Journal articles on the topic 'All-India Muslim League'

The evolution and growth of press in the Subcontinent revolutionized the flow of information and propagation of political activities. All-India Muslim League went through the process of reorganization in the late 1930's and the new political resolve needed more publicity and propaganda to expand further among the masses. League handled the need of the hour by starting its party-owned newspapers while the provincial Leagues and some of the League organs launched their newspapers to publicize policy and program of the party. The major share in the press came from the Leaguers and pro League newspapers from all over India. The last phase of the freedom movement witnessed the emergence of a more radical and outspoken press in support of the demand for Pakistan. Overseas publicity and press remained weak ground for League due it financial constraints. The Middle East zone was omnipresent in League's activities due to its Islamist stance.England publicity wing started working quite late but it remained successful in making a mark over the minds of the public. The American front was neglected and only a few appearances were available to propagate League and its demand for Pakistan.

Abstract Jinnah is a supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity. He joined the All India National Congress, which became the leader of the Indian independence movement with more than 15 million members. In 1913, Jinnah decided to join the All India Muslim League. He worked for Hindu-Muslim unity through the League. Based on the results of the Muslim League Session held in Lucknow, a joint plan, known as the "Lucknow Pact", wich has many actions had finally led to divisions between Muslims and Hindus. The interests of Muslims could only be guaranteed by forming a separate state from the Hindu state in India. Ali Jinnah determination to separate Indian Muslim as known as Pakistan. The methodology used in this paper is descriptive qualitative with a literature study approach that focuses on the history of the formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan and the role of Ali Jinnah in realizing Muslim rights as a minority in India. Jinnah is a Nationalist who loves her country (India) and even the formation of Pakistan was a form of his love for India and Muslims. The formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan in the thoughts and movements and efforts undertaken by Jinnah as a form of attention to the rights of minorities and to unify the differences between Islam and Hinduism Keywords: Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, India Abstrak Jinnah adalah pendukung persatuan Hindu-Muslim, ia bergabung dengan All India National Congress. Kongres ini menjadi pemimpin gerakan kemerdekaan India dengan lebih dari 15 juta anggota pada tahun 1913, Jinnah memutuskan bergabung dengan All India Muslim League (Liga Muslim India). Ia bekerja untuk kesatuan Hindu-Muslim dari dalam Liga. Dalam pelaksanaan “Pakta Lucknow” banyak perbuatan yang akhirnya menimbulkan perpecahan antara Muslim dan Hindu. Sehingga Jinnah berupaya untuk membentuk Negara Islam Pakistan. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam paper ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka yang menitik beratkan kepada sejarah terbentuknya negara Islam Pakistan dan peran Ali Jinnah dalam mewujudkan hak-hak muslim sebagai minoritas di India. Jinnah adalah seorang Nasionalis yang mencintai negaranya (India) bahkan terbentuknya negara Pakistanpun merupakan wujud kecintaannya terhadap India dan Umat Islam. Pembentukan negara Islam Pakistan dalam pemikiran dan pergerakan serta upaya yang dilakukan oleh Jinnah sebagai bentuk perhatiannya terhadap hak-hak minoritas dan mempersatukan perbedaan antara Islam dan Hindu. Kata Kunci : Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, Negara Islam

The careful reading of the history of Pakistan movement tells us the movement rose in response to the fear of the imposition of majoritarian- unitary democracy model in British India following the West Minister model. After 1857 war of independence, Sir Sayed Ahmed Khan had advised Muslims not to take part in politics and focus their energies on acquiring modern education and hence securing their due share in bureaucratic positions under the British rule. But when Congress was formed in 1885 and gradually democratic reforms were introduced, the fear of majoritarian-unitary model started creeping in among the Muslim elite. The leaders of Muslim League felt if the Westminster style majoritarian- unitary democracy model is introduced in British India that will ultimately bring over the centralized Congress rule in British India which they equated as the Hindu raj. The debate around the federal question remained on top of the agenda in British India since the announcement of the Nehru report in 1928. The failure of the Congress in addressing Muslim concerns regarding majoritarian- unitary democracy model ultimately led to the partition of India in 1947. In this paper the debate around the federal question and the demands for consociational democracy in Pakistan movement would be studied in detail and it will be analysed how far the failure of addressing the federal question was responsible for the partition of India. Keywords: Majoritarian Democracy, Indo-Pak History, Consociationalism, All India Muslim League, Muslim Separatism

This paper is an attempt to highlight the educational efforts Muslim’s education in Dera Ghazi Khan District. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan established All India Muslim Educational Conference in 1886 and its Headquarter was Alipur. As a central organization several of its branches were also formed in different regions of India by the local leadership of Muslims. Dera Ghazi Khan was an important district of Punjab due to its important geo-strategic position. District Educational Conference organization was formed in 1914 and All India Muslim educational conference owned it as its branch. This district organization played a vital role in education of the district. This paper explores the historical background of the district and educational condition of the district. Although educational conference was completely committed to the educational issues and it was irrelevant to the political issues of the Muslims of India initially as per its constitution. But later on it left a lasting impact on the political activities of the Muslims as it changed the Political thinking of the Muslims of south Asia. Its various debates a lasting impact on the on educational & cultural matters are the best testimony to prove this hypothesis. Most of the cultural as well educational issues were interconnected with political issues therefore, real segregation became impossible. The overall analysis of the speeches delivered on the conference's forum by the eminent Muslims and the resolution passed after the meetings gave political inspirations and impetus to the Muslims in general. The annual meeting, its arrangements in various cities and the public enthusiasm inspired the Muslim at large. The conference resolutions stimulated the spirit of unity and promoted two nation's theory. On December 31, 1906, All India Muslim League emerged after the end of the Conference session at Dacca. Those who attended Conference' meetings were the same members present in the League's meeting. The study explores the major issues debated at the conference's forum and the resolutions passed in the light of the primary sources. This paper highlights the formation, objectives and achievements of this District Educational Conference

Abstract Historians trying to understand the processes that led to India’s Partition in 1947 have often asseverated that a progressively widening gap between the Indian Muslims and the Congress led nationalist movement ultimately led to the division of the subcontinent. Within this narrative, one strand of opinion has argued that the Congress failed to attract any appreciable Muslim support right from its inception, and that Muslim aloofness from the Congress was of a much longer vintage than most historians often like to acknowledge.1 A second perspective holds that Muslim alienation became marked after the collapse of the Khilafat movement in the early 1920s that saw Hindu-Muslims riots breaking out in many parts of India.2 A third view sees an irreversible ‘parting of ways’ with the rejection of 1928 Nehru Report that was viewed by almost all shades of Indian Muslim opinion as providing insufficient safeguards for India’s Muslim minority.3 But even if there are differences regarding the origins of this rupture, there is consensus that relations between the Congress and the Muslims finally broke down and became irreparable in the aftermath of the 1935 Government of India (GOI) Act, especially after Congress governments were formed in the provinces that excluded the Muslim League.

All India Muslim League lost 1936 elections which propelled Jinnah to re-organize the party on modern grounds. But the re-organization was not that much efficacious due to the absence of effective checks and balances overworking of provincial branches. Initial endeavors to keep check overworking and organization of the provincial Leagues were short successes on the part of the Central League. The working of the Central Civil Defence Committee accentuated the need for a separate body for such tasks. Jinnah brought his idea to life in 1944 by establishing the Central Committee of Action. This was the most authoritative body after Jinnah having powers to affiliate and disaffiliate provincial branches. Moreover, this body not only re-organized the provincial branches but also settled their intra-party disputes effectively. The working of branches improves substantially due to the committee's initiatives for grassroots level activities. The 1946 elections testified logic behind the formation and its result-oriented working to improve Provincial Leagues.

AbstractThis paper re-examines the nature of the Muslim League's mobilization of the UP Muslims during the period of Congress party rule and the extent to which it was successful in emerging as their ‘authoritative, representative organization’. In the light of such a re-examination, the paper makes two arguments. First, in contrast to the existing historiography which highlights the role of Jinnah in the ML's revival, this paper underlines the agency of the local leadership of the ML in this process. Second, the paper argues that even though the ML emerged as a popular political party among the UP Muslims in this period, its strength still remained uncertain. This became evident during theMadhe Sahabaagitation between 1938 and 1939 that led to serious tensions and riots between Shias and Sunnis in the city of Lucknow. These tensions threatened to fracture the political base of the ML in the UP besides snowballing into a wider all-India conflict. During this crisis the ML stood aside helplessly, unable to exert its authority as the ‘premier’ organization of the Indian Muslims. These divisions within the Muslim community in the ML's putative bastion in the UP demonstrate that the party still had a task ahead in terms of rallying theQaum.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah called for the division of India on 22ndMarch 1940 in his presidential address to the annual session of the All-India Muslim League held at Lahore. Immediately, the League were beset with not only opposition from all flanks but also the allegation that Jinnah's idea of Pakistan was ill-defined and merely a counter for bargaining. Even after Pakistan's independence in 1947, this theory was furthered to the extent of being elevated to orthodoxy. This paper examines Jinnah's private correspondence dealing with the nature of Pakistan, in particular Jinnah's 1941 letter to the League leader Nawab Ismail that refers to findings of the Reforms Commissioner H.V. Hodson regarding Pakistan, and is often cited as evidence of Jinnah’s ‘real aims’. In parallel, Jinnah and prominent League leaders’ dealings with the British are analyzed in order to reconcile their disparate stances.

Most studies have concentrated on the Muslim League's political activities and objectives. It is generally believed that it lacked a distinctive economic programme and unequivocally favoured private enterprise. The radical economic ideas produced by its Punjab and Bengal branches are attributed to a handful of activists who received short shrift from the High Command. The League's stance is thus contrasted with the Congress which addressed economic issues from a largely Socialist perpective.

Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was the main architect of the state of Bangladesh. He was born in a respectable Muslim family on 17 March 1920. He dedicated his valuable time of his life for independence of Bangladesh. He started his political life when he was a student of Gopalganj Missionary School in 1939. In 1940 Sheikh Mujib joined All India Muslim Students Federation and elected as a counselor for one year. Bangabandhu was involved actively in struggle for Pakistan state in 1942 when he was studying at Kolkata Islamic Collage. He played significant role in protecting Muslim community during the violence between Hindu and Muslim after separation of India and the birth of Pakistan in 1947. Bangabandhu established "East Pakistan Muslim Student League" on 4th January 1948 when he was studying at the University of Dhaka and he proposed All party State Language movement Council. He played a key role in 1952 from the central jail when he was a prisoner and he demanded recognition of Bangla as the state language of East Pakistan. Bangabandhu Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was elected General Secretary of East Pakistan Awami Muslim League at its council on 9th July 1953. Bangabandhu won in the first General Election of East Bengal Legislative Assembly held on 10 March from Gopalganj. Bangabandhu took charge of the ministry of Agriculture and Forests on 15th March. He proposed historical six-point Charter of demand at a national convention of the opposition parties at Lahore on 5th February 1966. On 1st March 1966 Bangabandhu was elected the president of Awami League. On 23 February 1969 the central Student Action Council arranged a meeting at the Racecourse and Sheikh Mujibur Rahman was publicly honored as "Bangabandhu" at this meeting of one million people. On 5th December, Bangabandhu declared East Pakistan would be called Bangladesh. His historical speech on 07 March 1971 was a clear declaration of independence.

EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.

AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This article traces a short-lived alternative that emerged in Bengal between 1940 and 1943 under the premiership of Fazlul Huq. Huq produced a peculiar form of identity politics that appealed not only to religious sentiment but also to regional loyalty that cut across the religious divide. Significantly, he did so without resorting to secular claims. By challenging Jinnah's claim to being the sole spokesman of Muslims in India and highlighting the different concerns of a province with a Muslim majority, Huq reconciled the twin identities of religion and region within the same political paradigm, and foreshadowed the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.

Quaid-e- Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the Founder of Pakistan was a great personality in the history of the world. He got a higher degree in Law and started his political career on the platform of Indian National Congress but soon understood that their policies are anti-Muslim. So he joined All India Muslim League. He was a great and honorable political leader who was acknowledged by the representatives of different political groups. Mr. Jinnah was an honest, confident and hardworking political figure. This article deals with Mr. Jinnah and fine arts.

I am grateful to the organisers for holding this seminar on an important, if somewhat less known, facet of the life-work of the Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah, who transformed the All India Muslim League from a run-of-the-mill political party into a mass movement. His role as the founder of an independent sovereign Muslim state in South Asia has been widely acclaimed by historians and scholars. However, his political tour de force has rather overshadowed what he did for the economic emancipation of Muslims before and after Independence. The demand for Pakistan visualised not just freedom from colonial rule but, no less importantly, liberation from the socio-economic domination of the majority community in business, commerce, education and public services. Jinnah knew full well that the areas to be included in Pakistan were economically and industrially backward. They constituted the agricultural hinterland of the industrialised areas of British India. A survey of industrial locations during the year 1939-40, appended below, highlights the vast disparity in industrial development between the two areas:

Pan-Islamism had resonated strongly with Muslim political leaders of the Indian sub-continent, including those inspired by Jamāl al-Dīn al-Afghānī, credited with coining the term. These political leaders included prominent members of the All-India Muslim League, who were at the forefront of the Indian Muslims’ struggle for a separate homeland that led to the creation of Pakistan in 1947. It is therefore no surprise that Islam and pan-Islamism became key features of the new state of Pakistan; however, domestic and geopolitical realities demanded a different approach to addressing the country’s key national interests, i.e., security through economic development. This article analyzes Pakistan’s policy on the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) to understand how far Islamabad has advanced its national interests through the OIC. Based on the interviews of elites and key opinionmakers in Islamabad, this paper argues that pan-Islamist ideals in Pakistan’s foreign policy were confronted by reality soon after Pakistan’s creation. The geopolitical realities of India have kept security concerns paramount and all-consuming. Consequently, pan-Islamism has been pragmatically used by Pakistan, especially within the OIC, for not just ideological reasons but also for material and diplomatic gains.

Indian Punjab was a Muslim majority province with a feudal dominant political base. The Unionist party was organized by Sir Fazl-i-Husain to incorporate the powerful elite into a single party without communal distinction. The party had the majority of the Muslim landed elite with consistent egoistic rivalries over personal clashes. The other contenders were Indian National Congress, All India Muslim League, Ahrars and Ittehad-i-Millat with communal slogans. The paper aims to analyze the pre-election issue of succession between Fazl and Sikander Hayat Khan, along with the advantages and disadvantages for the Unionists and other stakeholders before elections, with a focus on Muslim politics. Why and how the Unionists were able to retain political dominance and how communal parties failed to form any formidable alliance against them are examined to understand the inherent weaknesses and strengths of all groups.

AbstractThis paper analyzes the political project of secular Islam as outlined by the Indian political and religious leader, Muhammad Shah—also known as Aga Khan III (1877–1957). As first president of the All India Muslim League, Muhammad Shah facilitated the installation of separate electorates for Muslims as well as the call for Partition. The reformist notion of Islam he invoked for this separatist programme was informed by the secular and modernizing projects of the colonial public sphere. Simultaneously, however, Muhammad Shah claimed a divine role as Imam of the Ismaili Muslim community—a position validated by Ismaili beliefs and teachings of messianic Islam. The paper engages Muhammad Shah's writings and the devotional texts of the Ismailis to illustrate how the heterogeneous forms of practices peculiar to the vernacular history of Islam in early modern South Asia were displaced by the discourse of religious identity in the colonial period.

A hundred years ago in colonial Bombay, on September 10, 1922, a group of Parsis established an organization called the Iran League. Meant to strengthen ties with their Iranian Zoroastrian coreligionists inside Iran, the Iran League also endeavored to recast wider economic and cultural relations between India and the country which Parsis regarded as their ancient homeland. That ancient homeland, after all, was undergoing seismic change. In the years following Reza Khan's 1921 coup and the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty in 1925, Parsis watched with growing anticipation and excitement as Iran's new leader increasingly promoted a new national culture rooted in Iran's ancient past. Prominent Parsis, many of them leaders in the Iran League, fervently believed that Pahlavi Iran would herald all sorts of progressive change: improved conditions for the Iranian Zoroastrians, deeper appreciation of Zoroastrianism among Iran's Muslim majority, conditions for significant Parsi investment in Iran, and even the possibility of a mass Parsi “return” to the shah's domain, reversing the direction of centuries of Zoroastrian migration.1

Two-Nation Theory, long regarded as the linchpin of the partition of the Indian Subcontinent in 1947, has come under scrutiny by revisionist scholars who seek to challenge and question the prevailing idealism surrounding this historical division. Revisionist perspectives offer a critical analysis of the Two-Nation Theory by contesting its oversimplified portrayal of Muslims in the Subcontinent. These scholars assert that the theory, which framed the partition because of irreconcilable religious differences, neglects the intricate tapestry of cultural, linguistic, and regional identities among Muslims. Moreover, revisionists delve into the multifaceted causes of partition, asserting that it cannot be solely attributed to religious disparities. They emphasise the role of political manoeuvring, economic inequalities, power dynamics, and the shortcomings of leadership in shaping this historical event. Revisionist arguments also suggest that political leaders, such as Muhammad Ali Jinnah and the All-India Muslim League, may have strategically employed the Two-Nation Theory to secure advantages during negotiations with the British colonial administration. This challenges the prevailing notion that the demand for a separate Muslim state primarily reflects religious sentiment. This research attempts to contemplate the revisionist perspectives on the Two-Nation Theory, which ultimately led to the division of the Subcontinent.

India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.

Pakistan's federalism problem dates all the way back to the establishment of the republic. Pakistan was established during many problems, many of which involved the state's government and administration. After Pakistan's inception, Federalism has been recognized as a political structure. The Muslim League was Pakistan's democratic body, and it called for the provinces of United India to have complete provincial autonomy. In the other side, the Congress favored a moderate federation. Due to the Muslim League's extensive past and tradition, it has been forced to recognize Federalism as a state system. Karachi, a major commercial center in Sindh, was annexed by the federal government and incorporated into its region. As a consequence of this undemocratic act, Sindh's ministry was dissolved, and Karachi was put under federal administration. The smaller provinces were compelled to form One Unit as a result of this development. The One-unit structure scrapped Sindh's territorial position and fundamentally altered its demography. After Bengal's dismemberment, Punjab became the only ruling state, controlling the state structure. Sindh remained marginalized in this province. Sindh has always met with the same fate. Furthermore, Pakistan's constitutions made no provision for Sindh's provincial hegemony. This thesis makes an empirical attempt to examine the historical connection between the Centre and Sindh.

Bangabandhu (1920-1795) Seikh Mujibur Rahman, the architect of Bangladesh and the Father of the nation, was born on 17 March 1920, in the village of Tungipara of patagati union under the Gopalganj district. His parents used to affectionately call him ‘Khoka’. He spent his childhood in Tungipara. Seikh Mujib married Seikh Fazilatunnesa at the age of 18. In 1940, he joined “All India Muslim Students Federation”. Before that in 1938, he was introduced with Huseyn Shaheed Suhrawardy while he came to visit the Gopalganj Missionary school. After the partition of India, he founded “East Pakistan Muslim Chhatra League” on 04 January 1948. He was elected joined secretary of “Awami Muslim League” on June 23, 1949, at the age of 29. He had great contribution in language movement in 1952, to establish Bangla as the state language of Pakistan. He was elected Secretary General of “East Pakistan Awami Muslim League” on July 9, 1953. Seikh Mujib achieved a great victory in Gopalganj constituency on 10 March, 1954, while “United Front” secured 223 seats out of 237 (Awami League143). Seikh Mujib took the charge of Agriculture and Forest Ministry. But the Central government dissolved that cabinet. Seikh Mujib presents the historic 6 point in Lahore on 5 January, 1966, demanding autonomous government in East Pakistan. Seikh Mujib was publicly declared as “Bangabandhu” on 23 February, 1969. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujib achieved a landslide victory in the general election of 1970. In the great war of Independence during the nine month the Pakistan Army surrendered to the allied forces made of Mukti Bahini and Indian Army on 16 December, 1971. As a result, Bangladesh became independent in the history of the world. Bangabandhu Seikh Mujibur Rahman was elected as the prime minister of the country. He along with his family members and personal staffs were assassinated by a group of Bangladesh rebellious Army on 15 August, 1975. He would practice Islamic values in his personal life. He used to pray his prayers with Maulana Bhasani and Mr. Fazlul Huq. when they had finished their evening prayers the Maulana would discuss about religion from the holy Qur’an. This became a regular routine in the prison life. He also recites verses from the holy Qur’an every day. He had Bengali translation of the holy Qur’an in several volumes. While he was in Dhaka jail he had taken Muhammed Ali’s English translation of the holy Qur’an and had read it regularly. But his philosophy in the state life is as follows: He was always wishing to make Bangladesh a country of peace for all religions. He was interested to give importance to all citizens equally. He has contributed to establishing religious tolerance in Bangladesh. His outstanding contribution was to spread Islamic values through Islamic Foundation and other religious institutions. However, the Article tries to highlight that Bangabandhu respects Islamic values in his personal life, and his attitude was to reduce the extremism, and build a peaceful Bangladesh in-between various cultures and religions.

In the context of Pakistan, the connection between religion and politics predates its existence. Islam was the faith on which All India Muslim League based its demand for a separate country for India's Muslims. Since independence in 1947, the country's political and constitutional evolution has been significantly influenced by the religion; as political, economic, social, and constitutional debates centred on Islam. Islam has always been a major theme of official ideology in one form or another in practically all political administrations, whether they were under democratic or military authority. In this paper, we have discussed the elements that contributed to the emergence of Islamist political power in the country, using pertinent instances from historical events and political decisions made by successive governments and regimes to illustrate how politics and religion interact. For this purpose, we used secondary technique of data collection i.e., ‘Document Analysis’ and relied on primary sources such as the Constitutions of Pakistan and secondary sources e.g., books and research articles, etc. The study is an extensive review of the existing literature on the subject. The study’s findings show that the state, over the decades, has used the instrument of religion at different times for different purposes.

Muzaffargarh District is geographically located between the two rivers Indus and Chenab. Unfortunately, the history of the district is almost silent before the freedom movement of Pakistan. However, the district produced many important personalities and they had played an important role in the freedom movement of Pakistan as Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan Dasti was one of them. Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan Dasti was known as the voice of the district Muzaffargarh during the freedom movement of Pakistan. He worked for the social uplift of the people in Muzaffargarh. Among his various social services, the formation Anjman-e-Islamia Muzaffargarh in 1920 was most remarkable achievement which was an important charity organization of Muzaffargarh. With social services he was also an important political leader and representative of Muzaffargarh District. He was appointed the president of the All India Muslim League of the District Muzaffargarh in 1944.After the emergence of Pakistan he also worked for the prosperity of the people in Muzaffargarh District. This paper will explore the socio-political contribution of Sardar Abdul Hameed Khan in Muzaffargarh District.

This paper is not an exercise in or a contribution to the ongoing debatein the Muslim world about the nature of the relationship between Islamicprinciples and Western statecraft, or the inseparability of spiritual and profanein a Muslim state. While all these issues are in one way or another relevantto the subject under discussion here, they do not form its core. This paperhas two major objectives. The first is to attempt to analyze how the ’ulamaviewed political developments in the late 19th and early 20th century in India.The second, equally important but only indirectly touched on in this paper(and the two are interrelated), is an investigation into whether it was Islamicreligious issues or the presence of the British that engrossed the attentionof the ‘ulama.This is essential if one is to understand the nature of the ‘ulama’sparticipation in the formative phase of religio-political developments in 19thand 20th century Indian Islam, and in particular, its impact in later yearson the interaction between the ’ulama and the Muslim League. It is in relationto both these objectives that a great deal of analysis-both from objectiveand polemical points of view-regarding the nature and content of the roleof the ‘ulama in politics suffers from a great degree of biases and confusion.Before discussing the political role of the Indian ‘ulama, it is necessaryto observe that it would be wrong to think of the ‘ulama in terms of an “estate”within the Muslim community or to assume that the ‘ulama were, as a body,capable of generating a joint political will. The reason for ‘ulama to takeso long to appear on the political horizon of India was one of principle andexpediency, that stopped the ’ulama from hurling futiiwa of condemnationat the East India Company when it eventually superseded Mughal power inIndia. Until 1790, penal justice in Bengal continued to be dispensed underthe revised Shari’ah forms of Aurengzeb’s time. In the sphere of civil law, ...

The present paper consists of four parts. First, it is argued why the Quaid-i- Azam, Mohammad Ali Jinnah (1876-1948), concentrated for the most part on political issues and political freedom, why he went in for Islam as the cultural metaphor in arguing the case for Pakistan, and why he opted for couching his marathon (1937-47) discourse in Islamic terms. Second, the legacy in terms of the primacy of economic factors in propelling a colonised people towards political emancipation Jinnah had received from the historic realm and his own background— in particular, the economic bias in his family background, in Bombay’s mercantile culture which was almost at the centre of the most formative influences in his early life, and in the pronouncements of, and proposals mooted by, Muslim leaders from Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) down to Iqbal (1877-1938) on the one hand, and by the Mohammedan Educational Conference (f.1836) to the All India Muslim League (1906-47), on the other. These proposals were essentially aimed at exhorting the intelligentsia to work for the social, economic and political uplift of the masses. Third, the stress on economic emancipation and the rise of Muslim economic nationalism in the 1940s, in the wake of the Lahore Resolution (1940), has been discussed and delineated briefly.

After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.

This paper analyses the services of Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum Khan in granting constitutional reform to North-West Frontier. Quaid-i-Azam of Sarhad, Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum, after his retirement from government service in 1919, started a struggle for constitutional reforms to the North-West Frontier. The constitutional reforms introduced in British India since its inception in 1901 were not extended timely to North-West Frontier, due to which it remained a Chief Commissioner's Province till 1932. Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum pleaded the case on all fronts, including the Bray Committee, Indian Legislative Assembly, Delhi Proposals, annual sessions of All India Muslim League, Simon Commission, Haig Committee, and Round Table Conferences held in London. After a long struggle, North-West Frontier was levelled from a Commissioner Province to a Governor Province, and a Legislative Council was formed in 1932. After the elections, Sahibzada Abdul Qaiyum was elected as the Minster of the Transferred Departments of N-W.F.P. After five years, according to the Act of 1935, the Legislative Assembly was formed, and he was elected as the first Chief Minister of N-W.F.P. in 1937. The article reviewed primary and secondary data available in the provincial archives, Peshawar, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad, British Library, London, and other libraries.

Abstract It is in the name of Islam that the country has created an image of being the most potent source of religious terrorism, which poses a threat to peace and stability in large parts of the globe. This conception of a Pakistani ideology and Pakistani identity based on Islam was put forward by the religious circles rather than the founding fathers of the nation. At the time of independence even the secular ideologists were also looking at Islam as the key symbol which consolidated the newly born and somewhat anomalous nation. The motive force for Pakistan came largely from the middle class Muslims of North India, many of whom had been educated at Aligarh. At some level, they identified with the ideas of Syed Ahmad Khan and Mohammad Iqbal along with the leaders of Muslim League including Mohammad Ali Jinnah. They all thought sincerely about the application of Islamic principles, but they certainly did not regard the movement for Pakistan as an effort to re-create some kind of a “golden age” in Islam or to re-establish Wahabiism. Over the years the social fabric of modern Pakistan underwent a radical change towards Islamisation and militarization. The paper aims to study the changes in Pak society, it however, is beneficial in studying any pro-religion society whose ruler, too, is committed to do the same way and play a significant role in changing social character of the nation like Pakistan.

Purpose – Jinnah was, to some extent, a successful leader in obtaining his goals of becoming the only spokesperson for Muslims in India and gaining a piece of land for Pakistan but the main question is whether these achievements can be attributed to transactional or transformational strategies. Has he managed transactional or transformational change in terms of political culture? This point will be discussed in the paper. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A documentary analysis of behaviors, statements and incidents of Jinnah and other relevant personages. Findings – The research shows that Jinnah was neither a transformational nor a charismatic leader. Therefore, his success cannot be attributed to his transformational ideology or charismatic personality. The political maneuvers that he adopted by frequently changing his espoused values and theories-in-use are the sources of his transactional success. Moreover, it is the international events and the vested political interests of the British are among the significant reasons that brought him success. Research limitations/implications – In this work, a detailed comparison has not been made between voluminous theories of leadership because it is beyond the scope of this research. Moreover, it is not the intention of the paper to compare his leadership with that of other leaders; however, the future research in this direction might be useful. Indeed, the relevant leadership examples have been selected from the All India Congress with the major point of reference being the All India Muslim League – the party that brought him real recognition and fame. Practical implications – It is stressed in the research that overt success is not a sufficient criterion to categorize a leader in a specific category without analyzing espoused theory and theories-in-use. The study will help those researchers who are interested in understanding the current political culture of Pakistan. The research will be helpful in enhancing the debate within the theme of leadership, especially transformational, transactional and charismatic. Moreover, the paper will encourage other researchers to compare Jinnah's leadership with that of other political leaders of the world. Originality/value – The research is original as Jinnah's leadership from the perspectives of transformational and transactional leadership styles and the espoused theory and theories-in-use has, so far, not been discussed. It presents significant new arguments and information, which will be in the interest of researchers.

This paper argues that contrary to some popular perceptions, the ideological shift in Iqbal dates not from 1930 (when he apparently moved towards the acceptance of the two-nation theory at the Allahabad Session of the Muslim League) but to his stay in Europe from 1905 to 1908 (after which he made a complete and abrupt shift from Indian nationalism to revivalism and Pan-Islamism). This shift is powerfully expressed in the political and cultural imaginings of both his Urdu and Persian poetry. His poetry becomes suffused with the ideas of revivalism and Pan-Islamism in counter-position to those of composite nationhood and territorial nationalism on which the Indian national movement was premised. The shift is embodied in poetic imagery and metaphor incompatible with the modern idea of nationalism, especially the dominant idea of Indian nationalism. Iqbal’s later thoughts concerning Islam’s relations with non-Muslims in India and elsewhere promote an adversarial historical and cultural narrative of Islam. Though triggered by a passionate rejection of the West and its modernity, the shift manifested not just in a critique of the West but also of all non-Islamic cultures and civilizations. Iqbal’s narrative of Islam is teleological and triumphalist. Far from being defensive about the charges of intolerance and aggression levelled against Islam by its critics, he proudly invokes imagery of the sword and the conquest in the history of Islam, while bemoaning the decline of its political power in the modern era. Iqbal’s quest is for a supposedly pure Islam of the past and its revival in the twentieth century in the form of a redefined, reconstituted and revitalized Umma which cuts across boundaries of nations, continents and ethnicities. Few poets in the history of the modern world have had such influence as Allama Iqbal, and fewer still have made such fundamental shifts.

The connoisseurs of Bengali literature in the early twentieth century had found a new treasure trove of folk ballads from the far-flung villages of eastern Bengal. The discovery of these ballads is often ascribed to Chandra Kumar Dey who first published the details of a few ballads in a periodical named Saurabh. Later, Dey worked under the guidance of noted historian Dinesh Chandra Sen to collect more of these ballads which mainly existed in shared memory of people and were disseminated orally from one generation to the next. Dinesh Chandra Sen had successfully used the findings of this research to secure a consecutive Ramtanu Lahiri Fellowship and drew considerable critical attention from Indologists such as Romain Rolland and Stella Kramrisch. Sen’s Eastern Bengal Ballads (1926) and Mymensingh Gitika (1921) published as part of Ramtanu Lahiri Fellowship shed important lights on the nature of these ballads and how these ballads can be important tool to recover a pre-colonial and pre-Brahminic renaissance past which exhibit the features of an unadulterated Bengali past of peaceful coexistence of Hindu and Muslims. Dinesh Chandra Sen and certain other contemporary intellectuals used these ballads as an important cultural tool to encounter a political outrage that tore through Bengal with the proposal of Bengal Partition of 1905. Though Lord Hardinge had annulled the proposed partition in 1911 yet the tension remained palpable. With the establishment of All India Muslim League (1906) and separated political interests communal riots became a more regular phenomenon in the twentieth century of which the Mymensingh riot of 1906-07 and a series of riots in and around Calcutta between 1918 and 1926 are few more prominent disastrous examples. Therefore, the discovery and subsequent popularity of these ballads cannot simply be termed as literary endeavour, underneath, there was this quasi-political urge to encounter the series of political violence that were to leave a permanent scar upon Bengali minds. The proposed paper would try to trace the dissemination of these ballads in the cultural sphere of twentieth century Bengal and the possible political implications of it.

AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.

Abstract This article argues that gendered ideas about political representation were pivotal to the All-India Muslim League's new self-imagination as the exclusive representative of Indian Muslims after the Pakistan Resolution of March 1940. I offer a gendered reading of League politics during the crucial decade of the 1940s by examining the historical implications of Begum Jahanara Shah Nawaz's expulsion from the party in 1941 for accepting a post on the National Defense Council. When she claimed that she was appointed to the Council as a representative of all Indian women and Punjab, the League leadership condemned her for disobeying the party's resolution to remain aloof from British India's wartime administration. With an unusual intensity, Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the League's president, censured her for endangering Indian Muslims’ fragile unity and asserted that League members could either represent Muslims—or no one. Her arguments functioned as an effective foil against which the League solidified its homogenizing narrative of an Indian Muslim identity and its universalizing project of Pakistan. As the demand for Pakistan increasingly dominated the League's rhetoric, alternative models of representation that drew upon cross-religious, gender-based, or regional solidarities became progressively untenable for female Muslim League politicians. Shah Nawaz's expulsion, and the discourse on representation it generated, demonstrated that gender issues were central to League politics at both the provincial and the all-India level.

This article analyses the relationship between British colonialism and Islamic sectarianism, and its consequent impact on the Shias, the largest Muslim minority in British India. In the critical decade leading up to independence and partition in 1947, politics in British India were dominated by the Muslim League’s demand for Pakistan. However, leading Shia organizations were opposed to the League’s idea of an Islamic nation and supported India’s independence without partition. Instead, they demanded that the British recognize the Shia as a Muslim minority, and thereby confer statutory protections from Sunni domination. The British government arbitrarily and unjustly ignored Shia entreaties for constitutional protections. Imperial realpolitik required the colonial state to acknowledge the Muslim League as the sole political representative of all Muslims, thus, rendering Pakistan a fait accompli. The intersection of the colonial government’s political calculations with the League’s political ambitions compelled both to discard the Shias. This study of the complex issue of minorities and their uncertain position in the nation promised for all Muslims has relevance for current debates on the nation and nationalism, on minorities and their rights, on sectarianism and majoritarianism, and on the politics of identity.

During the movement for Pakistan, the students played a crucial role. Particularly the efforts of students of Punjab contributed to turn the politics of Punjab, which was totally in the hand of Unionist Party and its landlords and Anglo-nabob leadership, in the favor of All India Muslim League. Mr. Abdul Sattar Khan Niazi, one of the founder members of the Punjab Muslim Students Federation drafted the manifesto of ‘khilaphat-e-Pakistan’ for ‘The Punjab Muslim students Federation’. With this, the Federation became the vanguard of All India Muslim League in Punjab. Quaid-e-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah had also soft corner for the students of Punjab due to their selfless and zealous work. This article explores Mr. Niazi’s efforts for establishing the Punjab Muslim Students Federation and induction of khilaphat-e-Pakistan Scheme. For this historical research, data collected is mainly through primary sources and from some secondary sources. Mostly, the data is collected through National Archives, Islamabad, National Documentation Centre, Islamabad, Dayal Singh Library, Lahore museum and through different libraries.

Kashmir was a princely state, outside the orbit of the united India two major political parties; All India Muslim League and All India National Congress. The level of political mobilisation was considerably lower than in the India’s mainland. However this political isolation was eventually broken by a youth group, the Young Men’s Muslim Association, spearheaded by a school teacher and charismatic leader Sheikh Muhammad Abdullah, graduated from the celebrated institution, the Aligarh Muslim University, created All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference (MC) in October 1932. It major objective was to liberate Jammu and Kashmir from the tyranny of the Maharaja Hari Sing. Later on, the politics of united India extended to the state of Jammu and Kashmir. National Conference with its socialist leaning was inclined toward the Indian National Congress due to its ideological affinity and personal relationship (Sheikh Abdullah and Nehru were friends). Whereas

This paper analyzes studies and critically examines the partition of India and Pakistan and its impact both nations. Firstly taking the political dimension of the partition along with the economic dimension which was very crucial to the formation offers separate countries based on the communal lines apart from that it also studies how did 2 major political parties during the partition the Congress and the Muslim league took steps in order to legally divide the nations and also the contribution off important political leaders like like Mahatma Gandhi Jawaharlal Nehru Muhammad Ali jinnah Sardar vallabhai Patel and their agreements and disagreements on this historical event. The only positive outcome of partition was the literature videos also known as the partition literature return in different languages ranging from Hindi English Urdu another regional language Any writings of important authors who portrayed the sufferings and pains of partition in a compelling and sensitive way. This paper also throws light one of the important pillars of democracy which is media and in it was the newspapers who covered the important political events and impacted the minds of educated Indians. One of the important case studies has to be of the state Punjab which went through a lot of massacre, violence and the problem of refugees and the step taken by the Government of India after effects an urban development planning in order to give shelters to the refugees and the last aspect has to be the after effects of partition which covers all the socio cultural religious economic and study of the most vulnerable groups of people which included women children hand old age people.

<div class="WordSection1"><p align="left">‘<em>No live organism can continue for long to exist sanely under conditions of absolute reality’</em></p><p align="left"><em> Shirley Jackson "The Haunting of Hill House"</em></p><p align="left"><em> </em></p><p align="left"><em>‘Toba Tek Singh’</em></p><p> <em>‘Toba Tek Singh’</em>¹ is a tale about the partition of the Indo-Pak subcontinent. It is, by some accounts, the best short story ever written on this subject². Ironically, the story shows us that when faced with the chaos and bloodshed of partition, the response of a person committed to a mental institution appears more 'sane' and appropriate than those around him.</p></div><p> Published in 1955, the story takes place inside the Lahore insane asylum (today called the Punjab Institute of Mental Health), two or three years after partition. At a high-level conference, a decision has been made for the exchange of lunatics in insane asylums. When news of this decision spreads, it causes consternation among the inmates of the asylum. Their fear is made worse by their ignorance of 'Hindustan' and ‘Pakistan’. According to one of the inmates, Pakistan is ‘the place in Hindustan where razors are made.’¹ Another volunteers that the people in Hindustan ‘go strutting around like devils.’¹ One of the in mates</p><p>climbs a tree, seats himself on a branch and gives an unbroken two hour speech about the subtle problem of Pakistan and Hindustan. When the guards ask him to come down, he climbs even higher. When he is warned and threatened, he says, “I dont want to live in either Hindustan or Pakistan. I'll live right here in this tree.” A quiet radioengineer, for some obscure reason decides that the situation warrants freedom from clothes and starts to wander around the garden completely naked.</p><p> Manto gives us brief, pithy descriptions of some of the lunatics e.g. A Muslim lunatic from Chiniot, a past member of the All-India Muslim League, announces that he is Quaid-e-Azam and then promptly declares war on a Sikh, who, in his madness considered himself Master Tara Singh.</p><p> Midway through the story, Manto introduces the titular character, known to everyone as <em>‘</em>Toba Tek Singh’. His real name is Bishan Singh and he has been confined to the asylum for fifteen years, during which time, he has not, even once, sat or lain down. The only words he has spoken during the fifteen years are the nonsensical, ‘Upar di gur gur di annex di be dhyana di mung di dal of the lantern.’¹ Once a month when his relatives came to meet him, he agrees to take a bath and cleanup. He has a daughter who has grown older visiting him, and still cries every time she sees her father</p>

Diaspora This article looks at diaspora through the transformations of an established public service broadcaster, the BBC World Service, by considering some of the findings of the AHRC-funded Tuning In: Contact Zones at the BBC World Service, which is part of the Diasporas, Migration and Identities program. Tuning In has six themes, each of which focuses upon the role of the BBC WS: The Politics of Translation, Diasporic Nationhood, Religious Transnationalism, Sport across Diasporas, Migrating Music and Drama for Development. The World Service, which was until 2011 funded by the Foreign Office, was set up to cater for the British diaspora and had the specific remit of transmitting ideas about Britishness to its audiences overseas. Tuning In demonstrates interrelationships between the global and the local in the diasporic contact zone of the BBC World Service, which has provided a mediated home for the worldwide British diaspora since its inception in 1932. The local and the global have merged, elided, and separated at different times and in different spaces in the changing story of the BBC (Briggs). The BBC WS is both local and global with activities that present Britishness both at home and abroad. The service has, however, come a long way since its early days as the Empire Service. Audiences for the World Service’s 31 foreign language services, radio, television, and Internet facilities include substantive non-British/English-speaking constituencies, rendering it a contact zone for the exploration of ideas and political opportunities on a truly transnational scale. This heterogeneous body of exilic, refugee intellectuals, writers, and artists now operates alongside an ongoing expression of Britishness in all its diverse reconfiguration. This includes the residual voice of empire and its patriarchal paternalism, the embrace of more recent expressions of neoliberalism as well as traditional values of impartiality and objectivism and, in the case of the arts, elements of bohemianism and creative innovation. The World Service might have begun as a communication system for the British ex-pat diaspora, but its role has changed along with the changing relationship between Britain and its colonial past. In the terrain of sport, for example, cricket, the “game of empire,” has shifted from Britain to the Indian subcontinent (Guha) with the rise of “Twenty 20” and the Indian Premier League (IPL); summed up in Ashis Nandy’s claim that “cricket is an Indian game accidentally discovered by the English” (Nandy viii). English county cricket dominated the airways of the World Service well into the latter half of the twentieth century, but the audiences of the service have demanded a response to social and cultural change and the service has responded. Sport can thus be seen to have offered a democratic space in which new diasporic relations can be forged as well as one in which colonial and patriarchal values are maintained. The BBC WS today is part of a network through which non-British diasporic peoples can reconnect with their home countries via the service, as well as an online forum for debate across the globe. In many regions of the world, it continues to be the single most trusted source of information at times of crisis and disaster because of its traditions of impartiality and objectivity, even though (as noted in the article on Al-Jazeera in this special issue) this view is hotly contested. The principles of objectivity and impartiality are central to the BBC WS, which may seem paradoxical since it is funded by the Commonwealth and Foreign office, and its origins lie in empire and colonial discourse. Archive material researched by our project demonstrates the specifically ideological role of what was first called the Empire Service. The language of empire was deployed in this early programming, and there is an explicit expression of an ideological purpose (Hill). For example, at the Imperial Conference in 1930, the service was supported in terms of its political powers of “strengthening ties” between parts of the empire. This view comes from a speech by John Reith, the BBC’s first Director General, which was broadcast when the service opened. In this speech, broadcasting is identified as having come to involve a “connecting and co-ordinating link between the scattered parts of the British Empire” (Reith). Local British values are transmitted across the globe. Through the service, empire and nation are reinstated through the routine broadcasting of cyclical events, the importance of which Scannell and Cardiff describe as follows: Nothing so well illustrates the noiseless manner in which the BBC became perhaps the central agent of national culture as its cyclical role; the cyclical production year in year out, of an orderly, regular progression of festivities, rituals and celebrations—major and minor, civic and sacred—that mark the unfolding of the broadcast year. (278; italics in the original) State occasions and big moments, including those directly concerned with governance and affairs of state, and those which focused upon sport and religion, were a big part in these “noiseless” cycles, and became key elements in the making of Britishness across the globe. The BBC is “noiseless” because the timetable is assumed and taken for granted as not only what is but what should be. However, the BBC WS has been and has had to be responsive to major shifts in global and local—and, indeed, glocal—power geometries that have led to spatial transformations, notably in the reconfiguration of the service in the era of postcolonialism. Some of these massive changes have involved the large-scale movement of people and a concomitant rethinking of diaspora as a concept. Empire, like nation, operates as an “imagined community,” too big to be grasped by individuals (Anderson), as well as a material actuality. The dynamics of identification are rarely linear and there are inconsistencies and disruptions: even when the voice is officially that of empire, the practice of the World Service is much more diverse, nuanced, and dialogical. The BBC WS challenges boundaries through the connectivities of communication and through different ways of belonging and, similarly, through a problematisation of concepts like attachment and detachment; this is most notable in the way in which programming has adapted to new diasporic audiences and in the reworkings of spatiality in the shift from empire to diversity via multiculturalism. There are tensions between diaspora and multiculturalism that are apparent in a discussion of broadcasting and communication networks. Diaspora has been distinguished by mobility and hybridity (Clifford, Hall, Bhaba, Gilroy) and it has been argued that the adjectival use of diasporic offers more opportunity for fluidity and transformation (Clifford). The concept of diaspora, as it has been used to explain the fluidity and mobility of diasporic identifications, can challenge more stabilised, “classic” understandings of diaspora (Chivallon). A hybrid version of diaspora might sit uneasily with a strong sense of belonging and with the idea that the broadcast media offer a multicultural space in which each voice can be heard and a wide range of cultures are present. Tuning In engaged with ways of rethinking the BBC’s relationship to diaspora in the twenty-first century in a number of ways: for example, in the intersection of discursive regimes of representation; in the status of public service broadcasting; vis-à-vis the consequences of diverse diasporic audiences; through the role of cultural intermediaries such as journalists and writers; and via global economic and political materialities (Gillespie, Webb and Baumann). Tuning In thus provided a multi-themed and methodologically diverse exploration of how the BBC WS is itself a series of spaces which are constitutive of the transformation of diasporic identifications. Exploring the part played by the BBC WS in changing and continuing social flows and networks involves, first, reconfiguring what is understood by transnationalism, diaspora, and postcolonial relationalities: in particular, attending to how these transform as well as sometimes reinstate colonial and patriarchal discourses and practices, thus bringing together different dimensions of the local and the global. Tuning In ranges across different fields, embracing cultural, social, and political areas of experience as represented in broadcasting coverage. These fields illustrate the educative role of the BBC and the World Service that is also linked to its particular version of impartiality; just as The Archers was set up to provide information and guidance through a narrative of everyday life to rural communities and farmers after the Second World War, so the Afghan version plays an “edutainment” role (Skuse) where entertainment also serves an educational, public service information role. Indeed, the use of soap opera genre such as The Archers as a vehicle for humanitarian and health information has been very successful over the past decade, with the “edutainment” genre becoming a feature of the World Service’s broadcasting in places such as Rwanda, Somalia, Nigeria, India, Nepal, Burma, Afghanistan, and Cambodia. In a genre that has been promoted by the World Service Trust, the charitable arm of the BBC WS uses drama formats to build transnational production relationships with media professionals and to strengthen creative capacities to undertake behaviour change through communication work. Such programming, which is in the tradition of the BBC WS, draws upon the service’s expertise and exhibits both an ideological commitment to progressive social intervention and a paternalist approach drawing upon colonialist legacies. Nowadays, however, the BBC WS can be considered a diasporic contact zone, providing sites of transnational intra-diasporic contact as well as cross-cultural encounters, spaces for cross-diasporic creativity and representation, and a forum for cross-cultural dialogue and potentially cosmopolitan translations (Pratt, Clifford). These activities are, however, still marked by historically forged asymmetric power relations, notably of colonialism, imperialism, and globalisation, as well as still being dominated by hegemonic masculinity in many parts of the service, which thus represent sites of contestation, conflict, and transgression. Conversely, diasporic identities are themselves co-shaped by media representations (Sreberny). The diasporic contact zone is a relational space in which diasporic identities are made and remade and contested. Tuning In employed a diverse range of methods to analyse the part played by the BBC WS in changing and continuing social and cultural flows, networks, and reconfigurations of transnationalisms and diaspora, as well as reinstating colonial, patriarchal practices. The research deconstructed some assumptions and conditions of class-based elitism, colonialism, and patriarchy through a range of strategies. Texts are, of course, central to this work, with the BBC Archives at Caversham (near Reading) representing the starting point for many researchers. The archive is a rich source of material for researchers which carries a vast range of data including fragile memos written on scraps of paper: a very local source of global communications. Other textual material occupies the less locatable cyberspace, for example in the case of Have Your Say exchanges on the Web. People also featured in the project, through the media, in cyberspace, and physical encounters, all of which demonstrate the diverse modes of connection that have been established. Researchers worked with the BBC WS in a variety of ways, not only through interviews and ethnographic approaches, such as participant observation and witness seminars, but also through exchanges between the service, its practitioners, and the researchers (for example, through broadcasts where the project provided the content and the ideas and researchers have been part of programs that have gone out on the BBC WS (Goldblatt, Webb), bringing together people who work for the BBC and Tuning In researchers). On this point, it should be remembered that Bush House is, itself, a diasporic space which, from its geographical location in the Strand in London, has brought together diasporic people from around the globe to establish international communication networks, and has thus become the focus and locus of some of our research. What we have understood by the term “diasporic space” in this context includes both the materialities of architecture and cyberspace which is the site of digital diasporas (Anderssen) and, indeed, the virtual exchanges featured on “Have Your Say,” the online feedback site (Tuning In). Living the Glocal The BBC WS offers a mode of communication and a series of networks that are spatially located both in the UK, through the material presence of Bush House, and abroad, through the diasporic communities constituting contemporary audiences. The service may have been set up to provide news and entertainment for the British diaspora abroad, but the transformation of the UK into a multi-ethnic society “at home,” alongside its commitment to, and the servicing of, no less than 32 countries abroad, demonstrates a new mission and a new balance of power. Different diasporic communities, such as multi-ethnic Londoners, and local and British Muslims in the north of England, demonstrate the dynamics and ambivalences of what is meant by “diaspora” today. For example, the BBC and the WS play an ambiguous role in the lives of UK Muslim communities with Pakistani connections, where consumers of the international news can feel that the BBC is complicit in the conflation of Muslims with terrorists. Engaging Diaspora Audiences demonstrated the diversity of audience reception in a climate of marginalisation, often bordering on moral panic, and showed how diasporic audiences often use Al-Jazeera or Pakistani and Urdu channels, which are seen to take up more sympathetic political positions. It seems, however, that more egalitarian conversations are becoming possible through the channels of the WS. The participation of local people in the BBC WS global project is seen, for example, as in the popular “Witness Seminars” that have both a current focus and one that is projected into the future, as in the case of the “2012 Generation” (that is, the young people who come of age in 2012, the year of the London Olympics). The Witness Seminars demonstrate the recuperation of past political and social events such as “Bangladesh in 1971” (Tuning In), “The Cold War seminar” (Tuning In) and “Diasporic Nationhood” (the cultural movements reiterated and recovered in the “Literary Lives” project (Gillespie, Baumann and Zinik). Indeed, the WS’s current focus on the “2012 Generation,” including an event in which 27 young people (each of whom speaks one of the WS languages) were invited to an open day at Bush House in 2009, vividly illustrates how things have changed. Whereas in 1948 (the last occasion when the Olympic Games were held in London), the world came to London, it is arguable that, in 2012, in contemporary multi-ethnic Britain, the world is already here (Webb). This enterprise has the advantage of giving voice to the present rather than filtering the present through the legacies of colonialism that remain a problem for the Witness Seminars more generally. The democratising possibilities of sport, as well as the restrictions of its globalising elements, are well represented by Tuning In (Woodward). Sport has, of course become more globalised, especially through the development of Internet and satellite technologies (Giulianotti) but it retains powerful local affiliations and identifications. At all levels and in diverse places, there are strong attachments to local and national teams that are constitutive of communities, including diasporic and multi-ethnic communities. Sport is both typical and distinctive of the BBC World Service; something that is part of a wider picture but also an area of experience with a life of its own. Our “Sport across Diasporas” project has thus explored some of the routes the World Service has travelled in its engagement with sport in order to provide some understanding of the legacy of empire and patriarchy, as well as engaging with the multiplicities of change in the reconstruction of Britishness. Here, it is important to recognise that what began as “BBC Sport” evolved into “World Service Sport.” Coverage of the world’s biggest sporting events was established through the 1930s to the 1960s in the development of the BBC WS. However, it is not only the global dimensions of sporting events that have been assumed; so too are national identifications. There is no question that the superiority of British/English sport is naturalised through its dominance of the BBC WS airways, but the possibilities of reinterpretation and re-accommodation have also been made possible. There has, indeed, been a changing place of sport in the BBC WS, which can only be understood with reference to wider changes in the relationship between broadcasting and sport, and demonstrates the powerful synchronies between social, political, technological, economic, and cultural factors, notably those that make up the media–sport–commerce nexus that drives so much of the trajectory of contemporary sport. Diasporic audiences shape the schedule as much as what is broadcast. There is no single voice of the BBC in sport. The BBC archive demonstrates a variety of narratives through the development and transformation of the World Service’s sports broadcasting. There are, however, silences: notably those involving women. Sport is still a patriarchal field. However, the imperial genealogies of sport are inextricably entwined with the social, political, and cultural changes taking place in the wider world. There is no detectable linear narrative but rather a series of tensions and contradictions that are reflected and reconfigured in the texts in which deliberations are made. In sport broadcasting, the relationship of the BBC WS with its listeners is, in many instances, genuinely dialogic: for example, through “Have Your Say” websites and internet forums, and some of the actors in these dialogic exchanges are the broadcasters themselves. The history of the BBC and the World Service is one which manifests a degree of autonomy and some spontaneity on the part of journalists and broadcasters. For example, in the case of the BBC WS African sports program, Fast Track (2009), many of the broadcasters interviewed report being able to cover material not technically within their brief; news journalists are able to engage with sporting events and sports journalists have covered social and political news (Woodward). Sometimes this is a matter of taking the initiative or simply of being in the right place at the right time, although this affords an agency to journalists which is increasingly unlikely in the twenty-first century. The Politics of Translation: Words and Music The World Service has played a key role as a cultural broker in the political arena through what could be construed as “educational broadcasting” via the wider terrain of the arts: for example, literature, drama, poetry, and music. Over the years, Bush House has been a home-from-home for poets: internationalists, translators from classical and modern languages, and bohemians; a constituency that, for all its cosmopolitanism, was predominantly white and male in the early days. For example, in the 1930s and 1940s, Louis MacNeice was commissioning editor and surrounded by a friendship network of salaried poets, such as W. H. Auden, Dylan Thomas, C. Day Lewis, and Stephen Spender, who wrote and performed their work for the WS. The foreign language departments of the BBC WS, meanwhile, hired émigrés and exiles from their countries’ educated elites to do similar work. The biannual, book-format journal Modern Poetry in Translation (MPT), which was founded in 1965 by Daniel Weissbort and Ted Hughes, included a dedication in Weissbort’s final issue (MPT 22, 2003) to “Poets at Bush House.” This volume amounts to a celebration of the BBC WS and its creative culture, which extended beyond the confines of broadcasting spaces. The reminiscences in “Poets at Bush House” suggest an institutional culture of informal connections and a fluidity of local exchanges that is resonant of the fluidity of the flows and networks of diaspora (Cheesman). Music, too, has distinctive characteristics that mark out this terrain on the broadcast schedule and in the culture of the BBC WS. Music is differentiated from language-centred genres, making it a particularly powerful medium of cross-cultural exchange. Music is portable and yet is marked by a cultural rootedness that may impede translation and interpretation. Music also carries ambiguities as a marker of status across borders, and it combines aesthetic intensity and diffuseness. The Migrating Music project demonstrated BBC WS mediation of music and identity flows (Toynbee). In the production and scheduling notes, issues of migration and diaspora are often addressed directly in the programming of music, while the movement of peoples is a leitmotif in all programs in which music is played and discussed. Music genres are mobile, diasporic, and can be constitutive of Paul Gilroy’s “Black Atlantic” (Gilroy), which foregrounds the itinerary of West African music to the Caribbean via the Middle Passage, cross-fertilising with European traditions in the Americas to produce blues and other hybrid forms, and the journey of these forms to Europe. The Migrating Music project focused upon the role of the BBC WS as narrator of the Black Atlantic story and of South Asian cross-over music, from bhangra to filmi, which can be situated among the South Asian diaspora in east and south Africa as well as the Caribbean where they now interact with reggae, calypso, Rapso, and Popso. The transversal flows of music and lyrics encompasses the lived experience of the different diasporas that are accommodated in the BBC WS schedules: for example, they keep alive the connection between the Irish “at home” and in the diaspora through programs featuring traditional music, further demonstrating the interconnections between local and global attachments as well as points of disconnection and contradiction. Textual analysis—including discourse analysis of presenters’ speech, program trailers and dialogue and the BBC’s own construction of “world music”—has revealed that the BBC WS itself performs a constitutive role in keeping alive these traditions. Music, too, has a range of emotional affects which are manifest in the semiotic analyses that have been conducted of recordings and performances. Further, the creative personnel who are involved in music programming, including musicians, play their own role in this ongoing process of musical migration. Once again, the networks of people involved as practitioners become central to the processes and systems through which diasporic audiences are re-produced and engaged. Conclusion The BBC WS can claim to be a global and local cultural intermediary not only because the service was set up to engage with the British diaspora in an international context but because the service, today, is demonstrably a voice that is continually negotiating multi-ethnic audiences both in the UK and across the world. At best, the World Service is a dynamic facilitator of conversations within and across diasporas: ideas are relocated, translated, and travel in different directions. The “local” of a British broadcasting service, established to promote British values across the globe, has been transformed, both through its engagements with an increasingly diverse set of diasporic audiences and through the transformations in how diasporas themselves self-define and operate. On the BBC WS, demographic, social, and cultural changes mean that the global is now to be found in the local of the UK and any simplistic separation of local and global is no longer tenable. The educative role once adopted by the BBC, and then the World Service, nevertheless still persists in other contexts (“from Ambridge to Afghanistan”), and clearly the WS still treads a dangerous path between the paternalism and patriarchy of its colonial past and its responsiveness to change. In spite of competition from television, satellite, and Internet technologies which challenge the BBC’s former hegemony, the BBC World Service continues to be a dynamic space for (re)creating and (re)instating diasporic audiences: audiences, texts, and broadcasters intersect with social, economic, political, and cultural forces. The monologic “voice of empire” has been countered and translated into the language of diversity and while, at times, the relationship between continuity and change may be seen to exist in awkward tension, it is clear that the Corporation is adapting to the needs of its twenty-first century audience. ReferencesAnderson, Benedict. Imagined Communities, Reflections of the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: Verso, 1983. Anderssen, Matilda. “Digital Diasporas.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/cross-research/digital-diasporas›. Bhabha, Homi. The Location of Culture. London: Routledge, 1994. Briggs, Asa. A History of Broadcasting in the United Kingdom, Volume II: The Golden Age of Wireless. Oxford: Oxford UP, 1995. Cheesman, Tom. “Poetries On and Off Air.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/cross-research/bush-house-cultures›. Chivallon, Christine. “Beyond Gilroy’s Black Atlantic: The Experience of the African Diaspora.” Diaspora 11.3 (2002): 359–82. Clifford, James. Routes: Travel and Translation in the Late Twentieth Century. Cambridge: Cambridge UP, 1997. Fast Track. BBC, 2009. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.bbc.co.uk/worldservice/sport/2009/03/000000_fast_track.shtml›. Gillespie, Marie, Alban Webb, and Gerd Baumann (eds.). “The BBC World Service 1932–2007: Broadcasting Britishness Abroad.” Special Issue. The Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 28.4 (Oct. 2008). Gillespie, Marie, Gerd Baumann, and Zinovy Zinik. “Poets at Bush House.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/about›. Gilroy, Paul. Black Atlantic. MA: Harvard UP, 1993. Giulianotti, Richard. Sport: A Critical Sociology. Cambridge: Polity, 2005. Goldblatt, David. “The Cricket Revolution.” 2009. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.bbc.co.uk/programmes/p0036ww9›. Guha, Ramachandra. A Corner of a Foreign Field: The Indian History of an English Game. London: Picador, 2002. Hall, Stuart. “Cultural Identity and Diaspora.” Identity: Community, Culture, Difference. Ed. Jonathan Rutherford. London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1990, 223–37. Hill, Andrew. “The BBC Empire Service: The Voice, the Discourse of the Master and Ventriloquism.” South Asian Diaspora 2.1 (2010): 25–38. Hollis, Robert, Norma Rinsler, and Daniel Weissbort. “Poets at Bush House: The BBC World Service.” Modern Poetry in Translation 22 (2003). Nandy, Ashis. The Tao of Cricket: On Games of Destiny and the Destiny of Games. New Delhi: Oxford UP, 1989. Pratt, Mary Louise. Imperial Eyes: Travel Writing and Transculturation. London: Routledge, 1992. Reith, John. “Opening of the Empire Service.” In “Empire Service Policy 1932-1933”, E4/6: 19 Dec. 1932. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.open.ac.uk/socialsciences/diasporas/research.htm›. Scannell, Paddy, and David Cardiff. A Social History of British Broadcasting, 1922-1938. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991. Skuse, Andrew. “Drama for Development.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/core-research/drama-for-development›. Sreberny, Annabelle. “The BBC World Service and the Greater Middle East: Comparisons, Contrasts, Conflicts.” Guest ed. Annabelle Sreberny, Marie Gillespie, Gerd Baumann. Middle East Journal of Culture and Communication 3.2 (2010). Toynbee, Jason. “Migrating Music.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/core-research/migrating-music›. Tuning In. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www.open.ac.uk/socialsciences/diasporas/index.htm›. Webb, Alban. “Cold War Diplomacy.” 2010. 30 Nov. 2010 ‹http://www8.open.ac.uk/researchprojects/diasporas/projects/cold-war-politics-and-bbc-world-service›. Woodward, Kath. Embodied Sporting Practices. Regulating and Regulatory Bodies. Basingstoke, Palgrave Macmillan, 2009.