to navigate challenging cultural and religious terrain, which they may not be prepared for. While it is impossible for business professionals to learn the intricacies of all cultures and religions throughout the world, one can seek to learn about some of the more prominent cultures and religions of the world – particularly those they have a high likelihood of engaging with at some point in business. This paper examines Hinduism, a prevalent religion throughout many parts of the world, and discusses how its culture and beliefs are manifested through Hindu business practices. Particular focus is placed on business in India, the country with the largest number of Hindus. The purpose of this paper is to provide business professionals with a basic understanding of the history of Hinduism, an overview of the major beliefs of Hindus, and present information that will assist business professionals in successfully navigating intercultural affairs when doing business with Hindus in India and around the world.

The All-India Hindu Mahasabha, founded in 1915, advocated physical and military regeneration of the Hindu community. This initiative formed an indivisible part of the larger goal of Hindu sangathan. Gradually, as this idea became more sharp and aggressive, there was a fervent appeal for militarization of the Hindu youth. This appeal also made a subtle reference to the supposed organic unity and militant outlook of the Muslim community. Marathi leaders of the Mahasabha, led by B.S. Moonje, were frontrunners in this initiative. Moonje made special efforts to found the first military school at Nasik in 1937, devoted exclusively to the training of Hindu boys. This school was also envisioned as a feeder school for future recruitment to the armed forces. Building on this spirit, the Hindu Mahasabha also established Ram Sena or the Hindu national militia.

This study is an attempt to identify the origin of disparity in educational participation and educational achievement among various socio-religious groups in India. To accomplish this objective, we run the logistic model of regression to estimate the differential influences of the monetary returns to education and some personal, household and community-related factors affecting educational decisions of the school-age children across the groups. Then we use the method of inequality decomposition applicable for logit/probit model and decompose the existing inequality in the proportion of educational participation between some pairs of the socio-religious groups into ‘response effect’ and ‘attribute effect’. It is observed that there exists sharp disparity in educational participation among the various groups. A rise in estimated returns enhances the educational decisions of the members of the disadvantaged groups irrespective of their age and levels of education, but it can enhance the educational decisions of the members of the advantaged groups only at the upper end of their school-age. The percentage contribution of the ‘response effect’ of disparity in the rate of educational participation between Hindu-others and Muslims is greater compared to that of the ‘attribute effect’, but the former declines with the rise in the level of education. However, a significant proportion of the disparities in the educational participation between Hindu-others and Hindu-SC, and Hindu-others and Hindu-ST, is attributed to the characteristic differences at all levels of education except the middle.