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1
Wereda, Dorota. "Handover of the buildings and equipment remaining after the dissolution of the Pauline monastery in Leśna Podlaska in 1864 to the Eastern Orthodox Church and its further history." Historia i Świat, no. 8 (August 29, 2019): 133–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2019.08.09.
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In Leśna Podlaska, the image of Mother of God has been an object of worship since 1683. In 1727, the Leśna parish was taken over by monks from the Pauline Order. In 1875, on the basis of Tsar Alexander II's decree, the church in Leśna Podlaska, together with the venerated image, the great altar, and votive offerings, were handed over to the Eastern Orthodox Church. The remaining furnishings were transferred to 18 parish churches of the liquidated dioceses of Podlasie and Lublin. The organ was transferred to All Saints Church in Warsaw. The book collection of the Pauline monks from Leśna was donated to the library of the seminary in Lublin. In the years 1879–1881, the exterior of the church was changed, giving the building an appearance characteristic of Orthodox Church temples. Leśna Podlaska became an important centre of Russification policy carried out by Russia.
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Maiden, John. "‘What could be more Christian than to allow the Sikhs to use it?’ Church Redundancy and Minority Religion in Bedford, 1977–8." Studies in Church History 51 (2015): 399–411. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400050312.
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In 1985, Faith in the City, The Church of England’s report on Urban Priority Areas, commented that Christians frequently had an excess of church buildings, while ‘people of other faiths are often exceedingly short of places in which to meet and worship’. The challenge of securing sacred space has been common to migrant groups in Britain, and during the 1970s sharing of space between national historic denominations and migrant religious groups was identified by the British Council of Churches (BCC) and its Community and Race Relations Unit as a leading issue for interreligious relations. In the case of the Church of England, ancillary parish buildings were occasionally shared with non-Christian religious congregations for limited use: for example, later that decade the church halls of All Saints, Gravelly Hill, Birmingham, were being used by Muslims and Hindus for festivals and clubs.
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Gundersen, Joan R. "The Local Parish as a Female Institution: The Experience of All Saints Episcopal Church in Frontier Minnesota." Church History 55, no. 3 (September 1986): 307–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3166820.
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In recent years historians have begun exploring the feminization of religion in nineteenth-century America. While much of the published debate has centered on the particular definition presented by Ann Douglas in her study, The Feminization of American Culture, other scholars have adopted the term but applied it in different ways. Douglas based her argument on a small sample of liberal Protestant female writers and clergymen in New England whom she saw as giving cultural expression to a new popular theology. She did not explore its impact upon any particular congregation, and much of the controversy surrounding her thesis has focused on the narrow base upon which she made expansive claims. The concept of a feminized church, however, has attracted a number of scholars. Some, like Gerald Moran, have found evidence of the process much earlier in New England, while Mary Ryan and others have explored church membership during the Second Great Awakening of the early nineteenth century. The research continues the Northeastern focus, however, in terms of both geography and denomination. Thus historians still have no sense as to the universality of these trends. In addition, the focus has remained on church membership and cultural perceptions of women's religious role. We have precious little information on how women translated ideas about their role into the life of an ongoing religious institution.
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Chapman, Mark. "Anglo-Catholicism in West Wales: Lewis Gilbertson, Llangorwen And Elerch." Journal of Religious History, Literature and Culture 6, no. 1 (June 1, 2020): 71–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.16922/jrhlc.6.1.4.
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Lewis Gilbertson (1815–1896) was one of the most prominent Anglo-Catholic clergy of St David's' diocese. He became the first incumbent of the new church at Llangorwen just outside Aberystwyth, built by Matthew Davies Williams, eldest brother of the Tractarian poet Isaac Williams (1802–65). Gilbertson adopted ritualist practices and Tractarian theology, which later influenced the church he was to build in Elerch (also known as Bont Goch) where his father, William Cobb Gilbertson (1768–1854), had built his house in 1818. After a brief survey of the development of Tractarianism in Wales, the paper discusses the building of the church at Llangorwen, which had the first stone altar since the Reformation in the Diocese of St David's, before discussing Gibertson's ministry in the parish. From Llangorwen Gilbertson moved to Jesus College, Oxford where he served as vice-principal and where he became increasingly convinced of the need for a new church and parish for his home village. He had earlier built a National School in 1856 commissioning the well-known Gothic revival architect G. E. Street. For St Peter's church, completed in 1868, he turned to William Butterfield, who had built the Tractarian model church of All Saints', Margaret Street in London. Gilbertson, who appointed himself as first incumbent for a brief period, set the ritualist tone of the parish while at the same time ensuring regular Welsh-language services to attract villagers from what he called the 'broken shadow of practices of the primitive Church' of the Welsh Methodists. The paper concludes with a brief discussion of Gilbertson's later career before assessing the impact of Tractarianism in west Wales, especially the confident and idealistic vision of a return to the apostolic faith for all the people of Wales on which it was established.
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Wellings, Martin. "Anglo-Catholicism, the ‘Crisis in the Church’ and the Cavalier Case of 1899." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 2 (April 1991): 239–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900000075.
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Much of the history of the late nineteenth-century Church of England is dominated by the phenomenon of Anglo-Catholicism. In the period between 1890 and 1939 Anglo-Catholics formed the most vigorous and successful party in the Church. Membership of the English Church Union, which represented a broad spectrum of Anglo-Catholic opinion, grew steadily in these years; advanced ceremonial was introduced in an increasing number of parish churches and, from 1920 onwards, a series of congresses was held which filled the Royal Albert Hall for a celebration of the strength of the ‘Catholic’ movement in the Established Church. In the Church Times the Anglo-Catholics possessed a weekly newspaper which outsold all its rivals put together and which reinforced the impression that theirs was the party with the Church's future in its hands. Furthermore, Anglo-Catholicism could claim to be supplying the Church of England with many of its saints and with a fair proportion of its scholars. Slum priests like R. R. Dolling and Arthur Stanton gave their lives to the task of urban mission; Edward King, bishop of Lincoln, was hailed as a spiritual leader by churchmen of all parties; Charles Gore, Walter Frere and Darwell Stone were scholars of renown, while Frank Weston, bishop of Zanzibar, combined academic achievements and missionary zeal with personal qualities which brought him an unexpected pre-eminence at the 1920 Lambeth Conference. In the last decade of the nineteenth century and in the first decades of the twentieth century, therefore, Anglo-Catholicism was the party of advance, offering leadership and vision and presenting the Church of England with a concept of Catholicity which many found attractive.
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Walsh, Tim. "‘Signs and Wonders That Lie’: Unlikely Polemical Outbursts Against the Early Pentecostal Movement in Britain." Studies in Church History 41 (2005): 410–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400000358.
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The phenomenon of speaking in tongues was manifested at All Saints’ Parish Church, Monkwearmouth, Sunderland, during the autumn of 1907. This outbreak rapidly became the object of criticism and opposition from a variety of sources, but one of the most vehement, if unexpected, emanated from an organization known as the Pentecostal League of Prayer. This non-denominational body had been established by Reader Harris Q. C. in 1891, and integral to its aims was the promotion of ‘Holiness’ teaching which advocated an experience of sanctification distinct from, and subsequent to, conversion. A network of branches had been established across England, and the Revd Alexander A. Boddy, vicar of All Saints’, had been actively involved in its Sunderland branch prior to 1907. Harris, who was in Sunderland at the time of this new departure in All Saints’, objected to the identification of the ‘gift of tongues’ with what he perceived to be genuine Pentecostal experience. One of the principal ironies of the situation is that his opposition was promulgated in the Pentecostal League’s periodical Tongues of Fire. It is contested that this local controversy represents not only a curious chapter in the history of Protestant polemics against the miraculous, but that it embodied broader ramifications than might first appear, not least in the impetus generated toward the establishment of distinctive Pentecostal identity and orthodoxy.
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Christiansen, Drew. "I. The Nonviolence–Just War Nexus." Horizons 45, no. 1 (May 23, 2018): 108–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/hor.2018.2.
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Gerald Schlabach wrote that a key test of progress for Catholicism in its dialogue with the historic peace churches on nonviolence and the use of force would be that the church's teaching on nonviolence would become “church wide and parish deep.” While modern Catholic social teaching has recognized nonviolence since the time of the Second Vatican Council, and Pope Saint John Paul II gave nonviolence strong, formal endorsement in his 1991 encyclical Centesimus Annus, the church's teaching on nonviolence is hardly known in the pews. If they are familiar at all with Catholic teaching on peace and war, most Catholics would know the just-war tradition, especially through the US bishops’ 1983 pastoral letter, The Challenge of Peace. But the newer and still relatively slight teaching on nonviolence is hardly known at all. Only by rare exception do Catholic preachers address issues of peace and war.
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Tulić, Damir. "Glory Crowned in Marble: Self-promotion of Individuals and Families in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Monuments in Istria and Dalmatia." Radovi Instituta za povijest umjetnosti, no. 43 (December 31, 2019): 139–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.31664/ripu.2019.43.11.
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Senior representatives of the Venetian Republic inspired distinguished noblemen and rich citizens in Venice, as well as in Terraferma and Stato da Mar, to perpetuate their memory through lavish commemorative monuments that were erected in churches and convents. Their endeavour for self-promotion and their wish to monopolise glory could be detected in the choice of material for the busts that adorned almost every monument: marble. The most elaborate monument of this kind belongs to the Brutti family, erected in 1695 in Koper Cathedral. In 1688 the Town of Labin ordered a marble bust of local hero Antonio Bollani and placed it on the facade of the parish church. Fine examples of family glorification could be found in the capital of Venetian Dalmatia – Zadar. In the Church of Saint Chrysogonus, there is a monument to the provveditore Marino Zorzi, adorned with a marble portrait bust. Rather similar is the monument to condottiere Simeone Fanfogna in Zadar’s Benedictine Church of Saint Mary and the monument to the military engineer Francesco Rossini in Saint Simeon. All these monuments embellished with portrait busts have a common purpose: to ensure the everlasting memory of important individuals. This paper analyses comparative examples, models, artists, as well as the desires of clients or authorities that were able to invest money in self or family promotion, thus creating the identity of success.
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Rolska, Irena. "Fundacje sakralne wojewody wołyńskiego Seweryna Józefa Rzewuskiego (po 1694–1755)." Artifex Novus, no. 3 (October 1, 2019): 76–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/an.7064.
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SUMMARY
Seweryn Józef Rzewuski was the son of Stanisław Mateusz Rzewuski (1662–1728), grand crown hetman and Belz voivode, and Ludwika Eleonora Kunicka (coat of arms: Bończa; d. 1749). He was the older brother of Wacław Piotr Rzewuski (1706–1779), grand crown hetman and castellan of Cracow. The main house of Seweryn Józef and Antonia from the Potocki Rzewuski was the castle in Olesko. Before 1745 the voivode carried out renovation works at the castle, decorating it with stuccos and sculptures. The main building Rzewuski founded was the church and Capuchin monastery located below the castle. The single-nave church has a double-span nave enclosed by two rows of lower, rectangular-shaped side chapels linked by narrow passages. The church has an austere, flat facade with one portal on the axis, typical for Polish Capuchin architecture. Monastery buildings were located on the northern side of the church. The wings of the monastery surrounded a rectangular inner viridary, uncommon for Capuchin monasteries. The monastery in Olesko was one of the most magnificent Polish Capuchin monasteries. Seweryn Józef and Antonina Rzewuski revered the blessed John of Dukla. This was manifested by their decision to found the building of a column dedicated to Blessed John of Dukla in Lviv in 1736. The Rzewuski kept good relations with the Greek Catholics from Chełm and the Chełm starosty. Rzewuski founded baroque side-altars for the orthodox church in Kanie, which are now in the local parish church. He was also one of the initiators of the coronation of the icon of Our Lady of Chełm. Seweryn Józef Rzewuski inherited Łęczna (1737), and as the city’s owner he began renovating the parish church of Saint Mary Magdalene, rebuilding the burned city hall, two market squares and establishing a third one. Rzewuski founded two new, baroque altars for the church. Two side-altars, the pulpit, baptismal font and two altars in side chapels remain until this day. The remains of the programme, that can be found on the altars, indicate a close link between the passion and eucharistic worship. In 1745 Seweryn Józef finished building and decorating a small, single-navechurch in Łuszczów. All aforementioned buildings and art founded by Seweryn Józef Rzewuski, except from the column dedicated to the blessed John of Dukla in Lviv, were located on territories which belonged to the voivode.
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Loades, David M. "The Piety of The Catholic Restoration in England, 1553–1558." Studies in Church History. Subsidia 8 (1991): 289–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143045900001708.
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There was very little in Reginald Pole’s previous record as a scholar, confessor, or ecclesiastical statesman to suggest that he attached great importance to the externals of traditional worship. However, in his task of restoring the Church in England to the Catholic fold, he felt constrained to use whatever methods and materials were available to his hands. Ceremonies, as Miles Huggarde rightly observed, were ‘curious toyes’, not only to the Protestants, but also to those semi-evangelical Reformers of the 1530s whose exact doctrinal’standpoints are so hard to determine. Along with the papal jurisdiction had gone the great pilgrimage shrines, not only St Thomas of Canterbury—that monument to the triumph of the sacerdotium over the regnum—but also Our Lady of Walsingham and a host of others. Down, too, had gone the religious houses, lesser and greater, with their elaborate liturgical practices, and many familiar saints’ days had disappeared from the calendar before the austere simplifications of 1552. Such changes had provoked much opposition and disquiet, but they had left intact die ceremonial core of the old faith, the Mass in all its multitude of forms, and the innumerable little sacramental and liturgical pieties which constituted the faith of ordinary people. The recent researches of Professor Scarisbrick, Dr Haigh, Dr Susan Brigden, and others have reminded us just how lively these pieties were before—and during—the Reformation, even in places heavily infiltrated by the New Learning, such as London. It was at this level that traditional religion seems to have been at its most flourishing; in the small fraternities and guilds attached to parish churches; in the ornamentation and equipment of the churches themselves; and in the provision of gifts and bequests for obits, lights, and charitable doles.
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NISSAN, EPHRAIM. "Family Background and Humour in the Writings of Rinaldo De Benedetti, with an Interdisciplinary Analysis of “Racconto occitano” about Castelmagno in the Alps around 1910." Philology 4, no. 2018 (January 1, 2019): 439–525. http://dx.doi.org/10.3726/phil042019.18.
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Abstract Rinaldo De Benedetti, also known by his pen names Sagredo and Didimo, was mainly known because of his long career as a science journalist in Italy. He managed to write and publish even under the racial laws, with the connivance of a publisher in Milan. His being in a mixed marriage probably enabled more successful survival tactics. Rinaldo De Benedetti also was a literary writer, publishing as such in old age, and his memoirs have been published posthumously. His childhood in Cuneo, as the son of a secular Jewish family, comes across in his memoirs. In particular, we translate and discuss aspects of a short story of his (which has only previously appeared in a communal publication), set around 1910 and whose protagonist was a relative Amadio Momigliano, faced with the mayor and councillors of Provençal hamlet of mountaineers in Piedmont’s western Alps, who came on visit on a Saturday of all day, decided to become Jewish because the parish priest, opposing their drunken dancing in front of church on the day of the patron saint, had challenged them to do that much. Momigliano alerted the diocesis, and the parish priest was ordered to condone dancing. That episode is part of a long campaign against dancing, which in that period in France pitted the clergy against some mayors. Whereas in the Kingdom of Italy, before World War I, there was a decades-long struggle pitting, e.g., bishops and province prefects (it was precisely in Piedmont that the archbishop of Turin was imprisoned in 1850 and then exiled to France), arguably the awkward episode described in “Racconto occitano” is better explained with reference to the state of affairs at the municipal level in France, as far as clerical but also anticlerical Brittany.
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Przybos, Julia. "Polish Decadence: Leopold Staff's Igrzysko in the European Context." Nordlit 15, no. 2 (March 26, 2012): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/13.2045.
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Decadent authors writing about the past share a common artistic practice: revisionist creativity. I argue in my Zoom sur les décadents that this particular type of creativity uses as its main device recombination of legends, myths, and historical events. Historical, cultural or religious figures are reexamined and shown in a new unexpected light. I show in my book how Villiers de Isle-Adam conflates two crucial battles of the Ancient world: Marathon (490 BC) and Thermopiles (480 BC) in ashort story called "Impatience de la foule." The final result of Villiers's telescoping of separate historical events is a seamless narrative. In Hugues Rebell's "Une Saison à Baia," Saint Paul attempts to convert Roman patricians who mock his incoherent speeches. In "La Gloire de Judas," Bernard Lazare departs from the Gospels and tells the tragic story of Judas whose betrayal made the salvation of the human race possible. In Lazare's short story, Judas is a self-effacing figure who doesn't act on his own but on Jesus Christ's specific order, who sworns him into secrecy.Common in French decadent fiction, religious revisionism was largely tolerated in the secular Third Republic. Whereas censorship was quick to punish naturalist authors writing about debauched clergy in contemporary France (e.g. Louis Deprez and Henry Fèvre's Autour d'un clocher) decadent authors reinventing ancient religious stories and retelling the life of catholic saints enjoyed a relative freedom ofexpression.It is my hypothesis that taken out of its secular context, religious revisionism of the kind practiced by French decadents may be seen as shocking transgression in a fiercely catholic country like Poland. In the country that lost its independence in 1794 and was ever since seeking to regain it, Catholic Church was perceived as an essential ally in the struggle against main occupying powers: Orthodox Russia, and Protestant Prussia. In the course of the 19th century Catholicism and patriotism had been effectively fused in Polish national conscience. In this charged political context a Polish author revisiting Church dogma or tradition was at risk of being perceived not only as a religious outcast but also as a traitor to the cause of Polish independence.To test my hypothesis I propose to examine Igrzysko (Game), a forgotten play by Leopold Staff. Admired today chiefly as a poet, the young Staff wrote Igrzysko in Poland after a long sojourn in Paris where he had lived among the international crowd of fin de siècle writers and artists. The play was first produced in Lemberg in 1909 and after a few performances vanished forever from Polish theatrical repertoire.Leopold Staff's play is set in ancient Rome and depicts tribulations of an actor who, while impersonating a Christian awaiting crucifixion, converts to Christianity. In his play, Staff revives the legend of Saint Genesius, an actor in Arles who died a martyr's death in 286 under Diocletian. In Spain, Saint Genesius's legend inspired Lope de Vega who wrote Acting is Believing (Lo fingido verdadero, 1607). In France, it was the source for Jean Rotrou's Saint Genest (1646). All told, the legend of Genesius is a popular theme for artists who wish to explore the distinction between art and life. An important addition to this old tradition, Staff's play contains, however, a decadent and potentially scandalous twist. Unlike in Acting is Believing and Saint Genest, the protagonist's conversion is very short lived in Igrzysko. Fearing pain, Staff's character commits suicide and is, therefore, condemned for eternity. In my paper, I will discuss the significance of Staff's religious transgression in the context of the turn of the century arch-catholic and patriotic Poland.
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De Bodt, Saskia. "Borduurwerkers aan het werk voor de Utrechtse kapittel- en parochiekerken 1500-1580." Oud Holland - Quarterly for Dutch Art History 105, no. 1 (1991): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187501791x00047.
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AbstractThe article starts by taking stock of research into North and South Netherlandish professional embroidery in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. Such embroidery, which was rarely or never signed, and much of which has been lost, has hitherto been studied largely on stylistic grounds and grouped around noted schools of painting. Classifications include 'circle of Jacob Cornelisz van Oostsanen', for instance, or 'Leiden school/influence of Lucas van Leyden'. The author advocates a more relative approach to such classification into schools. She suggests that only systematic archive research in each location can shed new light on the production of embroidery studios and that well-founded attributions hinge solely on such research. The embroidery produced in Utrecht between 1500 and 1580 is cited as an example. The invoices of Utrecht parish and collegiate churches from circa 1500 to the Reformation record not onlv commissions to painters, goldsmiths and sculptors but also many items referring to textiles, notably embroidery. Together they provide a clear and relatively complete picture of the activities of sixteenth-century Utrecht embroiderers, whose principal customers were the churches. The items in question moreover exemplify the craft of the North Netherlandish embroiderer in that period in general in terms of what was produced as well as of the method and position of these artistic craftsmen, who were less overshadowed by painters than is generally assumed. A brief introduction outlining the organization of professional Utrecht embroiderers, who became independent of the tailors' guild in 1610 and acquired their own warrant, is followed by the analysis of an order from the Buurkerk in Utrecht for crimson paraments in 1530: three copes, a chasuble and two dalmatics. The activities of all those involved in their production are recorded : the merchants who supplied the fabric, the tracers of the embroidery patterns, the embroiderer, the cutter, various silver-smiths and the maker of the chest in which the set of garments was kept. The embroiderer was the best-paid of all these specialists. It is interesting to note that some Utrecht guild-members worked free of charge on these paraments, and that the collection at the first mass at which they were worn was very generous. There were probably political reasons for this: some of the donators, Evert Zoudenbalch and Goerd van Voirde, had been mayors at the time of the guild rebellion in Utrecht, and the Buurkerk was the parish church where the guild altars stood. After this detailed example the author discusses Utrecht embroiderers known by name and their studios,comparing them with a list of major commissions carried out for churches in Utrecht (appendix I). It transpires that in each case one studio received the most important Utrecht orders. This is followed by the reconstruction of three leading figures' careers. First Jacob van Malborch, active till 1525; a contract (1510) with the Pieterskerk in Utrecht regarding blue velvet copes is cited (appendix 11). He is followed by the embroiderers Reyer Jacobs and Sebastiaen dc Laet. Among his other activities, the latter was responsible for repairing and altering the famous garments of Bishop David of Burgundy. Items on invoices arc then cited as evidence that the sleeves of two dalmatics now in the Catharijneconvent Museum, embroidered on both sides with aurifriezes donated by Bishop David, were made by Jacob van Malborch in 1504/1505. This shows that systematic scrutiny of invoices and the results of archive research concentrated on individual embroiderers in a single city, compared with preserved items of embroidery, yield information that can lead to exact attributions to an artist or a studio (figs.4a to c and 5a to c). The Catharijneconvent Museum also possesses a series of figures of saints embroidered by the same hand (fig. 14). Finally, the author points out that a group of embroidered work (previously mentioned by H. L. M. Defoer in the catalogue Schilderen met gouddraad en zyde (1987)) which historical data suggest was done in Utrecht and which was produced in the same period, are almost certain to have come from Jacob van Malborch's studio, despite the lack of archival evidence (figs. 6 to 13).
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Coombs, Bryony. "The tapestries of St Anatoile (1502–1506): Burgundian perceptions of a ‘Scottish’ saint and the royal house of Scotland at the turn of the sixteenth century." Innes Review 70, no. 1 (May 2019): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2019.0200.
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The town of Salins-les-Bains, France, is renowned for its historic salt-works. During the period 1502–1506 the canons of the collegiate church there commissioned an extraordinary series of fourteen tapestries commemorating the life and miracles of Saint Anatoile. Three of the tapestries are preserved in Paris at the Musée du Louvre, and documents survive recording the original programme of all fourteen tapestries. Of great interest is the stress laid on the Scottish origin of Saint Anatoile, who is described in the tapestries as ‘fils du roi d'Escoce’ (‘son of the king of Scotland’). The importance of the saint's Scottish royal pedigree is visually emphasised by the prolific inclusion of the royal arms of Scotland: on one of the surviving tapestries the arms appear eleven times. What this commission tells us of early sixteenth-century Burgundian attitudes to Scots, the royal house of Scotland, and Scottish royal piety is here examined.
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Porter, Stephen. "All Saints', Poplar: the Making of a Parish, 1650–1817." London Journal 17, no. 2 (November 1992): 103–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/ldn.1992.17.2.103.
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Méndez Hernán, Vicente. "Apuntes sobre Tiburcio de Aguirre y Antonio Milón, clientes del escultor Luis Salvador Carmona, y sus encargos para Brozas y la iglesia del Rosario en el Real Sitio de San Ildefonso." Liño 23, no. 23 (June 30, 2017): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/li.23.2017.41-56.
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RESUMEN:El presente trabajo tiene como objetivo definir la personalidad de los clientes que acudieron al taller de Luis Salvador Carmona para encargarle las esculturas de Ntra. Sra. del Socoro, que hoy se venera en la parroquia de Brozas (Cáceres), y las del Pilar y San Francisco Javier que hizo para la iglesia del Rosario, en el Real Sitio de San Ildefonso (Segovia). El profesor Martín González y Eileen Lord las atribuyeron, respectivamente, a la gubia del artista, aunque sin las aportaciones documentales que ahora presentamos. El primer encargo partió de la iniciativa de Tiburcio de Aguirre y Ayanz, y de Antonio Milón López los dos restantes. Ambos estuvieron directamente relacionados con el entorno de la reina Isabel de Farnesio, de cuya inclinación hacia el arte y la cultura en general se dejó influir Tiburcio de Aguirre, y de su lado más piadoso Antonio Milón, su confesor personal.PALABRAS CLAVE:Luis Salvador Carmona, Tiburcio de Aguirre, Antonio Milón, Brozas, Real Sitio de San Ildefonso.ABSTRACT.This paper aims to define the persona of the clients who turned to the workshop of Luis Salvador Carmona to commission the sculpture of Our Lady of Perpetual Succour, which is today located at the Parish of Brozas (Cáceres), as well as the sculptures of Our Lady of the Pillar and of Saint Francis Xavier, which were done for the Holy Rosary Church located in Real Sitio de San Ildefonso (Segovia). Professor Martín González, as well as Eileen Lord, both considered them to be the work of the aforementioned artist; however, they did so without the documentary proof that we are presenting here. The first work was commissioned by Tiburcio de Aguirre Ayanz, while Antonio Milón López was responsible for the initiative which was required for the other two. Both were directly related with all that which surrounded Queen Elisabeth Farnese at the time, whose inclination towards art and culture in general helped to influence Tiburcio de Aguirre, while the more devout Antonio Milón was her personal confessor.KEYWORDS:Luis Salvador Carmona, Tiburcio de Aguirre, Antonio Milón, Brozas, Real Sitio de San Ildefonso.
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Dix, Brian, Glyn Coppack, and Philip Rahtz. "Thursday, 10 July 1997 All Saints' Church, Hovingham." Archaeological Journal 154, sup1 (January 1997): 282–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1997.11770975.
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Trost, Frederick R. "The United Church of Christ Celebrates All Saints." Liturgy 12, no. 2 (September 1994): 28–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0458063x.1994.10392280.
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Tulić, Damir. "Cristoforo Tasca i Giovanni Battista Augusti Pitteri: nepoznate slike i njihovi naručitelji na sjevernom Jadranu." Ars Adriatica 9 (February 28, 2020): 89–106. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.2926.
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In the first two decades of the 18th century, Cristoforo Tasca (Bergamo, 1661 – Venice, 1735) produced numerous artworks for Rijeka, Krk, and Karlobag. His oeuvre has now been complemented by a signed and dated altarpiece from 1725 at the main altar of the Collegiate, today a parish church in Rijeka. The author elucidates the complex circumstances behind the construction of the main marble altar and the role of its donators, the Orlando family, who created the altar iconography as directly related to the family’s patron saints. Based on the last will of Giovanni Michele Androcha from 1728, the presence of painter Cristoforo Tasca in Rijeka has been confirmed for the first time in a written document. A painting of the Annunciation, which originates from the former Benedictine monastery of St Rochus in Rijeka and is today preserved in the Benedictine monastery of San Daniele in Abano Terme near Padua, has been likewise attributed to Tasca. The second part of the article focuses on artworks that have been newly attributed to the Venetian painter Giovanni Battista Augusti Pitteri (Venice, between 1691 and 1695 – Zadar ?, after 1759 ?), who moved to Zadar around 1730 and left a major opus in Dalmatia. Before 1730, a large painting of the Baptism of Christ was made for the parish church of San Martino in Burano, attributable to Pitteri. Another artwork discussed in the article is the anonymous signed painting of the Virgin with the Child and Saints from the Franciscan Church of St Anne in Koper.
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Gábor, Gaylhoffer-Kovács. "Johann Ignaz Cimbal „védjegye”, a VSG-monogram." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00004.
Full textAbstract:
Next to his signature, Viennese painter Johann Ignaz Cimbal often added a peculiar sign in his frescoes and oils. It is a combination of letters, appearing in a different form in each of the studied cases (Zalaegerszeg, Oberlaa, Zwettl, Peremarton, Tornyiszentmiklós, Nagykároly [ Carei]), which – and the poor state of the works – make the identification of the letters difficult. In most cases the sign reads VSG, so it is not the initials of the painter.In some Cimbal works the three letters also appear with iconographic meaning. On the picture of the King Saint Stephen side altar in the parish church of Tornyiszentmiklós the letters shining in the halo around the Holy Cross were identified as VSG earlier and decoded as “Vera Sacra Crux”. However, it is more likely that this abbreviation hides the same meaning as the monograms next to Cimbal’s signatures.Guidance to the elucidation of the monogram was provided by the ceiling fresco in the southern vestry-room of Székesfehérvár cathedral. The clearly readable VSG abbreviation appears in the corners of the triangle symbolizing the Holy Trinity, which leaves no doubt that it is in connection of the Holy Trinity. The most obvious explanation is the letters being the initials of the German words for the three divine entities, Vater, Sohn and [Heiliger] Geist.The attribution of the picture (Maria Immaculata) on the high altar of the parish church of Sárospatak to Cimbal was suggested on the basis of this motif, here in three corners of a triangular aureole around the Ark of Covenant. The attribution is also confirmed by style critical analyses. (Analogous are Cimbal’s Immaculata figures in Zalaeregszeg, Tornyiszentmiklós and Székesfehérvár.)The abbreviation alluding to the Holy Trinity, which is perfectly embedded in the iconographic fabric of some paintings, was also used by Cimbal independently of the theme, attached to his name. Inserting a sign referring to the Holy Trinity above his name must have been a religious gesture. Having completed a picture, the painter crossed himself, as it were, offering his work to God. He sealed his offering with the mysterious sign of God “in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost”. (A similar religious gesture must underlie the signature 70 of an early Cimbal work, the Saint Anne altar picture in Vienna’s Barmherzigenkirche. The abbreviation “Zimbal i. VR” is traditionally interpreted as “In veneratione” with the explanation that the painter made the picture as a votive offering.) Cimbal always created a new composition out of the three letters, so it cannot have been his aim to make a recognizable constant “trade-mark”. (For this purpose he used his name with the customary addition “invenit et pinxit”.) The linking of the three letters is not just a customary formal solution as in monograms, but it has a meaning: it symbolizes the unity of the three divine persons, just as the circle in the triangle in Székesfehérvár.An extremely expressive iconographic solution needs special mention, applied almost to each of his depictions of the Holy Trinity in Hungary. It is the sceptre held by the three coeternal persons (hence it has extreme length). As it occurs so frequently, it cannot be part of an occasional client’s wish but much rather it is the painter’s invention. Perhaps a comprehensive examination of the entire oeuvre will discover further examples in support of the author’s hypothesis that the Holy Trinity was a particularly favourite theme of Cimbal. It was again his personal devotion that led him to use the Holy Trinity monogram.The motivation behind commissions for religious art works in the period was first of all the client’s personal religiosity. The religious motifs of the artists can usually only be inferred from indirect data and in connection with few works. One such sign is that for the duration of painting the frescoes Franz Anton Maulbertsch joined the Scapular Confraternity of Székesfehérvár, while the group portrait on the organ loft of Sümeg permits the assumption that he took part in the devotions of the Angelic Society founded by bishop Márton Padányi Biró. His pupil Johannes Pöckel who settled in Sümeg was a member of the local Confraternity of the Cord. Unfortunately, no information to this effect is known about Cimbal.His signature and Holy Trinity monogram testify that not only the client but also the painter offered his work to God.
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Gábor, Gaylhoffer-Kovács. "Johann Ignaz Cimbal „védjegye”, a VSG-monogram." Művészettörténeti Értesítő 69, no. 1 (December 23, 2020): 57–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/080.2020.00004.
Full textAbstract:
Next to his signature, Viennese painter Johann Ignaz Cimbal often added a peculiar sign in his frescoes and oils. It is a combination of letters, appearing in a different form in each of the studied cases (Zalaegerszeg, Oberlaa, Zwettl, Peremarton, Tornyiszentmiklós, Nagykároly [ Carei]), which – and the poor state of the works – make the identification of the letters difficult. In most cases the sign reads VSG, so it is not the initials of the painter.In some Cimbal works the three letters also appear with iconographic meaning. On the picture of the King Saint Stephen side altar in the parish church of Tornyiszentmiklós the letters shining in the halo around the Holy Cross were identified as VSG earlier and decoded as “Vera Sacra Crux”. However, it is more likely that this abbreviation hides the same meaning as the monograms next to Cimbal’s signatures.Guidance to the elucidation of the monogram was provided by the ceiling fresco in the southern vestry-room of Székesfehérvár cathedral. The clearly readable VSG abbreviation appears in the corners of the triangle symbolizing the Holy Trinity, which leaves no doubt that it is in connection of the Holy Trinity. The most obvious explanation is the letters being the initials of the German words for the three divine entities, Vater, Sohn and [Heiliger] Geist.The attribution of the picture (Maria Immaculata) on the high altar of the parish church of Sárospatak to Cimbal was suggested on the basis of this motif, here in three corners of a triangular aureole around the Ark of Covenant. The attribution is also confirmed by style critical analyses. (Analogous are Cimbal’s Immaculata figures in Zalaeregszeg, Tornyiszentmiklós and Székesfehérvár.)The abbreviation alluding to the Holy Trinity, which is perfectly embedded in the iconographic fabric of some paintings, was also used by Cimbal independently of the theme, attached to his name. Inserting a sign referring to the Holy Trinity above his name must have been a religious gesture. Having completed a picture, the painter crossed himself, as it were, offering his work to God. He sealed his offering with the mysterious sign of God “in the name of the Father, the Son and the Holy Ghost”. (A similar religious gesture must underlie the signature 70 of an early Cimbal work, the Saint Anne altar picture in Vienna’s Barmherzigenkirche. The abbreviation “Zimbal i. VR” is traditionally interpreted as “In veneratione” with the explanation that the painter made the picture as a votive offering.) Cimbal always created a new composition out of the three letters, so it cannot have been his aim to make a recognizable constant “trade-mark”. (For this purpose he used his name with the customary addition “invenit et pinxit”.) The linking of the three letters is not just a customary formal solution as in monograms, but it has a meaning: it symbolizes the unity of the three divine persons, just as the circle in the triangle in Székesfehérvár.An extremely expressive iconographic solution needs special mention, applied almost to each of his depictions of the Holy Trinity in Hungary. It is the sceptre held by the three coeternal persons (hence it has extreme length). As it occurs so frequently, it cannot be part of an occasional client’s wish but much rather it is the painter’s invention. Perhaps a comprehensive examination of the entire oeuvre will discover further examples in support of the author’s hypothesis that the Holy Trinity was a particularly favourite theme of Cimbal. It was again his personal devotion that led him to use the Holy Trinity monogram.The motivation behind commissions for religious art works in the period was first of all the client’s personal religiosity. The religious motifs of the artists can usually only be inferred from indirect data and in connection with few works. One such sign is that for the duration of painting the frescoes Franz Anton Maulbertsch joined the Scapular Confraternity of Székesfehérvár, while the group portrait on the organ loft of Sümeg permits the assumption that he took part in the devotions of the Angelic Society founded by bishop Márton Padányi Biró. His pupil Johannes Pöckel who settled in Sümeg was a member of the local Confraternity of the Cord. Unfortunately, no information to this effect is known about Cimbal.His signature and Holy Trinity monogram testify that not only the client but also the painter offered his work to God.
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Gray, Catriona Anna. "The medieval church of Montrose: a place ‘of much antiquity and abundantly populous’." Innes Review 65, no. 1 (May 2014): 13–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/inr.2014.0064.
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Montrose was one of Scotland's earliest royal burghs, but historians have largely overlooked its parish kirk. A number of fourteenth and fifteenth-century sources indicate that the church of Montrose was an important ecclesiastical centre from an early date. Dedicated to Saints Peter and Paul, by the later middle ages it was a place of pilgrimage linked in local tradition with the cult of Saint Boniface of Rosemarkie. This connection with Boniface appears to have been of long standing, and it is argued that the church of Montrose is a plausible candidate for the lost Egglespether, the ‘church of Peter’, associated with the priory of Restenneth. External evidence from England and Iceland appears to identify Montrose as the seat of a bishop, raising the possibility that it may also have been an ultimately unsuccessful rival for Brechin as the episcopal centre for Angus and the Mearns.
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Prastiningtyas, Dyah. "Preservasi Sisa Manusia dari All Saints Church Fishergate York, Inggris." Jurnal Konservasi Cagar Budaya 6, no. 1 (December 2, 2012): 44–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33374/jurnalkonservasicagarbudaya.v6i1.98.
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Situs yang merupakan bekas gereja All Saints yang terletak di area Fishergate (York) ini dapat menjadi contoh situs yang memberikan informasi mengenai tingkat preservasi sisa manusia di wilayah Inggris. Ekskavasi tahun 2007-2008 berhasil menemukan ratusan individu yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini, dibantu dengan metode metode yang berkaitan dengan statistik untuk mengetahui frekuensi dan indeks preservasi anatomis dari masing-masing individu. Metode-metode ini diharapkan dapat memberinformasi mengenai tingkat representasi dan preservasi elemen rangka serta mendapatkan informasi bagaimana faktor lokasi, periode penguburan, dan kategori usia serta jenis kelamin dapat mempengaruhi tingkat preservasi tersebut. Tingkat preservasi sisa manusia berkaitan erat dengan faktor-faktor seperti lokasi penguburan, kedalaman penguburan, dan juga usia mati individu yang bersangkutan. Hasil analisis menunjukkan bahwa tulang-tulang panjang seperti tibia dan fibula memiliki tingkat preservasi yang tinggi yang dibutuhkan untuk bertahan dari gejalagejala tafonomi yang terjadi setelah penguburan. Kondisi ini dapat terjadi pada tulang yang berstruktur kuat dan berukuran besar, jika dibandingkan dengan tulang-tulang seperti tulang pergelangan tangan dan kaki, tulang-tulang jari, dan hyoid yang berukuran kecil. Analisis juga menunjukkan bahwa individu yang dikuburkan di areal dalam gereja memiliki tingkat preservasi yang lebih baik jika dibandingkan dengan individu yang dikuburkan di areal luar gereja. Individu-individu pada sampel yang berasal dari periode Romano-British menunjukkan tingkat preservasi yang lebih tinggi. Hal ini berkaitan dengan kedalaman letak kubur dari permukaan tanah. Sementara itu, perbandingan antara usia mati antara individu-individu sampel menunjukkan bahwa sisa individu berusia dewasa terpreservasi lebih baik jika dibandingkan dengan sisa individu yang berusia kanak-kanak. Penelitian mengenai tafonomi sisa manusia ini hanyalah bersifat penelitian tahap awal, sehingga ada baiknya dilakukan penelitian lebih lanjut.
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Abril, José M. "Evidence of Churches Aligned to the Sun on the Patron Saint’s Day in Southern Spain after the Twelfth Century." Journal of Skyscape Archaeology 3, no. 1 (August 9, 2017): 29–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/jsa.31508.
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This work studies the alignment of churches in southern Spain after the twelfth century. It merges the statistical analysis from a wide survey with the case study of Bujalance. In this area, the alignment of the parish churches of Our Lady of the Assumption and St Francis of Assisi (both from the early sixteenth century) accurately fit to the sunrise and sunset on their respective feast days. A systematic survey included all the parish churches with the two dedications above (N = 168 and 72, respectively), covering an area which roughly fits to the Muslim domain in the mid-twelfth century The measurement of their alignments allows an estimation of the continuous distribution of normalised frequency for each dedication. They show a major peak around the azimuths linked to the sunrise (Assumption) or sunset (St Francis) in their respective patronal festivals, as demonstrated by a detailed study of these churches.
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Jemielity, Witold. "Ubodzy w diecezji augustowskiej czyli sejneńskiej." Prawo Kanoniczne 46, no. 1-2 (June 15, 2003): 167–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/pk.2003.46.1-2.07.
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Each parish had to provide maintenance to all the poor living on that area. Some of them used to live by the church in the parish houses called hospitals while others lived in villages. Few hospitals used the money put down to their bank accounts by the rich, the others were supported thanks to the alms of the parishioners and help of the parish-priest. Residents of hospitals cleaned the church, rang the bell for church, served during the mess or helped on the farm. Other poor people were called beggers. The parish-priest kept a record of beggers, issued certificates qualifying them to alms on the area of his parish, encouraged his parishioners to generosity. Civil authorities often criticized the quantity of beggers, idlers and wanderers. They tried to find any solution even by sending such people to the army or by forcing them to work. They mainly stressed that that was the duty of the parish. After the January Uprising communes got self-governed powers and since then they took care of the poor. On the turn of the century charity organizations came into being.
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ROBERT M. ZECKER. "“It Was Our Parish, After All”: Immigrants and the Catholic Church." Pennsylvania Legacies 15, no. 2 (2015): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5215/pennlega.15.2.0026.
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Smith, Roger. "TOWARDS THE MATURE INDUSTRIAL CITY 1800–1880: THE DEVELOPMENT OF ALL SAINTS PARISH NOTTINGHAM." Midland History 14, no. 1 (January 1989): 75–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/mdh.1989.14.1.75.
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Gedicks, Frederick Mark. "Church Discipline and the Regulation of Membership in the Mormon Church." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 7, no. 32 (January 2003): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00004920.
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The Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, more commonly known as the ‘LDS’ or ‘Mormon’ Church, regulates its membership by means of a system that recalls the Old Testament far more than the modern West. All important decisions relating to joining and leaving the church are invested in the inspired discretion of local priesthood authorities who are governed by general standards rather than rules that have the character of law.
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Keen, Laurence. "Pre-Conquest Glazed Relief Tiles From All Saints Church, Pavement, York." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 146, no. 1 (January 1993): 67–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/jba.1993.146.1.67.
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Jabłońska, Anna. "The Image of Parish Clergy Based on Wincenty de Seve’s Inspection (1608–1609)—Selected Aspects." Roczniki Humanistyczne 66, no. 1 SELECTED PAPERS IN ENGLISH (October 28, 2019): 179–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/rh.2018.66.2-9se.
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The Polish version of the article was published in “Roczniki Humanistyczne,” vol. 65 (2017), issue 2
The article discusses an important period in Church history, namely the so-called Church reform. It occurred after King Zygmunt August (1564) and the Polish clergy (1577) had adopted the resolutions of the Council of Trent. The implementation of those resolutions started at the turn of the 17th century. One of the proposals was to renew the life of clergy—their attitude to obligations and improvement of morals, customs and even appearance. Wincenty de Seve’s inspection in the years 1608–1609 concerned the area of the archdeaconry of Gniezno. For the purposes of this article, its four deaneries were analysed, i.e. Holy Trinity, Saints Peter and Paul, Łekno and Sompolno.
The main purpose of the visitation was to inspect the parish, which played an extremely important role in society. The article discusses the image of the parish clergy emerging from the findings of the inspection, which took into account guidelines for the reform. This image shows that both those who were role models and those who drastically violated various norms were exceptions. The most numerous group were priests, who mostly met the requirements, but various irregularities were noticeable. The biggest problems of the next, slightly smaller group were women and alcohol. The offences also included ignorance, sloppiness and inappropriate clothing.
The inspection shows that at the beginning of the 17th century, attempts were made to implement the reform of parish clergy, but traces of old habits and new requirements were still to go hand in hand.
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Shaw, D. W. D. "‘The Undiscover'd Country’ an Exploration – ‘The Life Everlasting’." Scottish Journal of Theology 47, no. 2 (May 1994): 149–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0036930600045956.
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In memory of Alan Lewis, student, colleague and above all friend, at whose ordination as a minister of the Church of Scotland the author was privileged to preach, Kirkliston Parish Church, Midlothian, 4th December, 1977.
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Smith, Michael G. "An Interpretation of Argar v Holdsworth." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5, no. 22 (January 1998): 34–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x00003227.
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For many years it has been assumed that all parishioners legally qualified to intermarry have a legal right to be married in their parish church. In Blunt's The Book of Church Law it is expressed thus:‘Every person within the parish in which a church is situate has a common-law right to the use of it in time of Divine Service. … Much more have they a right to the use of the church whenever they are to be present for the performance of any offices as regards themselves. Hence the incumbent's control over all access to the church is limited by the rights of the parishioners to its use at such times as he may appoint to the celebration of any of the offices contained in the Book of Common Prayer: whether those of public worship…; or whether those of a personal kind,… such as marriage.’
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Fisković, Igor. "Lopudski oltari Miha Pracata." Ars Adriatica, no. 2 (January 1, 2012): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.15291/ars.448.
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Three cinquecento polychrome wood-carved altars have been preserved on the island of Lopud near Dubrovnik, the most monumental of which is situated in the parish church of Our Lady of Šunj. Its retable was constructed to resemble a classical aedicule, with an intricately carved frame and a central figural depiction of the Assumption of the Virgin, complemented by a complex iconographic programme in the symmetrically arranged adjoining scenes. Filling the small cassettes of the predella are reliefs of the Annunciation and Christ as the Man of Sorrows, together with perspectively rendered narrative scenes of the Last Supper and the Washing of the Feet, while in the pediment is a frontal depiction of the Coronation of the Virgin by the Holy Trinity. In the narrow side wings between the columns and pilasters are four bas-reliefs of local patron saints depicted half-turned towards the central image, and thus achieving an overall plastic harmony for a demanding content. In terms of space, the main scene is well-developed through a pronounced sculptural modelling of the figures of the eleven apostles in the round, the most prominent of which is that of St Peter, placed in the foreground and turned to face the nave of the church, while the others are consumed by the miraculous assumption of the Virgin into heaven. She is followed high up by a pair of small angels and several tiny symbolical cherubim heads, all of which helps to achieve an extremely convincing religious scene. Its attractiveness is significantly heightened by the all’antica realism and pedantic Roman-inspired modelling which highlight the skill of a highly trained and talented master wood carver, which leaves no doubt that this is a special work of art, and indeed, the most beautiful carved wood retable in the east Adriatic which has survived to date. In this first complete study of the altar, the author traces historical records in which it is mentioned without the exact year of its creation, origin or carver being cited. He dispels the tradition that the altar was brought from England, supposedly from the Chapel of Henry VIII, and explains this tradition as having been based on the discovery of an alabaster altar, a typical product of late Gothic workshops at Nottingham, several examples of which exist in Dalmatia. From the seventeenth-century records, on the other hand, we learn that the altar in the church of the „Madonna del Sugni” (a vernacular Italo-Croatian transformation of the word Assunta) was dedicated in 1572. An examination of comparative material establishes that the altar’s compositional scheme draws upon altarpieces painted by Alvise Vivarini around 1480, while its morphological features find their closest parallel in the activities and mannerisms of the Venetian workshop of Paolo Campsa, who worked from the 1490s to the early 1550s, and who sold his works in the wide area under the government of La Serenissima. The Republic of Venice profited a great deal from this export, while its urban centre’s innumerable wooden altars disappeared following subsequent changes of fashion. A group of securely attributed works shows that Paolo Campsa frequently borrowed formulas and idioms from Venetian painters of the older generation; analogies with two of Vivarini’s altar paintings confirm that he repeated this technique on the Lopud altar, even though altars as complex as this are not found in the surviving oeuvre of this artist. An overview of the extremely numerous works attributed to this fecund wood carver has not led to a secure attribution of this scenically developed altar to his hand. However, an analytical observation points to significant similarities with individual figures considered by scholars of Renaissance wooden sculpture to be products of his workshop - more a factory, in fact - or of his circle which, without a doubt, Paolo stamped with his mark. Apart from the assumption that there are master wood carvers who have not been identified, or formally and clearly differentiated, who followed his teachings and mannerisms, this paper opens the possibility of locating more exactly the place of the altar’s creation. Since Campsa’s workshop was active even after his death, it can be assumed that the altar was made in the 1560s or 1570s, and that it was transported and assembled on the island of Lopud for its dedication of 1572. Furthermore, the author observes the meaning of the subsequent addition of the background, which was painted once the altar reached its destination; it shows a summarized depiction of the scenery of Lopud and a tiny settlement with a precisely and proportionately drawn sailing ship docked at the island’s bay. The background reveals that the nature of the work was votive and, by identifying the layers of local historical circumstance and by combining them with the relevant written sources, it can be connected to the activities of the distinguished ship owner Miho Pracat, the richest citizen of the Republic of Dubrovnik during the cinquecento. Two more wooden sculptures can be added to Miho Pracat’s donation to his home island: the figures of St Catherine and St Roch which were also made in Venice and which had originally belonged to a small altar of his family in the local church of St Francis, known from archival records. This altar was composed of an older polychrome triptych, now unfortunately lost, and which, together with a pair of side statues, formed a piece resembling a number of altarpieces from Paolo Campsa’s workshop. Thus, the analysis of these works of art reveals key components of visual culture, and a peculiar mosaic of sixteenth-century artistic production in a peripheral community of the small island of Lopud under the government of the Republic of Dubrovnik.
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Kornilov, Alexandr. "Educator S. N. Bogolyubov and his remarks about the parish schools of the Russian Orthodox Church in the states of New York and Pennsylvania (1962—1968)." INTELLIGENTSIA AND THE WORLD, no. 3 (October 1, 2020): 115–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.46725/iw.2020.3.7.
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The article studies publications of Semyon Nikolayevich Bogolyubov, 1889—1971, an outstanding educator of Russian Abroad. These publications were devoted to his trips to parish schools of the Russian Church Abroad (ROCOR). The educator S. N. Bogolyubov served in the 1960s as Chief Clerk of the Educational Council under Synod of Bishops of the Russian Church Abroad. In order to maintain effective control over and to improve learning process the teacher visited a few parish schools in 1962—1968. In particular, he visited such famous parishes in the states of New York and Pennsylvania as the Holy Protection Church in Nyack, the Joy of All Who Sorrow Church in Philadelphia, the St. Vladimir Parish of the same city, and the Convent of New Diveyevo in Spring Valley. S. N. Bogolyubov reflected some results of his trips in reports which were published by the Orthodox Russia journal, the print organ of the ROCOR St. Trinity Monastery in Jordanville, New York. Reading and analysis of the Bogolyubov publications give researcher an opportunity to reconstruct the little-known activities of this activist of Church and community, to show the daily work of the parish schools, to identify challenges and achievements that the parish institutions of educations had, to get to know the features of the most successful school teachers. The above issues have not yet been addressed in the studies of Russian historians and specialists on history of intelligentsia. That is why this article seems relevant. The author used methods of criticism of historical source as well as methods of induction and deduction. The author came to the conclusion that the parish schools of New York and Pennsylvania performed an important function, namely, they conserved and supported Russian ethnic and religious identity among Russian youth. During the trips to schools, the teacher opened and published the most successful methods of education. Hierarchs of the Church Abroad highly appreciated the activities of the teacher and recommended that parishes make wide use of pedagogical methods of Bogolyubov.
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Burgess, Clive, and Beat Kümin. "Penitential Bequests and Parish Regimes in Late Medieval England." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 44, no. 4 (October 1993): 610–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900077824.
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The orthodoxy which dismissed the pre-Reformation parish as the point where the many failings of the Church met to blight ordinary lives has exercised a tenacious grip on the historical imagination. Current opinion, on the other hand, perceives the parish as deserving of inquiry, not least because of a dawning realisation that it was a point where managerial expertise and a noteworthy buoyancy of spirit intersected. Ostentatious programmes of church rebuilding and embellishment testify both to competence and to a vitality bordering on exuberance in many parish communities. If more difficult to appraise, the liturgical life of many parishes seems to have flourished and was enhanced by the steady accumulation of vessels, vestments, lights, embroidered cloths and painted images. Many wealthier parishes also supported numerous auxiliary clergy and a sophisticated musical repertory and performance. But building and liturgical elaboration were not products merely of whim. In addition to an obligation to support the incumbent by regular payment of tithe, responsibility for maintaining church fabric and the wherewithal for worship within the church had been assigned to the parish community by canon law in the thirteenth century. Many parishes conspicuously exceeded their brief. In matters of securing revenues it seem at the very least safe to assume widespred competence. Historians, however, have by and large failed to respond to the laity's achievement and that in spite of abundant surviving documentation. Investigation of the financial regime of the late medieval parish is long overdue. If it has received any attention at all, parish finance has been charaterised in very general terms of corporate levy and ad hoc donation.
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Haritopoulos, Nikolaj Skou. "Helgener over det hele: Polymorf middelalderkristendom i Vor Frue Kirke, Skive." Religionsvidenskabeligt Tidsskrift, no. 69 (March 5, 2019): 207–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/rt.v0i69.112769.
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ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Drawing on iconographic material in the form of a decora-tion of church frescoes from the year 1522 in the medieval parish church Vor Frue Kirke in Skive this article examines the Christian cult and mythology of saints in the Late Middle Ages as an expression of a polytheistic, systematizing world view. Tak-ing a theoretical departure point in Robert Bellah’s theory of religious evolution con-cerning archaic and axial forms of religion and within the medieval Christian world view the article performs an analysis of the catalogue of saints in Skive to determine which functions each saint seem to occupy in a pantheon and to uncover a grand scale hierarchy of the decoration as a whole. As a last thing the catalogue of saints is put further into the big comparative perspective within Bellah’s theoretical framework by a comparison to the ancient Mesopotamian kudurru of the Babylonian king Melishipak 2. as a typical archaic and analogistic system of gods.
DANSK RESUMÉ: Med eksempel i ikonografisk materiale i form af en udsmykning af kalkmalerier fra år 1522 i den middelalderlige sognekirke Vor Frue Kirke i Skive bliver den senmiddelalderlige kristne helgenkult og -mytologi i denne artikel under-søgt som udtryk for en polyteistisk, systematiserende verdensopfattelse. Med teoretisk udgangspunkt i Robert Bellahs religionsevolutionære teori om arkaiske og aksiale religionsformer og i det middelalderkristne verdenssyn gives en analyse af helgenka-taloget i Skive med henblik på at kortlægge, hvilke funktioner hver helgen udfylder i et panteon, og at afdække en overordnet hierarkisering af udsmykningen. Afslut-ningsvis sættes helgenkataloget yderligere ind i et større komparativt perspektiv via en sammenligning med den babylonske kong Melishipak 2.’s kudurru som et typisk arkaisk-analogistisk system af guder.
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Szczych, Jan. "Historia formularza mszalnego uroczystości Wszystkich Świętych." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 62, no. 3 (September 30, 2009): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.207.
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The cult of the saints had its beginning in the Christian ancient times. Since then it was transformed in its own celebrations in honour of All the Saints. The official liturgy of the feast-day of Omnium Sanctorum (All Saints) was stabilized in close relation to the development of collective worship of the saints in the West. The historical liturgical witnesses from the Middle Ages and of the Trident Council time demonstrate a progressive and very natural process of establishment the missal texts of this liturgical celebration. The form of some liturgical directions in the current Missale Romanum (Latin Missal), unchanged for ages, confirms the continuity and constancy of this celebration in the history of Catholic Church. These missal directions explicitly show the same idea of celebration and timeless meaning of the All Saints Solemnity.
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Szczych, Jan. "Historia formularza mszalnego uroczystości Wszystkich Świętych." Ruch Biblijny i Liturgiczny 62, no. 3 (October 1, 2009): 195. http://dx.doi.org/10.21906/rbl.300.
Full textAbstract:
The cult of the saints had its beginning in the Christian ancient times. Since then it was transformed in its own celebrations in honor of All the Saints. The official liturgy of the feast-day of Omnium Sanctorum (All Saints) was stabilized in close relation to the development of collective worship of the saints in the West. The historical liturgical witnesses from the Middle Ages and of the Trident Council time demonstrate a progressive and very natural process of establishment the missal texts of this liturgical celebration. The form of some liturgical directions in the current Missale Romanum (Latin Missal), unchanged for ages, confirms the continuity and constancy of this celebration in the history of Catholic Church. These missal directions explicitly show the same idea of celebration and timeless meaning of the All Saints Solemnity.
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Schumacher, Frederick J., and Dorothy Zelenko. "For All the Saints: A Prayer Book for and by the Church." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 5, no. 2 (May 1996): 248–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129600500221.
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Marrocchino, Elena, Chiara Telloli, Mario Cesarano, and Manlio Montuori. "Geochemical and Petrographic Characterization of Bricks and Mortars of the Parish Church SANTA Maria in Padovetere (Comacchio, Ferrara, Italy)." Minerals 11, no. 5 (May 18, 2021): 530. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/min11050530.
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From the 1950s and 1960s of the last century, a parish church dating back to the 6th century AD was identified during reclamation works of Valle Pega. The archaeological investigation allowed the recovery of the parish and the attached baptistery, as well as some tombs closely connected to the church. Following the excavation, it was possible to collect some samples of bricks and mortars in order to identify the different compositions of the materials used for the construction of the parish. All the samples were analyzed through optical microscopy, X-ray powder diffractometric analysis and observation through scanning electron microscope. Thanks to the investigations carried out on the samples, it was possible to hypothesize the different construction phases and the different materials used and to identify the firing temperatures at which the bricks were built.
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Scutts, Sarah. "‘Truth Never Needed the Protection of Forgery’: Sainthood and Miracles in Robert Hegge’s ‘History of St. Cuthbert’s Churches at Lindisfarne, Cuncacestre, and Dunholme’ (1625)." Studies in Church History 47 (2011): 270–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400001017.
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Robert Hegge’s ‘History of St. Cuthbert’s Churches at Lindisfarne, Cuncacestre, and Dunholme’ was one of many texts produced in the early modern period which portrayed and assessed the Anglo-Saxon Church and its saints. This Protestant antiquarian work fits into a wider tradition in which the medieval past was studied, evaluated and employed in religious polemic. The pre-Reformation Church often played a dual role; as Helen Parish has shown, the institution simultaneously provided Protestant writers with historical proof of Catholicism’s league with the Antichrist, while also offering an outlet through which to trace proto-Protestant resistance, and thereby provide the reformed faith with a past. The Anglo-Saxon era was especially significant in religious polemic; during this time scholars could find documented evidence of England’s successful conversion to Christianity when Pope Gregory the Great sent his missionary, Augustine, to Canterbury. The See of Rome’s irrefutable involvement in the propagation of the faith provided Catholic scholars with compelling evidence which not only proved their Church’s prolonged existence in the land, but also offered historic precedent for England’s subordination to Rome. In contrast, reformed writers engaged in an uneasy relationship with the period. Preferring to locate the nation’s Christian origins in apostolic times, they typically interpreted Gregory’s conversion mission as marking the moment at which Catholic vice began to creep into the land and lay waste to a pure primitive proto-Protestant faith. In order to legitimize the establishment of the Church of England, Catholicism’s English foundations needed to be challenged. Reformers increasingly placed emphasis upon the existence of a proto-Protestant ‘strand’ that predated, but continued to exist within, the Anglo-Saxon Church. Until the Norman Conquest, this Church gradually fell prey to Rome’s encroaching corruption, and enjoyed only a marginal existence prior to the Henrician Reformation in the 1530s. Thus Protestants had a fraught and often ambiguous relationship with the Anglo-Saxon past; they simultaneously sought to trace their own ancestry within it while exposing its many vices. This paper seeks to address one such vice, which was the subject of a principal criticism levied by reformers against their Catholic adversaries: the unfounded creation and veneration of saints. Protestants considered the degree of significance the medieval cult of saints had attached to venerating such individuals as a form of idolatry, and, consequently, the topic found its way into countless Reformation works. However, as this essay argues, reformed attitudes towards sainthood could often be ambivalent. Texts such as Hegge’s prove to be extremely revealing of such ambiguous attitudes: his own relationship with the saints Cuthbert, Oswald and Bede appears indistinct and, in numerous instances, his understanding of sanctity was somewhat contradictory.
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MORRISH, P. S. "Parish-Church Cathedrals, 1836–1931: Some Problems and their Solution." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 49, no. 3 (July 1998): 434–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046998007763.
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Traditionally scholars distinguish English Anglican cathedrals of ‘old’ foundation and those of ‘new’, but since Henry VIII a further category has arisen comprising those established in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries to serve newly created dioceses. These are often referred to as parish-church cathedrals because they mostly remained parish churches even after their elevation. Their new status raised various architectual and organisational problems, and this essay concentrates on the latter, illustrating them with select examples. These problems deserve examination because there is little recent literature on them and some passing references may tend to mislead.Two events define the period. In 1836 the first modern parish-church cathedral was created at Ripon. In 1931 the Cathedrals Measure provided for revision of all cathedral statutes within general guidelines, the outcome of a commission of enquiry which Church Assembly had launched in 1924 and which had reported in 1927. Moreover by 1931, albeit then unperceived, an era had ended in another respect because after a surge of creations in the 1920s, no more new bishoprics have been erected in England by the Anglican Church (despite various plans), though some territorial adjustments have been made between dioceses, notably the transfer of Croydon from Canterbury to Southwark. Throughout much of this period popular odium surrounded cathedral establishments, a residue from radical attack in the 1830s and 1840s upon all ecclesiastical corporations whose wealth, admittedly often maladministered, critics had hoped to appropriate to other uses, whose neglect of duties had become scandalous, and whose quirky and outmoded ways Trollope gently satirised in his Barchester novels. The period saw a piecemeal and relatively unco-ordinated response to the problems which creation of these cathedrals involved, and that Church Assembly commission explicitly deplored the ‘anomalous and confused’ situation which had arisen.
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Parker, Charles. "The Moral Agency and Moral Autonomy of Church Folk in the Dutch Reformed Church of Delft, 1580–1620." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 48, no. 1 (January 1997): 44–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900011970.
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The rigorous enforcement of religious discipline was a hallmark of Calvinist Churches in Reformation-era Europe. Wherever Calvinism took hold, ministers and elders went to extraordinary lengths to inculcate a Reformed morality among the members of local congregations. Since Calvinists identified the eucharistic community as the pure assembly of saints, it was necessary for Reformed consistories to defend the sanctity of the Lord's Table from all human corruption.
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Pudłocki, Tomasz. "Kronika parafii Targowiska z czasów I wojny światowej." Krakowskie Pismo Kresowe 10 (November 30, 2018): 89–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.12797/kpk.10.2018.10.04.
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The Targowiska Parish Chronicle of the World War I PeriodIn The Targowiska Parish Chronicle the local parish priest, Rev. Mateusz Sos, gives an account of all that he thought was worth noting down in a given year; all that happened in the parish, the neighbourhood, the diocese and in the world. What the reader finds in the Chronicle are such issues as: the pastoral duties during the marching of troops through town, the ups and downs of celebrating liturgy, destruction of church property and peasants’ farms, visits to the parish (especially of priests), locals’ attitude and response to particular events, important documents (e.g. announcements issued by military, religious, and civil authorities), requisitions, plunders (mainly by the fighting parties), arsons, murders, epidemics. The author gives a detailed account of the relations with Russian authorities, particularly with the tsar’s army officers stationed in the presbytery, and with the Cossacks. For the purposes of this paper, records from 1914-1918 have been quoted.
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Lestari, Lusia Yeni, and Juniarta Sinaga. "Psychological First-Aid (PFA) Training Pada Jemaat All Saints Anglican Church Di Jakarta." Prosiding Konferensi Nasional Pengabdian Kepada Masyarakat dan Corporate Social Responsibility (PKM-CSR) 2 (December 14, 2019): 393–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.37695/pkmcsr.v2i0.285.
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Psychological First Aid (PFA) adalah sebuah respon praktis yang manusiawi dan bersifat mendukung orang yang mengalami paparan stres yang serius dan yang mungkin membutuhkan dukungan. Berdasarkan survey yang dilakukan pada tahun 2017 kepada 15 kota yang ada di dunia, kota Jakarta berada di peringkat 18 teratas kota paling stres di dunia, dengan skor 7,84 dan dengan demikian memiliki risiko mengalami masalah kejiwaan yang cukup tinggi. Gereja Anglikan di Jakarta merupakan lembaga yang memiliki perhatian kepada orang-orang yang memiliki situasi yang sulit. Keterbatasan pengetahuan dan ketrampilan dalam menolong menjadi penghambat dalam memberikan pertolongan kepada anggota gereja atau orang lain disekitar mereka. Pelatihan PFA ini bertujuan memperlengkapi peserta (orang awam) dalam menolong orang lain yang ada di sekitarnya yang mengalami stres psikologis terutama setelah mengalami peristiwa traumatis, bencana alam, darurat kesehatan masyarakat, atau bahkan krisis pribadi. Metode yang dilakukan yaitu ceramah dan bermain peran (role play) kepada 27 orang anggota All Saints Anglican Church. Evaluasi pelatihan ini dilakukan yaitu dengan melakukan pre- dan post-test serta memberikan kasus untuk peserta melakukan permainan peran. Skor rata-rata peserta setelah mengikuti pelatihan adalah 1,73 meningkat hingga 13%. Sekalipun pengetahuan peserta tinggi, namun peserta diharapkan bisa terus meningkatkan ketrampilan memberikan pertolongan pertama secara psikologis kepada orang lain.
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Audouy, Michel, Brian Dix, and David Parsons. "The Tower of All Saints' Church, Earls Barton, Northamptonshire: its construction and context." Archaeological Journal 152, no. 1 (January 1995): 73–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.1995.11021429.
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Parsons, David. "All Saints’ Church, Brixworth, Northamptonshire: The Development of the Fabricc.1100 to 1865." Journal of the British Archaeological Association 166, no. 1 (September 2013): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1179/0068128813z.00000000014.
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Butler, Graham. "Yet Another Inquiry into the Trustworthiness of Eighteenth-Century Bills of Mortality: the Newcastle and Gateshead Bills, 1736–1840." Local Population Studies, no. 92 (June 30, 2014): 58–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.35488/lps92.2014.58.
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This note is a preliminary analysis of the Newcastle and Gateshead Bills of Mortality, a hitherto unused source for understanding some of the most significant aspects of vital registration and burial practices in the North East's capital, c. 1736–1840. The Bills are annual totals of the number of burials and baptisms which took place in all of the ancient Anglican parishes in Newcastle and Gateshead. One of the most lucid aspects of the Bills is that they recorded the number of burials which took place in the 'infamous' un-consecrated burial ground of Ballast Hills located on the outskirts of the east-end of the town. Attention here is given to the initial accuracy of the Bills by focusing upon All Saints parish in Newcastle which accounted for approximately 50 per cent of the town's total population over the entire period. Here the data revealed in the Bills are compared directly with the burials which were registered by the parish clerk in All Saints. The major finding of this preliminary study is the huge discrepancy between the number of reported burials and the number of baptisms which took place in All Saints over time. The Bills also provide a fully documented account of the impact of Ballast Hills and the apparent “export in corpses” which was clearly taking place on a large scale. By the 1770s–1790s, this one burial ground alone, was consuming roughly 60–70 per cent of the town's dead population. The reasons behind this phenomenon are discussed by looking specifically at the possible impact of religious dissent, burial costs and burial space in the town. The note concludes that while this preliminary analysis is revealing, more work needs to be done which would involve a fuller analysis of all of the parishes recorded in the Bills as well as looking more closely at the registration of baptisms, stillbirths and the heavy “traffic in corpses” which was clearly a major defect of vital registration in Georgian Newcastle.
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Merritt, Julia. "The social context of the parish church in early modern Westminster." Urban History 18 (May 1991): 20–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926800015960.
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In 1613 the learned divine Dr Andrew Willet remarked on the number of London churches that had recently been rebuilt, commenting that ‘generally all of them have beene more Beautified and adorned in the space of twenty or thirty yeeres than in an hundred yeeres before’. It is somewhat surprising, then, that the subject of church building in Jacobean London has attracted little attention. Yet the detailed examination of such building provides special insight into the way parishioners viewed themselves and their community.
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Kuklík, Pavel, Evi Susanti, and Martin V. Valek. "Degradation of Foundations and Foundation’s Structures Achilles’ Heel of the All Saints Church from the Broumov Group." Key Engineering Materials 776 (August 2018): 207–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.4028/www.scientific.net/kem.776.207.
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The paper shows numerical investigation of decay and damage appearing in the All Saints church, which was selected from the Broumov group of churches. The study has been started off by summary of findings from preliminary historical, geotechnical background studies. Several conclusions of possible sources of decay and damage of the church were made. The most important sources include presence of moisture and possible differential soil settlement as a result of uneven deterioration of subsoil. In order to investigate the extent of damage series of FEM modeling was employed.