Relevant bibliographies by topics / All-India Muslim League

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Academic literature on the topic 'All-India Muslim League'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 30 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "All-India Muslim League"

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Anwar, Muhammad, Shahzad Qaisar, and Jamila Begum. "Publicity, Propaganda and Press: All India Muslim League in Propagation of Demand for Pakistan." Volume V Issue I V, no. I (March 30, 2020): 680–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gssr.2020(v-i).68.

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The evolution and growth of press in the Subcontinent revolutionized the flow of information and propagation of political activities. All-India Muslim League went through the process of reorganization in the late 1930's and the new political resolve needed more publicity and propaganda to expand further among the masses. League handled the need of the hour by starting its party-owned newspapers while the provincial Leagues and some of the League organs launched their newspapers to publicize policy and program of the party. The major share in the press came from the Leaguers and pro League newspapers from all over India. The last phase of the freedom movement witnessed the emergence of a more radical and outspoken press in support of the demand for Pakistan. Overseas publicity and press remained weak ground for League due it financial constraints. The Middle East zone was omnipresent in League's activities due to its Islamist stance.England publicity wing started working quite late but it remained successful in making a mark over the minds of the public. The American front was neglected and only a few appearances were available to propagate League and its demand for Pakistan.
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Suyo Nugroho, Ischak. "Pembentukan Negara Islam Pakistan: Tinjaun Historis Peran Ali Jinah." Jurnal Online Studi Al-Qur an 15, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jsq.015.2.04.

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Abstract Jinnah is a supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity. He joined the All India National Congress, which became the leader of the Indian independence movement with more than 15 million members. In 1913, Jinnah decided to join the All India Muslim League. He worked for Hindu-Muslim unity through the League. Based on the results of the Muslim League Session held in Lucknow, a joint plan, known as the "Lucknow Pact", wich has many actions had finally led to divisions between Muslims and Hindus. The interests of Muslims could only be guaranteed by forming a separate state from the Hindu state in India. Ali Jinnah determination to separate Indian Muslim as known as Pakistan. The methodology used in this paper is descriptive qualitative with a literature study approach that focuses on the history of the formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan and the role of Ali Jinnah in realizing Muslim rights as a minority in India. Jinnah is a Nationalist who loves her country (India) and even the formation of Pakistan was a form of his love for India and Muslims. The formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan in the thoughts and movements and efforts undertaken by Jinnah as a form of attention to the rights of minorities and to unify the differences between Islam and Hinduism Keywords: Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, India Abstrak Jinnah adalah pendukung persatuan Hindu-Muslim, ia bergabung dengan All India National Congress. Kongres ini menjadi pemimpin gerakan kemerdekaan India dengan lebih dari 15 juta anggota pada tahun 1913, Jinnah memutuskan bergabung dengan All India Muslim League (Liga Muslim India). Ia bekerja untuk kesatuan Hindu-Muslim dari dalam Liga. Dalam pelaksanaan “Pakta Lucknow” banyak perbuatan yang akhirnya menimbulkan perpecahan antara Muslim dan Hindu. Sehingga Jinnah berupaya untuk membentuk Negara Islam Pakistan. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam paper ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka yang menitik beratkan kepada sejarah terbentuknya negara Islam Pakistan dan peran Ali Jinnah dalam mewujudkan hak-hak muslim sebagai minoritas di India. Jinnah adalah seorang Nasionalis yang mencintai negaranya (India) bahkan terbentuknya negara Pakistanpun merupakan wujud kecintaannya terhadap India dan Umat Islam. Pembentukan negara Islam Pakistan dalam pemikiran dan pergerakan serta upaya yang dilakukan oleh Jinnah sebagai bentuk perhatiannya terhadap hak-hak minoritas dan mempersatukan perbedaan antara Islam dan Hindu. Kata Kunci : Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, Negara Islam
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Rid, Saeed Ahmed. "THE PAKISTAN MOVEMENT AND FEDERALISM." Pakistan Journal of Social Research 03, no. 02 (June 30, 2021): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.52567/pjsr.v3i02.211.

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The careful reading of the history of Pakistan movement tells us the movement rose in response to the fear of the imposition of majoritarian- unitary democracy model in British India following the West Minister model. After 1857 war of independence, Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan had advised Muslims not to take part in politics and focus their energies on acquiring modern education and hence securing their due share in bureaucratic positions under the British rule. But when Congress was formed in 1885 and gradually democratic reforms were introduced, the fear of majoritarian-unitary model started creeping in among the Muslim elite. The leaders of Muslim League felt if the Westminster style majoritarian- unitary democracy model is introduced in British India that will ultimately bring over the centralized Congress rule in British India which they equated as the Hindu raj. The debate around the federal question remained on top of the agenda in British India since the announcement of the Nehru report in 1928. The failure of the Congress in addressing Muslim concerns regarding majoritarian- unitary democracy model ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947. In this paper the debate around the federal question and the demands for consociational democracy in Pakistan movement would be studied in detail and it will be analysed how far the failure of addressing the federal question was responsible for the partition of India. Keywords: Majoritarian Democracy, Indo-Pak History, Consociationalism, All India Muslim League, Muslim Separatism
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Akhtar, Dr Sohail, Hafeez Ullah, and Abaidullah Anwar. "12-Educational Contribution of District Educational Conference Dera Ghazi Khan 1914-1947 and its Socio-Political impact on Muslims (A Historical Analysis)." International Research Journal of Education and Innovation 2, no. 2 (September 20, 2021): 116–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.53575/irjei.12-v2.2(21)116-123.

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This paper is an attempt to highlight the educational efforts Muslim’s education in Dera Ghazi Khan District. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan established All India Muslim Educational Conference in 1886 and its Headquarter was Alipur. As a central organization several of its branches were also formed in different regions of India by the local leadership of Muslims. Dera Ghazi Khan was an important district of Punjab due to its important geo-strategic position. District Educational Conference organization was formed in 1914 and All India Muslim educational conference owned it as its branch. This district organization played a vital role in education of the district. This paper explores the historical background of the district and educational condition of the district. Although educational conference was completely committed to the educational issues and it was irrelevant to the political issues of the Muslims of India initially as per its constitution. But later on it left a lasting impact on the political activities of the Muslims as it changed the Political thinking of the Muslims of south Asia. Its various debates a lasting impact on the on educational & cultural matters are the best testimony to prove this hypothesis. Most of the cultural as well educational issues were interconnected with political issues therefore, real segregation became impossible. The overall analysis of the speeches delivered on the conference's forum by the eminent Muslims and the resolution passed after the meetings gave political inspirations and impetus to the Muslims in general. The annual meeting, its arrangements in various cities and the public enthusiasm inspired the Muslim at large. The conference resolutions stimulated the spirit of unity and promoted two nation's theory. On December 31, 1906, All India Muslim League emerged after the end of the Conference session at Dacca. Those who attended Conference' meetings were the same members present in the League's meeting. The study explores the major issues debated at the conference's forum and the resolutions passed in the light of the primary sources. This paper highlights the formation, objectives and achievements of this District Educational Conference
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Dhulipala, Venkat. "Parties and Politics in the ‘Parting of Ways’ Narrative: Reevaluating Congress-Muslim League Negotiations in Late Colonial India." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 269–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2019-0060.

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Abstract Historians trying to understand the processes that led to India’s Partition in 1947 have often asseverated that a progressively widening gap between the Indian Muslims and the Congress led nationalist movement ultimately led to the division of the subcontinent. Within this narrative, one strand of opinion has argued that the Congress failed to attract any appreciable Muslim support right from its inception, and that Muslim aloofness from the Congress was of a much longer vintage than most historians often like to acknowledge.1 A second perspective holds that Muslim alienation became marked after the collapse of the Khilafat movement in the early 1920s that saw Hindu-Muslims riots breaking out in many parts of India.2 A third view sees an irreversible ‘parting of ways’ with the rejection of 1928 Nehru Report that was viewed by almost all shades of Indian Muslim opinion as providing insufficient safeguards for India’s Muslim minority.3 But even if there are differences regarding the origins of this rupture, there is consensus that relations between the Congress and the Muslims finally broke down and became irreparable in the aftermath of the 1935 Government of India (GOI) Act, especially after Congress governments were formed in the provinces that excluded the Muslim League.
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Malik, Muhammad Shoaib, Shahzad Qaisar, and Riffat Haque. "Role of the Central Committee of Action in Organization of the Provincial Muslim Leagues." Global Political Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 17–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).03.

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All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee's initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.
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DHULIPALA, VENKAT. "Rallying theQaum:The Muslim League in the United Provinces, 1937–1939." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 3 (June 24, 2009): 603–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09004016.

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AbstractThis paper re-examines the nature of the Muslim League's mobilization of the UP Muslims during the period of Congress party rule and the extent to which it was successful in emerging as their ‘authoritative, representative organization’. In the light of such a re-examination, the paper makes two arguments. First, in contrast to the existing historiography which highlights the role of Jinnah in the ML's revival, this paper underlines the agency of the local leadership of the ML in this process. Second, the paper argues that even though the ML emerged as a popular political party among the UP Muslims in this period, its strength still remained uncertain. This became evident during theMadhe Sahabaagitation between 1938 and 1939 that led to serious tensions and riots between Shias and Sunnis in the city of Lucknow. These tensions threatened to fracture the political base of the ML in the UP besides snowballing into a wider all-India conflict. During this crisis the ML stood aside helplessly, unable to exert its authority as the ‘premier’ organization of the Indian Muslims. These divisions within the Muslim community in the ML's putative bastion in the UP demonstrate that the party still had a task ahead in terms of rallying theQaum.
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Hasan, Meraj, Asifa Zafar, and Kanwal Noreen. "Jinnah’s Pakistan, Hodson and the Letter to Nawab Ismail." Global Political Review VI, no. II (June 30, 2021): 45–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/gpr.2021(vi-ii).06.

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Muhammad Ali Jinnah called for the division of India on 22ndMarch 1940 in his presidential address to the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held at Lahore. Immediately, the League were beset with not only opposition from all flanks but also the allegation that Jinnah's idea of Pakistan was ill-defined and merely a counter for bargaining. Even after Pakistan's independence in 1947, this theory was furthered to the extent of being elevated to orthodoxy. This paper examines Jinnah's private correspondence dealing with the nature of Pakistan, in particular Jinnah's 1941 letter to the League leader Nawab Ismail that refers to findings of the Reforms Commissioner H.V. Hodson regarding Pakistan, and is often cited as evidence of Jinnah’s ‘real aims’. In parallel, Jinnah and prominent League leaders’ dealings with the British are analyzed in order to reconcile their disparate stances.
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Talbot, Ian. "Planning for Pakistan: The Planning Committee of the All-India Muslism League 1943–46." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 875–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012567.

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Most studies have concentrated on the Muslim League's political activities and objectives. It is generally believed that it lacked a distinctive economic programme and unequivocally favoured private enterprise. The radical economic ideas produced by its Punjab and Bengal branches are attributed to a handful of activists who received short shrift from the High Command. The League's stance is thus contrasted with the Congress which addressed economic issues from a largely Socialist perpective.
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HOSSAIN, MUHAMMAD BELAL. "Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman: His Life and Contributions to the Independence Movement." Dhaka University Arabic Journal 23, no. 26 (June 14, 2024): 179–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.62295/mazallah.v23i26.67.

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Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the main architect of the state of Bangladesh. He was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920. He dedicated his valuable time of his life for independence of Bangladesh. He started his political life when he was a student of Gopalganj Missionary School in 1939. In 1940 Sheikh Mujib joined All India Muslim Students Federation and elected as a counselor for one year. Bangabandhu was involved actively in struggle for Pakistan state in 1942 when he was studying at Kolkata Islamic Collage. He played significant role in protecting Muslim community during the violence between Hindu and Muslim after separation of India and the birth of Pakistan in 1947. Bangabandhu established "East Pakistan Muslim Student League" on 4th January 1948 when he was studying at the University of Dhaka and he proposed All party State Language movement Council. He played a key role in 1952 from the central jail when he was a prisoner and he demanded recognition of Bangla as the state language of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami Muslim League at its council on 9th July 1953. Bangabandhu won in the first General Election of East Bengal Legislative Assembly held on 10 March from Gopalganj. Bangabandhu took charge of the ministry of Agriculture and Forests on 15th March. He proposed historical six-point Charter of demand at a national convention of the opposition parties at Lahore on 5th February 1966. On 1st March 1966 Bangabandhu was elected the president of Awami League. On 23 February 1969 the central Student Action Council arranged a meeting at the Racecourse and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was publicly honored as "Bangabandhu" at this meeting of one million people. On 5th December, Bangabandhu declared East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. His historical speech on 07 March 1971 was a clear declaration of independence.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "All-India Muslim League"

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Saleem, Ahmad Muhammed. "All India Muslim League : 1906 - 1919." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1987. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.360202.

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Books on the topic "All-India Muslim League"

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Shafiq, Malik Nadeem, ed. The All India Muslim League, 1906-47. Islamabad: National Book Foundation, 1997.

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Trust, Nazaria-i.-Pakistan, ed. All India Muslim League centenary souvenir, 1906-2006. Lahore: Nazaria-i-Pakistan Trust, 2008.

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Bakshi, S. R. Congress, Muslim League, and partition of India. New Delhi: Deep & Deep Publications, 1990.

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Garg, Nurussaba. All-India Muslim League, 1906-1947, a political history. Lucknow: Library Helpage Society, 2004.

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Goradia, Prafull. Muslim League's unfinished agenda. New Delhi: Contemporary Targett, 2003.

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Riaz, Ahmad, and National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research (Pakistan), eds. The Baluchistan Muslim League, 1939-1947: Secret police abstracts. Islamabad: National Institute of Historical and Cultural Research, Centre of Excellence, Quaid-i-Azam University, 2008.

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Jinnah, Mahomed Ali. Quaid-i-Azam's unrealised dream: Formation and working of the All India Muslim League Economics Planning Committee. Karachi, Pakistan: Shamsul Hasan Foundation for Historical Studies & Research, 1991.

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Jinnah, Mahomed Ali. Quaid-i Azam's unrealised dream: Formation and working of the All India Muslim League Economic Planning Committee. Karachi, Pakistan: Shamsul Hasan Foundation for Historical Studies & Research, 1991.

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Ḥaidar, K̲h̲vājah Raz̤ī. Sayyid Shamsulḥasan: Taḥrīk-i Pākistān kā ek ahamm-i kirdār. Karācī: ʻUshbah Pablishang Inṭarnīshanal, 2003.

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Shafiq, Malik Nadeem, All-India Muslim League, and Izhar Research Institute of Pakistan., eds. The Formative years of All India Muslim League, 1909-1919. Lahore: Izharsons, 2007.

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Book chapters on the topic "All-India Muslim League"

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Mehrotra, S. R. "The All-India Muslim League and The Commonwealth." In India and the Commonwealth 1885-1929, 179–207. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003243830-5.

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Fuchs, Simon Wolfgang. "All-Indian Shiʿism, Colonial Modernity, And The Challenge Of Pakistan." In In a Pure Muslim Land, 16–52. University of North Carolina Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469649795.003.0002.

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This chapter explores the late colonial milieu with its opposing discourses of communalism and nationalism that left a deep impact on Shi‘i community formation. In the first half of the 20th century, India’s Shi‘is portrayed themselves as being on a higher spiritual level in contrast to the common (Sunni) Muslims. Yet, once the Muslim League (ML) adopted the creation of Pakistan as its goal, influential Shi‘i voices expressed deep and increasing skepticism toward the founding of a state that claimed to form an inclusive homeland for all Muslims of the subcontinent. This chapter further demonstrates the substantial links that connected South Asian Shi‘is to major events in the Middle East. Finally, the chapter shows that Lucknow’s religious scholars were far from secure in their leadership position of the Shi‘i community. The modernist-minded All India Shi‘a Conference (AISC) viewed these mujtahids as hopelessly out of touch with the challenges of the time and regarded the AISC as a more appropriate vehicle of communal leadership.
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Wolpert, Stanley. "Prelude to War and Partition." In Gandhi’s Passion, 182–90. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2001. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195130607.003.0019.

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Abstract The 1935 Government of India Act that had emerged from London’ s three Round Table Conferences enfranchised some thirty-five million Indians, more than half of whom trekked to polling places throughout British India in February of 1937. Congress candidates won 716 seats, capturing majorities in six of British India’ s eleven provincial legislative assemblies. Nehru, whose electrifying air-borne campaign, had led the euphoric Congress party to its stunning victory, ordered all minority parties to “line up!” saying there were only two parties left in India, Congress and the British. Jinnah rejected that argument, insisting that the Muslims represented by his Muslim League, were a “third party.” Then Lord Zetland, the new Tory secretary of state for India, insisted that British provincial governors would all be “obliged,” under the new Constitution, to “safeguard the legitimate interests of the minorities.”
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"2.04 Muhammad Iqbal: Presidential Address to the 25th Annual Session of the All-India Muslim League at Allahabad (India, 1930)." In Religious Dynamics under the Impact of Imperialism and Colonialism, 265–72. BRILL, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004329003_022.

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Virdee, Pippa. "1. Progress of a dream." In Pakistan: A Very Short Introduction, 1–9. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780198847076.003.0001.

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‘The progress of a dream’ provides an explanation of the ‘Lahore Resolution’, which was passed by the All-India Muslim League (AIML) in 1940. The ‘two-nation’ theory paved the pathway to the creation of Pakistan at the time of Indian independence in August 1947. The spirit of struggle for Pakistan from 1940 to 1947 has been metamorphosed into the spectre of an existential crisis, as the Pakistan regime confronts challenges of consolidating a national culture and a political economy. A distinct identity for all territories was created as the heart of Pakistan’s political idea. There were fundamental challenges in comprehending the political construction of Pakistan.
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Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar, and Anasua Basu Ray Chaudhury. "Introduction." In Caste and Partition in Bengal, 1–20. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192859723.003.0001.

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Caste as an analytical category is seldom introduced into the discussion of the Partition of India in 1947. In conventional narratives of Partition, the Muslim League and the Indian National Congress are presented as the two main players, and the Partition-related violence is assumed to be primarily between the Hindus and the Sikhs on one side and the Muslims on the other. All internal differentiations within these groups, based on gender, caste, or region, are collapsed to present the two contending groups as homogenous subcontinental categories representing two distinct social and political identities. If the gender imbalance in this historiography has now been rectified to some extent, many other voices remain silent. The role of the Scheduled Castes—or Dalit, as many of them would prefer to call themselves today—and their organisation, the All India Scheduled Castes Federation is either completely ignored or mentioned only in passing in this extant literature. Bengal witnessed powerful Dalit movements during the colonial period, resisting caste-based discriminatory practices, but we do not know why they almost completely disappeared after Partition. Was it because of Partition politics? Then after the Partition, we witnessed endless streams of refugees coming into West Bengal, and among them were many Dalit peasants. Their different experiences of migration and resettlement remain largely unrecognised. This book seeks to address this discursive absence of the caste question and the Dalit from the long history of Partition in Bengal.
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"English Pianism and Harold Bauer (1945)." In Grainger on Music, edited by Malcolm Gillies, Bruce Clunies Ross, Bronwen Arthur, and David Pear, 338–46. Oxford University PressOxford, 1999. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198166658.003.0040.

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Abstract It is not likely that the English-speaking peoples, who have not lost a war since 1066 (except to themselves; for when Britain lost to America in the Revolutionary War they were losing to themselves), & who, of late centuries, have invented or developed all the notions & devices the whole modern world thinks about (flirting, wholesale divorce, machinery, trams, trains, steamships, submarines, flying, teetotalism, antivivisectionism, co-operative societies, League of Nations, vegetarianism, afternoon tea, sport, golf, football, tennis, baseball, cricket, votes for women, Home Rule for Ireland, India, Egypt, Iceland, Faeroe Islands—to which must be added social systems such as socialism & communism worked out by foreigners such as Karl Marx, Lenin & Trotsky while living in exile in Britain or USA), would be found failing to lead in such an important art as the art of music. In other articles I have striven to show how English-speaking composers (such as John Dunstable, the 13th-century Worcester & Winchester church music composers, William Lawes, John Field, myself, Cyril Scott, Arthur Fickenscher, George Gershwin & other American popular composers) have been responsible for all known epoch-making innovations in music since the advent of decipherable musical notation (1260?). In this sketch I will deal merely with the part played by English-speakers in modern pianism.
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