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1
Singh, Onkar. "West Bengal Assembly Election 2021: An Analysis." Journal of Policy & Governance 01, no. 01 (August 20, 2021): 69–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.33002//jpg010107.
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West Bengal Assembly election was one of the most keenly watched assembly elections in India in 2021. One of the reasons for this interest was the unexpected rise of the Bhartiya Janata Party in a state mostly known for its contests between the Left parties, the Indian National Congress, and the All-India Trinamool Congress. The Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) had only 3 seats in the last assembly election of 2016, whereas the ruling All India Trinamool Congress (AITC or TMC) party had 212 seats. The BJP was never a major player in the state except during the last parliamentary election (2019) when BJP bagged 18 out of the 42 parliamentary seats. The analysis presented in this paper analyzes the constituency-wise figures for each of the 294 constituencies spread over 19 districts of the state of West Bengal in India. The TMC emerged victorious with 48% of the total popular votes, while the opposition BJP got 39% of the popular votes. Also, TMC won 213 (73%) of total seats, whereas the BJP came to a distant second with 77 (26%) seats, even though it raised its stock significantly in the West Bengal Assembly from its 2016 tally of a meager 3 seats. After the West Bengal 2021 election results, Mamata Banerjee emerged as one of the main challengers of BJP at the national arena of Indian politics. This paper will benefit and help anyone interested in Indian political analysis and would also provide key insights for the political analysts and the political parties interested in a seat-by-seat deep dive. The analysis was done with the help of Microsoft Excel and R Software.
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Barman, Rup Kumar. "‘Right-Left-Right’ and Caste Politics: The Scheduled Castes in West Bengal Assembly Elections (from 1920 to 2016)." Contemporary Voice of Dalit 10, no. 2 (August 22, 2018): 216–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455328x18787569.
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Since the beginning of the provincial election in the early twentieth century, ‘caste’ has been a ‘political issue’ in India. It transformed into a matter of serious political contradiction when the ‘reservation’ was introduced in India. After the independence of India, in all provincial and parliamentary elections starting from to 1952 till date, organized political parties have further contributed to the ‘process of politicization of caste’. Truly speaking, caste is now a ‘determinant factor’ for formation of the union government. This trend has been equally detected in certain provinces of India especially where the Scheduled Castes (SCs) have substantial concentration. West Bengal, with 21,463,270 SC population (i.e., 23.5% of the state’s population), has been experiencing caste politics since 1952. However, the SCs of this state have been used in electoral politics merely as ‘voters’. They were controlled by the ‘Rights’, till 1962. The period from 1962 to 1976 was a transitional phase from the ‘Rights’ to ‘Lefts’. The ‘Lefts’ established their control over the SCs in 1977. However, re-emergence of the ‘Rights’ (particularly of the All India Trinamool Congress [AITMC]) in 2011 has transformed the SCs as the ‘puppet dancers’ under the direction of the ‘Rights’.
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Banerjee, Saikat, and Bibek Ray Chaudhuri. "Factors responsible behind political brand preference: an empirical study on Indian voters." Marketing Intelligence & Planning 34, no. 4 (June 6, 2016): 559–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/mip-05-2015-0095.
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Purpose – Political parties are continuously interested to gain knowledge about the factors that influence the voter to select political candidate of his/her choice. The purpose of this paper is to examine cumulative impact of sources of associations on voters’ preference of the political party and to investigate the type of causal relationship that exists among those sources. Design/methodology/approach – The authors have proposed five key sources of associations of the overall political party, namely, campaign effectiveness, image of its leaders, intensity of anti-incumbency effect, meaning and trust attached with the party. Here the authors have considered four important political parties relevant to the voters of West Bengal. Those are Congress, Bharatiya Janata Party, Communist Party of India (Marxist) and All India Trinamool Congress. The authors have used SEM method for estimating the model as the same is widely used for estimating a system of equations with latent variables. Findings – Out of the eight path coefficients six are found to be statistically significant. Political campaign impacts brand trust positively and brand trust in turn impacts party preference positively. Again political campaign’s direct impact on political party preference is found to be positive. However, the impact of political campaign on party preference also runs through brand meaning. Both the path coefficients are significantly negative showing that more the voters develop understanding about political parties through different independent sources lesser are the impact of political campaigns as they highlight positive aspects of the party and the candidate only, ignoring facts. Interestingly leadership is impacting party preference negatively. Thus individual leadership traits have negatively impacted party preference in the sample. Originality/value – In the paper, the authors have identified factors impacting political brand choice in an emerging country like India. This research explores the factors that need to be considered by the political parties to influence preference of voters for political brand. As far as the authors’ knowledge goes no such studies have been carried out in the Indian context and certainly not in the context of a regime change after three decades. Additionally, the theoretical model proposed is firmly grounded in theory and its estimation is based on well-developed scales. The approach is thus unique in this area of enquiry. Finally, application of SEM in political branding context is a significant contribution of this work.
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Kaviraj, Sudipta. "The General Elections in India." Government and Opposition 32, no. 1 (January 1997): 3–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1997.tb01206.x.
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AT THE TIME OF INDEPENDENCE FIFTY YEARS AGO MAHATAMA Gandhi suggested that the Indian National Congress, which he successfully led to independence, should be disbanded. As its function was to produce a coalition which could achieve independence from British rule, its historical role was over. This was an entirely logical, yet an entirely unpractical suggestion. Politicians active inside the Congress wished, not unnaturally, to turn their sacrifices into potential investments in an independent state. Independence was accompanied by partition of the country which degenerated into riots and massacre of civilians. There was no other political organization except the Congress to establish effective government. In any case, Congress was too successful a political organization to be dissolved purely by the power of argument. The Congress, therefore, turned from an independence movement into a governing party, a difficult transformation under all circumstances, and flourished. The historical significance of the recent general elections in India, the eleventh after independence, seems to be the actual realization of Gandhi's suggestion. India must now find a political structure which can function without the overwhelming presence of the Congress, a party universally reviled but, ironically, treated as indispensable.
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Ankit, Rakesh. "Janata Party (1974–77): Creation of an All-India Opposition." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 1 (August 19, 2016): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807516652987.
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This article focuses on the interactions among four parties during 1974–77 that led to their combining to form the Janata Party, which represented a united opposition to the then Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi and her Congress government in January 1977. These inter-party exchanges remain an overlooked episode in the works on the Janata Party, when compared to its much written about the failure in government (1977–79). Forty years on, Janata Party’s formation continues to be understood as a natural and inevitable response to the imposition of emergency by Mrs Gandhi in June 1975. This article, instead, focuses on the engagements among the leaders of the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD), Congress (O), Bharatiya Jana Sangh (BJS) and the Socialist Party (SP) before, during and after the emergency and contends that Janata’s creation was neither a foregone conclusion nor a straightforward process. Second, this coming together of disparate individuals owed more to the possibility of gaining power and personal inclinations than any political principles or policy impulses. Third, while Jayaprakash Narayan (JP) is rightly celebrated as the rival protagonist in oppositional politics to Mrs Gandhi, this article argues that there were limits to his leadership in forging the new party and there was no automatic evolution of the latter from the former. This article is based on the papers of JP and his secretary Brahmanand and, supplemented by other relevant material, shows an unheralded facet of an attempt, which might have come to power on hyperbole but its formation was hard work.
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Nossiter, T. J. "India, Indira and After." Government and Opposition 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 48–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1477-7053.1985.tb01067.x.
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IN THE WESTERN MEDIA RECENT EVENTS IN INDIA HAVE OFTEN been trivialized by comparison with a soap opera called Dynasty. A more appropriate analogy would be the Greek tragedy: the rejection of Mrs Gandhi at the polls in 1977; her sweeping return to power in 1980; the death of her heir apparent, Sanjay, in 1980; the invasion of the Golden Temple in June 1984; and on 31 October her assassination. Greatness, tragedy, hubris and nemesis are all there.A fair assessment of Mrs Indira Gandhi's contribution to her country is far from easy, not least because she was regally enigmatic. Her friendships ranged from Michael Foot to Margaret Thatcher. Her presence was formidable yet both to old and non-political family friends she was a loving sister or aunt. Alone among Indian politicians she drew massive crowds and, Sikhs apart, her death was mourned by her opponents as much as her supporters. Indira had not expected to enter politics but by acting as her widowed father Pandit Nehru's hostess and confidante, and, in the late 1950s, as Congress General Secreta , she gained an invaluable apprenticeship in the techniques of political management and the art of statecraft. When Nehru's immediate successor as Indian Prime Minister, Lal Bahadur Shastri, died after less than two years in office, Congress chiefs found it easier to nominate Nehru's daughter as their leader than to agree on one of their own number, particularly since they all underestimated her strength of character and purpose.
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BANDYOPADHYAY, SEKHAR. "Transfer of Power and the Crisis of Dalit Politics in India, 1945–47." Modern Asian Studies 34, no. 4 (October 2000): 893–942. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00003875.
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Ever since its beginning, organized dalit politics under the leadership of Dr B. R. Ambedkar had been consistently moving away from the Indian National Congress and the Gandhian politics of integration. It was drifting towards an assertion of separate political identity of its own, which in the end was enshrined formally in the new constitution of the All India Scheduled Caste Federation, established in 1942. A textual discursive representation of this sense of alienation may be found in Ambedkar's book, What Congress and Gandhi Have Done to the Untouchables, published in 1945. Yet, within two years, in July 1947, we find Ambedkar accepting Congress nomination for a seat in the Constituent Assembly. A few months later he was inducted into the first Nehru Cabinet of free India, ostensibly on the basis of a recommendation from Gandhi himself. In January 1950, speaking at a general public meeting in Bombay, organized by the All India Scheduled Castes Federation, he advised the dalits to co-operate with the Congress and to think of their country first, before considering their sectarian interests. But then within a few months again, this alliance broke down over his differences with Congress stalwarts, who, among other things, refused to support him on the Hindu Code Bill. He resigned from the Cabinet in 1951 and in the subsequent general election in 1952, he was defeated in the Bombay parliamentary constituency by a political nonentity, whose only advantage was that he contested on a Congress ticket. Ambedkar's chief election agent, Kamalakant Chitre described this electoral debacle as nothing but a ‘crisis’.
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Talukdar., DR Subhash. "CHAPTER: ROLE OF ALL INDIA UNITED DEMOCRATIC FRONT (AIUDF) IN ASSAM." International Journal of Modern Agriculture 9, no. 3 (December 1, 2020): 357–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17762/ijma.v9i3.158.
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Party system is the important factor in the working of representative form of Government. India is a democratic state. In the democratic state, political parties are said to be the life – blood of democracies. Modern democracies are indirect in character. They can function with the help of political parties. In the absence of political parties democracy cannot deliver the goods. Well organized political parties constitute the best form of democracy. India has the largest democracy in the world. It introduced universal adult franchise as the basis of voting right in the country. Now the voting age has been lowered down to 18. Most of the Indian voters are not politically matured and they do not have the political education in the proper sense. Political parties in India are classified by the Election Commission of India. It was classified for the allocation of symbol. The Election Commission of India classified parties into three main heads: National parties, State parties and registered (unrecognized) parties.
The Regional Political Parties are playing a very significant role in Indian political system, particularly in the post Congress era and in coalition politics. As far as the national level politics is concerned, the regional political parties play a ‘king maker’ role. Whereas, the politics at state level is concerned, the regional political parties have been playing an effective role for working of government machinery. The Assam has also not lagging behind this context. Although the state has produces some small political parties before 1985, but formation of the AGP, BPPF, BPF and the AIUDF playing a very significant role in the politics of Assam. The AGP and the AIUDF not only emerge as an alternative of the Congress party at the state politics but also could able to participate in the national politics. Following are the reasons for the growth of regional parties in Assam -
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Talbot, Ian. "Planning for Pakistan: The Planning Committee of the All-India Muslism League 1943–46." Modern Asian Studies 28, no. 4 (October 1994): 875–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00012567.
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Most studies have concentrated on the Muslim League's political activities and objectives. It is generally believed that it lacked a distinctive economic programme and unequivocally favoured private enterprise. The radical economic ideas produced by its Punjab and Bengal branches are attributed to a handful of activists who received short shrift from the High Command. The League's stance is thus contrasted with the Congress which addressed economic issues from a largely Socialist perpective.
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CHOUDHURY, D. K. LAHIRI. "Sinews of Panic and the Nerves of Empire: the Imagined State's Entanglement with Information Panic, India c.1880–1912." Modern Asian Studies 38, no. 4 (October 2004): 965–1002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x0400126x.
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This is a narrative of events and panics in India in 1907: the fiftieth anniversary of 1857. After the East India Company's political ascendancy in 1757, the uprisings and insurrections of 1857 shook the very foundations of British rule in India. In the summer of 1907, several different strands of protest came together: the nearly all-India telegraph strike was barely over when a revolutionary terrorist network was unearthed, bringing the simmering political cauldron to the boil. The burgeoning swadeshi and boycott movement splintered, partly through the experience of Government repression, into political extremism within the Indian National Congress and revolutionary terrorism via secret societies. The growing radicalism within nationalist politics culminated in the split of the Congress at the meeting at Surat in 1907. Through this process the Indian National Congress changed from its constitutional and elite politics of reform into a more popular and mass-oriented organization. Though much has been written about this period of Indian politics, this paper delineates the larger international technological and informational entanglement through a case study of India, and in particular, Bengal.
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Lone, Suhail-ul-Rehman. "The princely states and the national movement: The case of Kashmir (1931–39)." Studies in People's History 4, no. 2 (October 23, 2017): 183–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2348448917725855.
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The British created an invisible wall between ‘British India’ and the ‘Princely India’ by governing the latter indirectly through hereditary princes, who were supposedly fully autonomous, but for British ‘paramountcy’. The Indian National Congress had from the beginning adopted a policy of non-interference in the states’ affairs, which Mahatma Gandhi too upheld. However, nationalism began to cast its influence in the states despite this policy of non-interference. In Kashmir the opposition to the Maharaja took, first, the form of a Muslim agitation against the ruler’s oppressive measures. But in time as the movement against the Dogra Raj obtained increasing support from the nationalist leaders, notably Jawaharlal Nehru, the Muslim Conference (later named National Conference) leadership headed by Sheikh Abdullah gravitated towards the All-India States Peoples Conference and its spiritual parent, the Congress. The Congress too abandoned its policy of non-interference fully by 1939. This shift ultimately caused a rift in the valley, with Ch. Ghulam Abbas forming the Muslim Conference in opposition to Sheikh Abdullah’s National Conference in 1941.
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Dhulipala, Venkat. "Parties and Politics in the ‘Parting of Ways’ Narrative: Reevaluating Congress-Muslim League Negotiations in Late Colonial India." Asiatische Studien - Études Asiatiques 74, no. 2 (May 1, 2020): 269–323. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/asia-2019-0060.
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Abstract Historians trying to understand the processes that led to India’s Partition in 1947 have often asseverated that a progressively widening gap between the Indian Muslims and the Congress led nationalist movement ultimately led to the division of the subcontinent. Within this narrative, one strand of opinion has argued that the Congress failed to attract any appreciable Muslim support right from its inception, and that Muslim aloofness from the Congress was of a much longer vintage than most historians often like to acknowledge.1 A second perspective holds that Muslim alienation became marked after the collapse of the Khilafat movement in the early 1920s that saw Hindu-Muslims riots breaking out in many parts of India.2 A third view sees an irreversible ‘parting of ways’ with the rejection of 1928 Nehru Report that was viewed by almost all shades of Indian Muslim opinion as providing insufficient safeguards for India’s Muslim minority.3 But even if there are differences regarding the origins of this rupture, there is consensus that relations between the Congress and the Muslims finally broke down and became irreparable in the aftermath of the 1935 Government of India (GOI) Act, especially after Congress governments were formed in the provinces that excluded the Muslim League.
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A.F.M. Shamsur Rahman. "Establishment of the All India Muslim League and the Reactions of theIndian National Congress: A Historical Analysis." Journal of South Asian Studies 13, no. 2 (February 2008): 177–218. http://dx.doi.org/10.21587/jsas.2008.13.2.008.
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CHERESHNEVA, Maria Sergeyevna. "THE EVENTS IN 1950 IN EAST PAKISTAN AND VALLABHBHAI PATEL." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 175 (2018): 183–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-175-183-188.
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We characterize the emergence, beginning and end of the crisis in East Pakistan in 1950 and India’s reaction to the events on its North-Eastern borders. The central figure of the study is the Minister of Home Affairs and at the same time the Minister of States of India Vallabhbhai Patel – a politician of India, a disciple of Mahatma Gandhi and a friend of Jawaharlal Nehru, an indisputable authority in the ruling Indian National Congress, which for all that is very poorly studied in domestic science. Complex personality, the informal leader of India and Congress, he remained on the second place only at the behest of M. Gandhi. A devoted servant of the people, a native of a peasant family, who later became a brilliant lawyer and politician, V. Patel has repeatedly saved India at the crucial moments in history. The study is based on the Indian sources and continues our series of publications on the role and place of V. Patel in the history of independent India.
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Singh, Rajkumar, and Chandra Singh Prakash. "GENESIS OF COALITION POLITICS IN INDIA: A REVIEW OF EARLY TO PRESENT." Journal of Social Sciences and Humanities 58, no. 2 (December 31, 2019): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.46568/jssh.v58i2.24.
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In the election of 17th Lok Sabha held in mid-2019, the Indian political parties tried hard to be a tie-up with each other against the present Modi-led NDA dispensation. In independent India, first, such attempt was made early in 1974 and started a new process of consolidation of opposition forces by the merger. In line, the Bharatiya Lok Dal (BLD) was formed by the merger of seven political parties and in this process, the constituent units lost their identity in the BLD. At the time although Congress (O) and the Jana Sangh were ready to cooperate but refused to lose their existence. Their experiences of emergency proved a blessing for them and they came together and formed an alliance called Janata Party, to challenge the Congress leadership of the time. Likewise, as of today in 2018-19 the Bharatiya Janata Party is the country’s largest political party in terms of representation in the national parliament and state assemblies and all political parties of present-day India with Indian National Congress as forerunner with the help of regional party try a futile attempt first to challenge and then to defeat the BJP in various elections. Although with a great difference in the situation the motto of opposition parties has been one and only to give weighty protest to turn the events in their favour. This ups and downs of Indian politics may prove a path-breaking for other developing countries where political parties are struggling hard to gain power but did not succeed on account of causes best known to them.
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Low, D. A. "VI. Counterpart Experiences: Indian and Indonesian Nationalisms 1920s–1950s." Itinerario 10, no. 1 (March 1986): 117–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009013.
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India's national day is 26 January; Indonesia's 17 August. They point to a difference. 26 January derives from the Indian National Congress' decision at its Lahore Congress in December 1929 to launch a Civil Disobedience movement against the British Government in India. Jawaharlal Nehru as Congress' President arranged that the first step would be for thousands of Congress rank and file to join together on 26 January 1930 to take the Independence Pledge. This declared that since ‘it is the inalienable right of the Indian people […] to have freedom, […] if any government deprives a people of those rights […] the people have a […] right to […] abolish it […]. We recognise, however, that the most effective way of gaining freedom is not through violence. We will, therefore, prepare ourselves by withdrawing, so far as we can, all voluntary association from the British Government and will prepare for Civil Disobedience.’ From that moment onwards 26 January has been India's Independence Day, though when it was first held India's independence still stood 17 years away. The celebrations have thus come to link post-independent India with the feats of the Indian national movement which for so many years pursued the strategy of civil disobedience, and which, despite a series of intervening fits and starts, is seen to have been crucial to its success. For India the heroics of its freedom struggle lie, that is, in its elon-gated pre-independence past, of long years of humiliating harassment and costly commitment. They are not much associated with the final run up to independence. With the emphasis rather upon the earlier, principally Gandhian years, of protests and processions, of proscriptions and prison, the final transfer of power is not seen, moreover, as comprising a traumatic break with the past, but as the logical climax to all that had gone before. The direct continuities between the pre- and post-independence periodes in India in these respects are accepted as a central part of its national heritage.
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Suyo Nugroho, Ischak. "Pembentukan Negara Islam Pakistan: Tinjaun Historis Peran Ali Jinah." Jurnal Online Studi Al-Qur an 15, no. 2 (July 30, 2019): 201–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.21009/jsq.015.2.04.
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Abstract
Jinnah is a supporter of Hindu-Muslim unity. He joined the All India National Congress, which became the leader of the Indian independence movement with more than 15 million members. In 1913, Jinnah decided to join the All India Muslim League. He worked for Hindu-Muslim unity through the League. Based on the results of the Muslim League Session held in Lucknow, a joint plan, known as the "Lucknow Pact", wich has many actions had finally led to divisions between Muslims and Hindus. The interests of Muslims could only be guaranteed by forming a separate state from the Hindu state in India. Ali Jinnah determination to separate Indian Muslim as known as Pakistan. The methodology used in this paper is descriptive qualitative with a literature study approach that focuses on the history of the formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan and the role of Ali Jinnah in realizing Muslim rights as a minority in India. Jinnah is a Nationalist who loves her country (India) and even the formation of Pakistan was a form of his love for India and Muslims. The formation of the Islamic State of Pakistan in the thoughts and movements and efforts undertaken by Jinnah as a form of attention to the rights of minorities and to unify the differences between Islam and Hinduism
Keywords: Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, India
Abstrak
Jinnah adalah pendukung persatuan Hindu-Muslim, ia bergabung dengan All India National Congress. Kongres ini menjadi pemimpin gerakan kemerdekaan India dengan lebih dari 15 juta anggota pada tahun 1913, Jinnah memutuskan bergabung dengan All India Muslim League (Liga Muslim India). Ia bekerja untuk kesatuan Hindu-Muslim dari dalam Liga. Dalam pelaksanaan “Pakta Lucknow” banyak perbuatan yang akhirnya menimbulkan perpecahan antara Muslim dan Hindu. Sehingga Jinnah berupaya untuk membentuk Negara Islam Pakistan. Metodologi yang digunakan dalam paper ini adalah kualitatif deskriptif dengan pendekatan studi pustaka yang menitik beratkan kepada sejarah terbentuknya negara Islam Pakistan dan peran Ali Jinnah dalam mewujudkan hak-hak muslim sebagai minoritas di India. Jinnah adalah seorang Nasionalis yang mencintai negaranya (India) bahkan terbentuknya negara Pakistanpun merupakan wujud kecintaannya terhadap India dan Umat Islam. Pembentukan negara Islam Pakistan dalam pemikiran dan pergerakan serta upaya yang dilakukan oleh Jinnah sebagai bentuk perhatiannya terhadap hak-hak minoritas dan mempersatukan perbedaan antara Islam dan Hindu.
Kata Kunci : Ali Jinnah, Pakistan, Negara Islam
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Habib, Naseer A. "The London Ahmadiyya Mission and the Kashmir Movement." Journal of South Asian Studies 8, no. 1 (April 17, 2021): 01–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33687/jsas.008.01.3290.
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The Muslim community of the Indo-Pak Subcontinent began to show the signs of centripetal trend facing the challenge of imperialism and the Hindu domination in Colonial India. We find glimpses of an inclusive approach in the formation of the All-India Kashmir Committee in 1931. The London Ahmadiyya Mission was a Centre of Ahmadiyya Jam’at. The movement of Kashmiri Muslims for political rights emerged as a result of indigenous conditions and the All-India Kashmir Committee came into being. The London Ahmadiyya Mission contributed to the work of this Committee by highlighting its case in Great Britain. It came to defend the cause of the Kashmiri Muslims. The London Ahmadiyya Mission served the important job of fine-tuning the lobbying work. The Congress considered it a British- backed movement (Qureshi, 1998:319). Having adopted the technique of thick description, we found the inclusive trend working behind the emergence of the All-India Kashmir Committee.
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Kashin, V., and T. Shaumyan. "Рarliamentary Elections in India 2014: the New Political Realities." World Economy and International Relations, no. 11 (2014): 104–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2014-11-104-114.
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Parliamentary elections in India were held from April 7 to May 12, 2014 and ended with a convincing victory of conservative Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), leader of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA), and a crushing defeat for the Indian National Congress (INC) from the United Progressive Alliance (UPA) created in 2004. BJP won 282 seats in Parliament for the first time in 30 years which was sufficient for the formation of a single-party government, while Congress has only 44 seats – the lowest result for all years of the independence of Republic of India. The election results are natural and reflect the real balance of power in the political arena of the country at the moment. BJP victory was largely achieved thanks to the wide support its leader Narendra Modi received from the Indian electorate. The defeat of the Congress shows a deep and prolonged crisis in the party and the inability of the current representatives of the dynasty of Nehru-Gandhi to cope with it due to lack of political will and constructive ideas that meet the modern needs of the society. Numerous regional parties are still limited in scope, which narrows the chance of their political influence to the borders of one state and prevents the creation of a coalition that is ready to compete with the NDA and UPA. The key issue for Narendra Modi as Prime Minister will be the problem of development, economic growth and achievement of economic self-sufficiency – the slogan is highly attractive to the younger generation of voters. Being an explicit pragmatist, Modi is going to manage the country on the principle that if something does not serve the interests of India, especially the interests of economic growth, India would not do this. According to many experts, his government in the short and long term context will focus on such areas as agriculture, energy, law and order, administrative reform and international relations. Narendra Modi describes Russia as a "time-tested and reliable friend, who supported India in difficult periods of its history, and a major partner in building the foundations of India's defense capability." He intends to raise the Russian-Indian relations to a higher level and is looking for a meeting with V. Putin before the end of this year.
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Stolte, Carolien. "Bringing Asia to the world: Indian trade unionism and the long road towards the Asiatic Labour Congress, 1919–37." Journal of Global History 7, no. 2 (July 2012): 257–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s174002281200006x.
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AbstractThis article considers Asianism in the Indian trade union movement, against the backdrop of increasing international cooperation between Asian trade union movements in the interwar period, which culminated in the short-lived Asiatic Labour Congress (1934–37). It demonstrates how Asianist enthusiasm both propelled and hampered Indian workers’ representation at the International Labour Organization and other international bodies. Finally, it considers Asianism as a crucial characteristic of Indian trade unionism in the interwar period, by showing how the All-India Trade Union Congress, once the hope of Indian labour as an organized force, split into rival federations over the issue of its Asian affiliations.
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KURACINA, WILLIAM F. "Sentiments and Patriotism: The Indian National Army, General Elections and the Congress's Appropriation of the INA Legacy." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 4 (October 22, 2009): 817–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09990291.
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AbstractThis paper considers the extent to which Subhas Chandra Bose and the Indian National Army (INA) contributed to India's liberation from British imperialism. The fundamental issue examined is why leaders of the Indian National Congress appropriated the INA legacy, contrary to two decades of non-violent struggle and regardless of the incompatibility of Bose's ideology and strategic vision. Drawing on published sources that chart policy decisions and illustrate the attitudes of leading actors in the formulation of Congress policy, this paper hypothesizes that Congress leaders defended INA prisoners-of-war and questions why the Congress apparently abandoned its long-established principles for immediate political gains, only to re-prioritize anew India's national interests once the public excitement over the INA had quietened. It illustrates that the Congress's overt and zealous defence of the INA was intended to harness public opinion behind an all-India issue rooted in sentimentalism and patriotism. The paper concludes that such support was crucial to the Congress's post-war electioneering campaign and was designed to counter the Muslim League's equally emotive electoral messages.
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Kaur, Amarjeet. "Prostitution is Not Work: A Trade Unionist’s Perspective." ANTYAJAA: Indian Journal of Women and Social Change 2, no. 2 (December 2017): 160–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2455632717737439.
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As Secretary of the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC), the oldest trade union federation in India and one of the five largest, the author argues that prostitution is a continuum of abuse of women, who are already bereft of their rights as workers, and whose choices are limited due to their marginalization as females in the patriarchal and feudal society of India. Women experience various types of exploitation in the regular industries, and are vulnerable to their labour being exploited because of their unequal education and unequal access to resources. The author locates instances of such exploitation, in both the organized and unorganized sector. She explains why her trade union has rejected the the use of the term ‘sex-worker’, for prostitution.
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Vanderbok, William G. "The Tiger Triumphant: The Mobilization and Alignment of the Indian Electorate." British Journal of Political Science 20, no. 2 (April 1990): 237–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400005792.
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The literature on Indian electoral behaviour portrays parliamentary elections since independence as a series of critical, realigning and restoring contests in which voters are repelled by and attracted to the Congress party in great waves. The model is examined from the perspective of voter mobilization. Not only is the established view misleading, it often fails even to describe accurately what actually happened. Significant differences in voting behaviour are found separating the Hindi and non-Hindi speaking areas of India. District-level voting trends are explored within the framework of a multiple regression model applied comprehensively across all of India's general elections and administrative districts. Persistence of democratic politics is to a considerable degree due to the contained volatility of the Congress and opposition party coalitions.
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Nikiforova, E. "Politics of Modern India and the World of Untouchables." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2015): 92–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-8-92-100.
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The article is devoted to the political performance of the Dalits - the former untouchables - on the political scene of modern India. Though the Dalits constitute a fourth of all population, until today they haven’t achieved great influence in Indian policy. There are only few Dalit party-players at the national level. A great success of the Bahujan Samaj Party (BSP) in Uttar Pradesh several years ago is vanishing, and the Party's bad results in the last elections (national and regional) prove this negative tendency. In recent years, BSP faced internal divisions between its leader and party members as well as the lack of clear and constant strategy. The Party attempted to focus on broad layers of population from the Dalits to high castes, but started to lose the support of its core voters, i.e. the Dalits. The “Mody wave” during the last general elections in 2014 was able to catch Dalit voters practically in all states. Survey findings argue that the winner Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and the new charismatic prime-minister Narendra Modi challenged the Indian National Congress (INK), a traditional supporter of the Dalits, in most of issues. Dalit parties could hardly compose a strong alliance with other low castes parties, but their local leaders easily joined the current winner BJP. The Dalits face problems of their political identity, the lack of integration, and still act as “bank voters”, as usual.
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Garud-Patkar, Nisha, and Yusuf Kalyango. "News stories don’t match political party agendas." Newspaper Research Journal 38, no. 4 (November 14, 2017): 462–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739532917739876.
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Using rank order correlations, this study contrasts party agendas propagated in press releases and tweets of Democratic and Republican parties in USA and India’s BJP and Congress Party, with front-page newspaper agendas published in The New York Times and The Times of India. Analysis of all news articles shows governance, economy/business, international relations, and defense rank highly in both newspapers, whereas press releases and tweets in political parties are mainly concerned with governance and economy/business.
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Reetz, Dietrich. "In Search of the Collective Self: How Ethnic Group Concepts were Cast through Conflict in Colonial India." Modern Asian Studies 31, no. 2 (May 1997): 285–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00014311.
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When the concept of Western nationalism travelled to India in the nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century it was carried by British officialdom and an increasingly mobile and articulate Indian élite that was educated in English and in the tradition of British society. Not only did it inspire the all-India nationalist movement, but it encouraged regional politics as well, mainly in ethnic and religious terms. Most of today's ethnic and religious movements in South Asia could be traced back to their antecedents before independence. Looking closer at the three major regional movements of pre-independence India, the Pathans, the Sikhs and the Tamils, one finds a striking similarity in patterns of mobilization, conflict and concept irrespective of their association with the national movement (Red Shirt movement of the Pathans, Sikh movement of the Akalis) or independent existence in opposition to Congress (non-Brahmin/Tamil movement)
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GOONETILLEKE, D. C. R. A. "Paul Scott's Later Novels: The Unknown Indian." Modern Asian Studies 41, no. 4 (May 25, 2007): 797–847. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x06002381.
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The Raj Quartet is a novel in which Scott has transmuted contemporary history into fiction—the many forces at work in India over a period of five years, from the ‘Quit India’ motion of the Congress Committee in 1942 to the eve of Independence and Partition. Deeper than Scott's interest in history and politics, however, is his aim to probe the nature of human destiny, conveying a philosophy of life that shows man's destiny and moral sense sometimes at variance. He also focuses an ordinary human point of view on the world around him, valuing integrity and decency. Staying On is not a political or historical novel, although its background has political implications. It focuses mainly on problems relating to personal destiny. Scott's later novels constitute a major achievement in colonial, indeed, all, literature.
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Shah, Sayed Wiqar Ali. "The 1930 Civil Disobedience Movement in Peshawar Valley from the Pashtoon Perspective." Studies in History 29, no. 1 (February 2013): 87–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0257643013496690.
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Like other parts of India, the civil disobedience movement was also launched in North–West Frontier Province (Khyber–Pakhtoonkhwa), although initially with little success. The local Congress sought help from the Khudai Khidmatgars, the most popular socio-political organization of the province; 23 April 1930 saw the worst kind of massacre in Peshawar, followed by other parts of the Province. During the civil disobedience, the colonial administration tried all kinds of draconian methods to suppress the movement but in vain. The purpose of the present research is to investigate and analyze the civil disobedience and its impact in the Peshawar Valley, hitherto neglected by the scholars and thereby help provide a new and deeper understanding of the whole scenario. In a much broader context and in a wider perspective, however, the present study will encompass the following main issues: (a) Indian Muslims and the civil disobedience movement launched by Congress under Mahatma Gandhi; (b) the Frontier Congress and its failure in mobilization of people to support civil disobedience; (c) the altruistic leadership of Abdul Ghaffar Khan and the Khudai Khidmatgars’ tangible support within the masses; (d) the atrocities of the colonial administration and the predicament of the local population; (e) adherence to non-violence, a unique phenomenon for the Pashtoons; (f) the interplay of the religion and politics; (g) the complexity of the Khudai Khidmatgar–Congress relations; and, (h) the role of charismatic leadership. The present research will be focusing on these and other similar crucial issues previously undervalued.
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Parkash, Dr Braham. "Political Life of Lala Lajpat Rai." Think India 22, no. 3 (September 26, 2019): 547–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.26643/think-india.v22i3.8327.
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The fact is that Lala Lajpat Rai joined the Indian National Congress (INC) and participated in many political agitations in Punjab. For his political agitation, he was deported to Burma without trial in 1907 but returned after a few months because of lack of evidence. Moreover, He was opposed to the partition of Bengal and founded the Home Rule League of America in 1917 in New York. He was also elected President of the All India Trade Union Congress and he supported the non-cooperation movement of Gandhi at the Nagpur session of the Congress in 1920. He also protested against the Rowlatt Act and the Jallianwala Bagh massacre that followed. He founded the Servants of People Society in 1921 and he was elected deputy leader of the Central Legislative Assembly in 1926. In 1928, he moved a resolution in the assembly refusing cooperation with the Simon Commission since the Commission had no Indian members. He was leading a silent protest against the Simon Commission in Lahore when he was brutally lathi-charged by Superintendent of Police, James Scott. Rai died of injuries sustained a few weeks later. In this regard most of the scholars agreed that Lala Lajpat Rai’s contribution to Indian National Movement fall in the unique category. The present research paper highlights Lala Lajpat Rai’s political life.
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Godbole, Vanashree. "COLOUR,CULTURE,AND TRADITION OF INDIA IN THE POEMS OF SAROJINI NAIDU." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 2, no. 3SE (December 31, 2014): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v2.i3se.2014.3546.
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Colour represents various moods of life. It is powerful means to communicate human feelings. Wide varied colours diversify each moment of our life. The sense of colour is as extended as the sense of LIFE. The folklore of a culture includes the stories, songs, and poems that people pass along from generation to generation. The word folklore meant “the Lore of the People.” It included all rituals, customs, traditions, and beliefs of unknown origin that expressed the concerns of the life ordinary people. Poetic imagery is a technique that is used to express feeling. In the visual, literary, and performing arts ‘Expressionism’ is a movement or tendency that strives to express subjective feelings and emotions rather than to depict reality or nature objectively. Sarojini Naidu was among the pioneer women poet, who was fascinated by the amazing diversity of Indian life, culture and tradition. Naidu. (1879 – 1949), was an Indian independence activist and poet. She was the second Indian woman to become the President of the Indian National Congress and was honored as ‘The Nightingale of India’ (Bharatiya Kokila). Being one of the most famous heroines of the 20th century, her birthday is celebrated as “National Women's Day”. Naidu voiced the dreams and aspirations of the making of the nation. She wrote mainly on the rural i.e. the folk aspects of Indian culture and women's experiences.
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AIYAR, SANA. "Fazlul Huq, Region and Religion in Bengal: The Forgotten Alternative of 1940–43." Modern Asian Studies 42, no. 6 (November 2008): 1213–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x07003022.
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AbstractIn the wake of the Government of India Act of 1935, provincial politics emerged as a challenge to the authority and legitimacy of all-India, centralised political parties. While the Congress and the Muslim League set up a binary opposition between secular and religious nationalism, provincial politicians refused to succumb to the singularity of either alternative. Partition historiography has been concerned with the interplay of national and communal ideologies in the 1940s, overshadowing this third trajectory of regional politics that was informed by provincial particularities. This article traces a short-lived alternative that emerged in Bengal between 1940 and 1943 under the premiership of Fazlul Huq. Huq produced a peculiar form of identity politics that appealed not only to religious sentiment but also to regional loyalty that cut across the religious divide. Significantly, he did so without resorting to secular claims. By challenging Jinnah's claim to being the sole spokesman of Muslims in India and highlighting the different concerns of a province with a Muslim majority, Huq reconciled the twin identities of religion and region within the same political paradigm, and foreshadowed the emergence of Bangladesh in 1971.
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Ghosh, Durba. "Whither India? 1919 and the Aftermath of the First World War." Journal of Asian Studies 78, no. 2 (May 2019): 389–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911819000044.
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As diplomats across the world gathered in Paris in spring 1919 to discuss the peace process, observers asked “Whither India?” Critics wondered how the British government could enact emergency laws such as the Rowlatt Acts at the same time as it introduced the Government of India Act of 1919, which was intended to expand Indian involvement in governing the British dominions on the Indian subcontinent. Because Britain presented itself as a liberal form of empire on the international stage, its willingness to suspend rule of law over its subjects appeared contradictory. India's support of the Allied powers allowed Indian moderates to represent India in Paris; during the war, Indian subjects had contributed over one million soldiers and suffered influenza, plague, and famine. The possibility of a new relationship between those governing and those being governed led many Indians to demand an adherence to the rule of law, a guarantee of civil liberties, and the foundations of a government that was for and by the Indian people. In a time of revolution in Russia, and assassinations by anarchists in Italy and France, it seemed foolhardy to repress radicals by censoring the press, preventing the right of individuals to assemble, or detaining suspects before they had committed any crimes. Lala Lajpat Rai, an Indian political activist who had been part of the progressive wing of the Indian National Congress, wrote from the United States, “India is a part of the world and revolution is in the air all the world over. The effort to kill it by repression and suppression is futile, unwise, and stupid.”
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Galwankar, SagarC, StanislawP Stawicki, Mamta Swaroop, Sanjeev Bhoi, Rebecca Jeanmonod, Donald Jeanmonod, MichaelS Firstenberg, et al. "The 11thannual INDO-US world congress of academic emergency medicine, “Synergizing science to sustain systems“, a level one international meeting, all india institute of medical sciences, New Delhi, India, september 30 to october 4, 2015." International Journal of Academic Medicine 2, no. 3 (2016): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4103/2455-5568.188739.
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T., Ajayan. "Midterm Election in Kerala in 1960 and the American Government." History and Sociology of South Asia 11, no. 2 (June 5, 2017): 212–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2230807517703002.
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After toppling the first Communist ministry in Kerala the main attention of the US agencies—Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) and the US Embassy in India—was to install a non-communist stable government in Kerala to meet the dangers of communism in Asia. The US agencies adopted two ways to realise these objectives. First of all, they extended all out support to the triple alliance composed of the Congress Party, Praja Socialist Party (PSP) and the Muslim League against the Communist Party in 1960 election. The election campaign of the triple alliance was much funded by the CIA. However the triple alliance won the election, the Communist Party got more votes than in 1957 and it intensified the US agencies to beef up its anti-Communist operations in Kerala and outside. It led to the adoption of second method of anti-Communist activities that the US agencies began to give wide publicity in India and outside that the first Communist ministry in Kerala could not make any economic advancement in Kerala during their tenure nor could they redress the chronic problems of unemployment and food scarcity and if Communists were voted to power in other parts of Asia, they would follow the same trend and fall.
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Anuplal, Gopalan. "Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose: Contributions of a Revolutionary to Indian Social Reforms and Indian Industrial Relations." Artha - Journal of Social Sciences 15, no. 2 (April 1, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12724/ajss.37.4.
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NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose –the fiery Indian revolutionary has been in the news during 2015 and 2016 in connection with the declassification of files about his mysterious disappearance after 18th of August 1945. Of late, maximum research and writings on the leader have been about the mystery and associated theories connected with his disappearance, with the Indian Prime Minister himself taking a keen interest. It is largely History and to some extent Political Science, which as academic disciplines, has incorporated Subhas Chandra Bose as “Topic of Study/Research”. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had an in-depth knowledge of not only the Indian Society but also Japanese and European Society. He was a very keen observer of Indian Society and with his keen observation and constant interaction with a wide section of the general public during his constant travels, both within India and abroad, he was aware of various social problems particular to India and its magnitude. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was also fully aware of the British Colonial interests (the cunning-oppressive Agenda) who did not want the total eradication of social problems,especially that of caste and communal rivalry. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had practical experience in Indian Industrial Relations as an Outside Trade Union Leader of various major trade unions and President of the first Indian Trade Union Federation-The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). As the President of India’s most powerful political party, the Indian National Congress (INC), for two consecutive terms, Netaji’s contacts with Indian leaders belonging to different groups/associations including trade unionists, and general public those days was next only to Mahatma Gandhi. All these broadened his horizon and called for constant observation and study of Indian Society on a day to day basis. Netaji also donned the role of conciliator and arbitrator during industrial disputes. Thus his ideas and writings on these areas were a result of practical experience. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose also tried his level best to ameliorate the social status of Indians and was particularly concerned about the plight of Indian labour and farmers. This Article focuses on the role of NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose in Social Reforms and Industrial Relations and aims at highlighting the fact that Bose can be an interesting ‘Topic of Research’ even in Sociology, especially Sociology of Indian Social Reforms, Sociology of Indian Industrial Relations and Military Sociology.
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Marotta, Francesco. "A Unique Opportunity for an Intercultural Discussion on CAM and Liver Disease." Evidence-Based Complementary and Alternative Medicine 2, no. 2 (2005): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ecam/neh085.
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The meeting of the APASL, Asian Pacific Association for the Study of the Liver, was held in December 2004, in New Delhi, India. The meeting was held under the patronage of the APASL Committee and Board of Presidents of the National Liver Association and in conjunction with the annual conference of the Indian Association for the Study of Liver (INASL). The congress was designed to have a core meeting with three parallel sessions running throughout, dedicated research workshops and intensive breakfast sessions. This report concentrates on the two sessions devoted to complementary and alternative medicine (CAM) and shows the latest research in CAM for liver disease and the concerns of doctors about integrating CAM with more traditional treatments. With researchers and practitioners gathering from all over the world, it was a unique opportunity for an intercultural discussion on CAM and liver disease.
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Nath, Monoj Kumar. "Muslim Politics in Assam: The Case of AIUDF." Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 1 (April 21, 2019): 33–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019838648.
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All India United Democratic Front (AIUDF) was formed in 2005 as Assam United Democratic Front (AUDF). It represents Muslim politics in contemporary Assam. In the 2006 and 2011 Assam Assembly elections (AAE), AIUDF showed continuous success, though it could not gain substantially in the communally polarized 2016 Assembly elections. With this backdrop, the present article is an attempt to understand contemporary Muslim politics in Assam through AIUDF. It argues that AIUDF was an attempt by a group of Muslim leaders in Assam, mainly from Jamiat Ulema-e-Hind (Jamiat), to share power in the name of Muslims and the party was made relevant in Assam politics by Congress through its soft Hindutva politics. It also argues that increasing dominance of AIUDF in Assam elections created ground for the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) to grow and to form government in 2016.
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Vasudevan, Hari. "Asiatic Orientations of Early Soviet Socialism." Indian Historical Review 41, no. 2 (November 3, 2014): 271–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0376983614544564.
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The international projection of Soviet socialism and responses to it were a major aspect of the political life of Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. In Asia, including India, this was noticeable from the time of the early work of the Comintern (1919). The Maulana Azad lecture for 2014 discussed this theme. The lecture presented the political background to what took place—tracing the Comintern initiative in Asia following the Congress of the Workers of the East in Baku in 1920. The rest of the lecture was divided into three sections. The first section dealt with the way in which awareness of Soviet socialism increased in Asian countries. This came to take shape as Oriental Studies in Soviet Russia took on a new form which included teaching and involvement of foreign revolutionaries at the Communist University of the Workers of the East and the operations of the All Russian Association for Oriental Studies. The technologies of the 1920s were put to work—among them photography and radio. The limits of the initiatives were a part of the nature of the institutions and the techniques employed. The second section focused firmly on India and dealt with reception in India of Soviet socialism, drawing in information of the importance of communications difficulties as well as the problems posed by British authorities. The final section pointed out that despite the positive response of many of his friends to Soviet socialism, Maulana Azad refused to engage with the phenomenon – most likely in view of his own sense that what it meant was not quite clear since limited information was available in India.
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KURZON, DENNIS. "Romanisation of Bengali and Other Indian Scripts." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 20, no. 1 (November 30, 2009): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186309990319.
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AbstractThis article will discuss two attempts at the romanisation of Indian languages in the twentieth century, one in pre-independence India and the second in Pakistan before the Bangladesh war of 1971. By way of background, an overview of the status of writing in the subcontinent will be presented in the second section, followed by a discussion of various earlier attempts in India to change writing systems, relating mainly to the situation in Bengal, which has one language and one script used by two large religious groups – Muslims and Hindus (in modern-day Bangladesh and West Bengal, respectively). The fourth section will look at the language/script policy of the Indian National Congress in pre-independence days, and attempts to introduce romanisation, especially the work of the Bengali linguist S. K. Chatterji. The penultimate section deals with attempts to change the writing system in East Pakistan, i.e. East Bengal, to (a) the Perso-Arabic script, and (b) the roman script.In all cases, the attempt to romanise any of the Indian scripts failed at the national – official – level, although Indian languages do have a conventional transliteration. Reasons for the failure will be presented, in the final section, in terms of İlker Aytürk's model (see this issue), which proposes factors that may allow – or may not lead to – the implementation of romanisation.
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Office, Editorial. "Event coverage: ESMO Asia Congress returns to Singapore." Advances in Modern Oncology Research 2, no. 6 (December 30, 2016): 303. http://dx.doi.org/10.18282/amor.v2.i6.190.
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<p>The second ESMO Asia 2016 Congress, led by an international committee to promote the sharing of expertise and interaction between regional and international experts in oncology, returned for a second appearance at the Suntec Convention and Exhibition Centre in Singapore recently. Organized by the European Society for Medical Oncology (ESMO), the Asian leg of the annual scientific and educational congress was held from December 16–19th, 2016 and attended by over 2,000 healthcare professionals and exhibitors, including representatives from AMOR who were also present to cover the event. <br /> <br />ESMO Asia 2016 brought together oncologists from the Asian region and beyond to discuss important discoveries in oncology and to update delegates on the latest standards of care, the organizer noted in its media release. More specifically, delegates attending the meeting took the opportunity to exchange thoughts and ideas on current clinical challenges and novel treatment strategies for a variety of tumor subtypes, as well as to highlight emerging cancer therapeutics that are rapidly gaining attention in clinical settings. In addition to highlighting the latest in cancer research, the congress also sought to underscore bioethical, economic, and social challenges posed by cancer by addressing crucial issues such as the rising costs of treatments, the need for psychological support for patients, the need for better palliative care, and the vital importance of improving access to innovative drugs. <br /> <br />In this edition of the ESMO Asia congress, the keynote lectures consisted of two topics: how the differences between tumors can impact the design of effective treatments, and the link between common Epstein-Barr virus and nasopharyngeal cancer. With these two keynote lectures setting the tone for the congress, delegates saw a wide range of key discussions pertaining to the clinical relevance of molecular advances and innovative treatment approaches. Moreover, sessions that focus on improving current clinical understanding of various tumor types and novel treatment strategies for different tumor subtypes were also prominently featured. <br /> <br />In his opening remarks, ESMO President Prof. Fortunato Ciardiello said, “We are glad to be returning to Singapore for the second ESMO Asia Congress. Consolidating activities in Asia underlines the importance ESMO places on collaboration with partners in this region. The program this year will have a strong emphasis on state-of-the-art education and on the current standard of care across all major tumor types.” He continued, “In addition to practical seminars and wide-ranging discussions about how oncologists and other stakeholders can best collaborate for greater treatment results for cancer patients, delegates can look forward to opportunities for interaction with both local experts and key opinion leaders from the international oncology community.” <br /> <br />The opening ceremony was graced by the Guest-of-Honor – Dr. Amy Khor, Singapore’s Senior Minister of State for Health. In her speech, Dr. Khor laid emphasis on how events such as the ESMO Asia Congress are essential in providing an open platform to facilitate research collaboration. “To address the challenges presented by the complexity of cancer, the development of regional and international research networks is increasingly important to catalyze scientific communication and collaboration,” she said. To this end, Dr. Khor lauded the partnership between ESMO and the Singapore Society of Oncology in setting up a new office for cancer research aimed at facilitating collaborations between researchers in Europe and Asia — ESMO’s first footprint in Asia. “By building capabilities and strengthening our partnerships, we can do much more to improve patient care and treatment, especially for the Asian population,” she said. <br /> <br />Dr. Ravindran Kanesvaran, President of the host organization – Singapore Society of Oncology, echoed the sentiment. “Oncology is a rapidly evolving field that requires a multi-disciplinary approach between various healthcare professionals from different backgrounds and experience extending across all areas of cancer care trying their best to bring an end to this growing scourge. This collaborative endeavor is key to improve access, raise the quality of treatment delivery, and standard of cancer care in Singapore and Asia in general,” he stated. The cancer research office, which is yet to be officially named and launched, will open in the first quarter of 2017 at the National Cancer Centre Singapore and will administer educational grants, workshops, and conferences between Europe and Asia, Dr. Ravindran added. <br /> <br />The ESMO Asia 2016 Congress was supported by 20 of the most important and influential oncology associations in the region, including the Singapore Society of Oncology and the oncology societies from Australia, Bangladesh, China, Hong Kong, India, Indonesia, Iran, Japan, Malaysia, Myanmar, New Zealand, Pakistan, the Philippines, South Korea, Taiwan, Thailand and Uzbekistan. <br /> <br />During the congress, AMOR spoke to Dr. Susanna Hilda Hutajulu, a representative of the Indonesian Society of Hematology and Medical Oncology (ISHMO). Dr. Hutajulu is a practising medical oncologist in Indonesia who is actively involved in clinical research work and she is a regular participant of ESMO meetings, having recently attended ESMO 2016 in Copenhagen, Denmark. Dr. Susanna had also attended the inaugural ESMO Asia congress in 2015 and is an avid supporter of the congress’s multi-faceted agenda. On the development of cancer research in South East Asia, she told AMOR, “I agree that there should be a dedicated platform to showcase and promote the research work of oncology specialists and organizations in South East Asia.” <br /> <br />Dr. Hutajulu added, “Researchers in Indonesia place great importance in Scopus indexing when it comes to choosing the right journals to publish their research work in.” Meanwhile, the Myanmar Oncology Society (MOS) was represented by Dr. Shu Mon, who is based at the Thurein Mon Clinic in Yangon, Myanmar. During the congress, she gave a presentation on breast cancer management that is specific to the Myanmar experience. According to Dr. Shu Mon, there are only 30 qualified medical oncologists serving the whole of Myanmar, a country with a population of about 51 million people. On establishing collaborations with an academic journal, she said, “MOS is willing to work with a journal such as AMOR to promote the oncology research in Myanmar provided that there are suitable opportunities that both sides could agree on.”</p><p> </p><p>During the congress, Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ho Gwo Fuang, the guest managing editor for AMOR’s upcoming special issue and a representative of the Malaysian Oncological Society (MOS) at ESMO Asia 2016, was featured as one of the panelists of the ESMO-COS-MOS-NZSO Joint Symposium on ‘New insights into gastrointestinal cancers’. Dr. Ho, who is a medical oncologist at Malaysia’s University Malaya Medical Centre, delivered a talk entitled ‘Adjuvant aspirin for colorectal cancer? A cross-Asia collaborative effort’, a multi-nation initiative involving Singapore, Malaysia, and other Asia Pacific countries. His presentation offered strong scientific and observational data to support the adjuvant use of aspirin in reducing the formation of polyps and metastases after colorectal cancer diagnosis. Towards the end of his presentation, Dr. Ho highlighted the ongoing curation of AMOR’s Special Issue and invited his peers to submit papers to the journal for consideration.</p>
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Deshpande, Rajeshwari, Louise Tillin, and K. K. Kailash. "The BJP’s Welfare Schemes: Did They Make a Difference in the 2019 Elections?" Studies in Indian Politics 7, no. 2 (November 20, 2019): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2321023019874911.
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In this article, we use data from the 2019 NES post-poll survey to assess the impact of BJP’s welfare schemes on voting behaviour. We demonstrate that compared to earlier elections, voters are more likely to give credit to the central government as opposed to state governments or local politicians for welfare schemes. This centralization is especially the case for some of the BJP’s new welfare programmes such as Ujjwala and the Jan Dhan Yojana. However, even earlier Congress-era schemes such as the Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Scheme and the Awas Yojana are now more associated with the central government. Schemes such as the Public Distribution System (PDS) and Old Age Pensions are still more likely to be associated with state governments. At the all-India level, we find some evidence that voters who received benefits under Ujjwala, Jan Dhan Yojana or Awas Yojana schemes were more likely to vote for the BJP, whereas recipients of pensions or MGNREGA were less likely to support the BJP.
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CHERESHNEVA, Larisa Aleksandrovna. "CONSTITUTIONS OF JAWAHARLAL NEHRU AND LIAQUAT ALI KHAN: CORRELATION OF POLITICAL STRATEGY AND STATE AND LEGAL REALIA OF INDEPENDENT INDIA AND PAKISTAN (1947–1956)." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 174 (2018): 210–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2018-23-174-210-216.
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India and Pakistan, which emerged on the political map of the world 70 years ago, with the end of two hundred years of colonial rule of Britain, appeared to be the first states in the South Asia that demonstrated the uniqueness of the algorithms of the sovereignty of the liberated countries of the East. To what extent was it possible to combine tradition and modernization in their state-building? Return to the Eastern despotism, monarchical princely forms of governing or the creation of republics? What was the role in the States of free Hindustan to be supposed for their religion, religious institutions? Could the system of separation of powers correspond to the traditional ideas of many Indian and Pakistani peoples about power? We describe the characteristics of the program models of the state system, developed by the leading political forces of Colonial India – the All-Indian National Congress and the Muslim League for the future independent Hindustan, and their correlation with the real state and legal foundations of the Indian Union and Pakistan, formed in 1947–1956. It is noted that the League had only a general idea of the state formation and nation-building of Pakistan, which could not but affect the specifics of the Muslim project “Two Nations-two Indias” and subsequently led Pakistan to slide to the military dictatorships. The interrelation of the development of democratic legislation with the ideas of social justice, equality of national and ethno-religious minorities and the title majority is shown, the emphasis is placed on the risks of violation of the historical multiculturalism of the Indian civilization. We have involved the Indian, Pakistani and British documentaries on state-legal, historical and political issues, archival materials of the National Archives of India.
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Vasudevan, Ramya. "Freedom Movement and the Fourth Estate- Gandhian Perspectives." JOURNAL OF SOCIAL SCIENCE RESEARCH 6, no. 3 (February 4, 2015): 1134–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.24297/jssr.v6i3.3505.
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Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi has today become an iconic figure, a symbol of many things for many people. He is seen variously as the great opponent of European Colonism,as a champion of civil rights for racial, religious and other minorities, as an important critic of the industrial system of production, as a great pacifist, or as a person who stood for the need to resist injustice in a non-violent way. In the process, he developed the new technique of civil resistance now universally known as Satyagraha. His political, social and spiritual development during those years led to his manifesto of 1909-Hind Swaraj or Indian Self-rule a work that was considered so scandalous by the British. Gandhi returned to India in 1915 and after a period of settling in soon established himself as a champion of the peasantry, leading to confrontations with white indigo planters in Champaran in 1917 and the colonial tax bureaucracy in Kheda in 1918.He also led a successful strike in Ahmedabad. In 1917 he staged his first all India protest-the Rowlatt Satyagraha and followed this in 1920 by gaining control over the Indian National Congress and launching the Non-Cooperation Movement in which Indians withdrew their support for British Colonial institutions. This was followed in later years by two more powerful confrontations with the British-the Civil Disobedience Movement of 1930-1934 and the Quit India Movement of 1942.These movements were reflected through the Press which is the powerful media which forms the predominant role in molding the information of the public opinion. It reflects the political and socio-economic opinion of the people and emerges as an important source of information for framing the political scenario of a nation or a region according to the nature of its publication.
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Abdulla Al Mahmud. "The Inception of the Kashmir Crisis: Inquiries from a Historical Perspective (1931– 1947)." International Journal of Social, Political and Economic Research 7, no. 2 (June 2, 2020): 196–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.46291/ijospervol7iss2pp196-213.
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In the context of the Indian subcontinent, politically and economically "Kashmir" is a significant region. Kashmir has been involved with the politics of the subcontinent since ancient times as a Vital Organ. Foreign powers have been influencing Kashmir politics in almost all ages. During the Muslim rule in the middle ages, Kashmir was known as a politically stable and economically prosperous region. However, during the rule of the Sikhs (1819-1846) and the Dogra kings (1846-1947), the general population of Kashmir was absorbed. At that time, 70 percent of the total population of Kashmir, despite being Muslim, has been deprived of their rights by a small number of rulers. India and Pakistan were created on the basis of religion in the Indian subcontinent. According to the British government's decision, Kashmir was deprived of its right to join India or Pakistan on the basis of the majority of the subcontinent's domestic states. The dream of independence for Kashmiris turned into a nightmare in the role of the last British representative, Lord Mount Batten, then Congress leader Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru, Kashmir's local representative Sheikh Abdullah, Pakistani leaders and King Maharaja Hari Singh in Kashmir. After World War II, when different regions of the world began to be liberated from the chain of imperialism, the occupation and oppression of Kashmir began again. Despite the postmodern era, the Kashmir crisis continues. This article seeks to find out where the main source of the Kashmir crisis that has been going on for decades, and what has worked behind it.
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Copland, Ian. "The Master and the Maharajas: The Sikh Princes and the East Punjab Massacres of 1947." Modern Asian Studies 36, no. 3 (July 2002): 657–704. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x02003050.
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EventDuring the spring, summer and autumn of 1947 India's richest province, the Punjab, played host to a massive human catastrophe. The trigger for the catastrophe was Britain's parting gift to its Indian subjects of partition. Confronted by a seemingly intractable demand by the All-India Muslim League for a separate Muslim homeland—Pakistan—a campaign which since 1946 had turned increasingly violent, the British government early in 1947 accepted viceroy Lord Mountbatten's advice that partition was necessary to arrest the country's descent into civil war. ‘Mahatma’ Gandhi notably excepted, the leadership of the Congress party came gradually and reluctantly to the same conclusion. Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru's deputy, likened it to the cutting off of a diseased limb. But in accepting the ‘logic’ of the League's ‘two-nation’ theory, the British applied it remorselessly. They insisted that partition would have to follow the lines of religious affiliation, not the boundaries of provinces. In 1947 League president Muhammad Ali Jinnah was forced to accept what he had contemptuously dismissed in 1944 as a ‘moth-eaten’ Pakistan, a Pakistan bereft of something like half of Bengal and the Punjab and most of Assam.
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Yousaf, Nadeem. "Salient features of Jinnah's politics." International Journal of Public Leadership 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2015): 46–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/ijpl-07-2014-0007.
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Purpose – Jinnah was, to some extent, a successful leader in obtaining his goals of becoming the only spokesperson for Muslims in India and gaining a piece of land for Pakistan but the main question is whether these achievements can be attributed to transactional or transformational strategies. Has he managed transactional or transformational change in terms of political culture? This point will be discussed in the paper. The paper aims to discuss these issues. Design/methodology/approach – A documentary analysis of behaviors, statements and incidents of Jinnah and other relevant personages. Findings – The research shows that Jinnah was neither a transformational nor a charismatic leader. Therefore, his success cannot be attributed to his transformational ideology or charismatic personality. The political maneuvers that he adopted by frequently changing his espoused values and theories-in-use are the sources of his transactional success. Moreover, it is the international events and the vested political interests of the British are among the significant reasons that brought him success. Research limitations/implications – In this work, a detailed comparison has not been made between voluminous theories of leadership because it is beyond the scope of this research. Moreover, it is not the intention of the paper to compare his leadership with that of other leaders; however, the future research in this direction might be useful. Indeed, the relevant leadership examples have been selected from the All India Congress with the major point of reference being the All India Muslim League – the party that brought him real recognition and fame. Practical implications – It is stressed in the research that overt success is not a sufficient criterion to categorize a leader in a specific category without analyzing espoused theory and theories-in-use. The study will help those researchers who are interested in understanding the current political culture of Pakistan. The research will be helpful in enhancing the debate within the theme of leadership, especially transformational, transactional and charismatic. Moreover, the paper will encourage other researchers to compare Jinnah's leadership with that of other political leaders of the world. Originality/value – The research is original as Jinnah's leadership from the perspectives of transformational and transactional leadership styles and the espoused theory and theories-in-use has, so far, not been discussed. It presents significant new arguments and information, which will be in the interest of researchers.
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B.N., Ramesh, Sunil Kumar R., Pramod R., and Jayaramiah R. "Harmful Effects of Parthenium hysterophorus and Management Through Different Approaches”- A review." Annals of Plant Sciences 6, no. 05 (May 1, 2017): 1614. http://dx.doi.org/10.21746/aps.2017.05.002.
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Parthenium hysterophorus is commonly known as congress grass or carrot weed in India. It belongs to Asteraceae family and native to subtropics of North and South America. It is an invasive plant species that disturbs cultivated areas, roadside vegetation, gardens etc. P. hysterophorus is considered as one of the worst weeds responsible for causing health problems in animals and humans viz., dermatitis, asthma and bronchitis besides loss to agriculture and ecosystem. Nowadays, it has become one of the major weeds in almost all types of agricultural lands and other areas. Many control methods ranging from preventive, physical methods by manual uprooting, burning and allelopathic management through competitive plants like Cassia tora, Cassia uniflora Cassia sericea, have been recommended for management of P. hysterophorus. Likewise, insect Zygogramma bicolorata has proven successful in managing P. hysterophorus. Further, microorganisms like Alternaria alternata, Scerotiia sclerotiorum, Fusarium Pallidoroseum, Ralstonia solanacearum, Xanthomanas campestris are reported to infest P. hysterophorus. Use of chemical herbicides mainly glyphosate @ 2.5 kg a.i.ha-1,atrazine @ 2.6 kg a.i.ha-1,2,4-D amine @ 3 l/ ha-1, Paraquat 0.5 l/ ha-1 were proved effective in managing P. hysterophorus. No single option is suitable to control this invasive weed. Successful control of this weed can only be achieved by an integrated weed management approaches.
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DHULIPALA, VENKAT. "Rallying theQaum:The Muslim League in the United Provinces, 1937–1939." Modern Asian Studies 44, no. 3 (June 24, 2009): 603–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x09004016.
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AbstractThis paper re-examines the nature of the Muslim League's mobilization of the UP Muslims during the period of Congress party rule and the extent to which it was successful in emerging as their ‘authoritative, representative organization’. In the light of such a re-examination, the paper makes two arguments. First, in contrast to the existing historiography which highlights the role of Jinnah in the ML's revival, this paper underlines the agency of the local leadership of the ML in this process. Second, the paper argues that even though the ML emerged as a popular political party among the UP Muslims in this period, its strength still remained uncertain. This became evident during theMadhe Sahabaagitation between 1938 and 1939 that led to serious tensions and riots between Shias and Sunnis in the city of Lucknow. These tensions threatened to fracture the political base of the ML in the UP besides snowballing into a wider all-India conflict. During this crisis the ML stood aside helplessly, unable to exert its authority as the ‘premier’ organization of the Indian Muslims. These divisions within the Muslim community in the ML's putative bastion in the UP demonstrate that the party still had a task ahead in terms of rallying theQaum.
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Chandrashekhar, Mamta. "DIFFERENT COLORS AND POLITICALIDEOLOGY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 2, no. 3SE (December 31, 2014): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v2.i3se.2014.3545.
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This research work based on the colorfulPolitics which existing in the different societies in the world. Everybody has a different thoughts and vision to see the world so there are different political ideologiesto represent a political party, either officially or unofficially. Political Parties in different countries with similar ideologies tend to use similar colours.They have long been associated with specific colors. This is largely due to the fact that politics became popular long before literacy did in the history of human being cultural development because the people couldn’t read and even images could get complicated, political signs and signs in general, have to express something with different colors.India has always been exalted and remembered fondly as the country of different symbolic colors. To an outsider, its colorful culture, streets and stories seem like a page out of an ancient folk tale but there is a unity too in diversity. Different Colours, in essence, has been a large part of the Indian consciousness. Different parties come to rule with their owndifferent ideologieswith different colors. The symbolic colors of politics, there many colors, For example- Saffron- BJP ruled Centre and states,Tri color- Congress ruled states,Red - Left parties ruled states. Another color-NCP ruled state (Jammu &Kashmir) Every color has its own significance , own ideology, own thinking process, own style of functioning and own importance in political life. They may be like different flowers of different colors, but they all make a fabulous common garland-that is INDIA.
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Hussain, T. Karki. "Sino-Soviet Detente in the Making." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200103.
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Increasingly, the trend in Sino-Soviet normalization has acquired the kind of high visibility which compels serious attention within India. There are several valid reasons for our interest in the matter. Historically, both the Sino-Indian dispute and the Sino-Soviet split occurred in the fifties when the parties concerned had appeared to the outside world as friends and allies. In subsequent developments, the sixties began with a border war between India and China and ended with another border war between China and the Soviet Union. Although the nature of China's bilateral controversies, leading to actual confrontation with India and Soviet Union, were not identical in their origin and evolution, chronologically, its durability with either protagonist has spanned more than a quarter of a century. More recently, an almost parallel movement towards arapprochement is taking place, formally signified by an ongoing process of seven rounds of Sino-Soviet consultations and six meetings between the Indian and the Chinese representatives till date. Although their initial differences concerning some political issues persist, China and the Soviet Union have been interacting with each other at a frequency which was unimaginable barely a couple of years ago. In 1985, for example, more than 70 visits were exchanged between the two erstwhile adversaries. Following the 27th Congress of the CPSU which ended on 3 March 1986, in the forthcoming weeks sometime, Soviet First Vice-Premier Arkhipov is scheduled to visit Beijing to review bilateral, economic, scientific and cultural relations. Later, in the summer of 1'86, Soviet and Chinese Foreign Ministers will hold important talks with each other which are expected to contribute further towards normalization. Similarly, Sino-Indian contacts at several levels have also grown considerably. It may be explained that it does not lie within the scope of this article to examine the derivative triangular linkages present in the Sino-Indian and the Sino-Soviet issues or to argue that the apparent dynamic of the Sino-Soviet thaw would weaken India's bargaining positionvis-a-vis China and therefore a border settlement should be precipitated in order to match the pace of the evolving pattern in Sino-Soviet relations. Rather, the following presentation precludes any juxtaposition with the Sino-Indian problems and focuses almost entirely on certain initiatives taken by the Chinese leadership which have rendered its earlier posturing somewhat obsolete and created an opportunity for it to weigh the Soviet factor afresh in the immediate perspective. Finally, the article seeks to analyse the imperatives behind Beijing's current moves within the larger framework of the primary objective of removing once for all the backward economic status of the country. However, to the extent that the process of Sino-Soviet normalization flows from the shifts in China's foreign and domestic policies, its implications for India are self-evident and for that very reason worthy of our deep interest.