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1
Martin, Leisa A., Glenn P. Lauzon, Matthew J. Benus, and Pete Livas. "The United States Pledge of Allegiance Ceremony." SAGE Open 7, no. 1 (2017): 215824401770152. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2158244017701528.
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The study evaluated 60 middle school students and 191 high school students on their willingness to recite or not recite the Pledge and their rationale. Overall, 60% of the middle school students and 68.6% of the high school students chose not to recite the loyalty oath. For the European Americans students, the most common rationale among the middle school students for reciting the Pledge was tradition; with the high school students, the most common reason for not reciting the Pledge was the voluntary nature of the Pledge ceremony. With the middle school and high school Akwesasne Mohawk students, the most common reasons for not reciting the Pledge were the voluntary nature of the Pledge ceremony and their Akwesasne Mohawk/Native American status. With their strong rejection of Pledge recitation, the Akwesasne Mohawk tribe has perpetuated a stronger socialization of their youth. However, the act of reciting the Pledge represents just one form of patriotism.
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Martin, Leisa. "Perspectives on the United States Pledge of Allegiance." International Journal of Pedagogy and Curriculum 20, no. 2 (2014): 111–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/2327-7963/cgp/v20i02/48962.
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HUSTED, KENNETH, SNEJINA MICHAILOVA, and HEIDI OLANDER. "DUAL ALLEGIANCE, KNOWLEDGE SHARING, AND KNOWLEDGE PROTECTION: AN EMPIRICAL EXAMINATION." International Journal of Innovation Management 17, no. 06 (2013): 1340022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1363919613400227.
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Earlier research has put forward the theoretical proposition that R&D employees exhibit different patterns of allegiance — they tend to either develop a unilateral allegiance (to their own firm or to the inter-firm collaboration), a dual low allegiance or a dual high allegiance. It has also been proposed that each particular allegiance type influences these employees' knowledge sharing behaviour. The present paper empirically tests these claims. Analysing original data collected through 50 interviews that took place in 2011 and 2012 in the R&D units of two global firms in Finland, the United States, and China, we confirm that these allegiance patterns exist and there is a relationship between allegiance and knowledge sharing behaviour. We also extend the previous theoretical framework on which the study is based and analyse not only knowledge sharing, but also knowledge protection behaviour.
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Chun, Elaine W. "Styles of pledging allegiance: Practicing youth citizenship in the United States." Language & Communication 33, no. 4 (2013): 500–514. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.langcom.2013.06.001.
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Mumford, Jeremy Ravi. "Why Was Louis Riel, a United States Citizen, Hanged as a Canadian Traitor in 1885?" Canadian Historical Review 102, s1 (2021): s244—s264. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s1-019.
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In what sense was Louis Riel, a foreign citizen who had formally renounced his allegiance to Britain, a traitor to the Queen? And why did his adopted country, the United States, do nothing to protect him? Since the Canadian Naturalization Act of 1881 for the first time permitted emigrants to renounce their British allegiance, Riel’s legal status was no different from that of any foreigner, and to charge a foreigner with treason was unusual and controversial. The United States, furthermore, had a history of advocating aggressively for citizens charges with crimes abroad, even when they were clearly guilty, and especially for political militants in Britain and Canada. Yet for a number of independent reasons, including decisions of courtroom strategy and the internal politics of the United States in 1885, Riel’s lawyers and his adopted government chose not to raise his citizenship as an issue. The surprising silence about his US citizenship at the end of his life has distorted our historical understanding of Riel as a figure of the nineteenth-century Canadian-American borderland.
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Eagan, William. "The Multiple Glaciation Debate1 The Canadian Perspective, 1880-1900." Earth Sciences History 5, no. 2 (1986): 144–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.17704/eshi.5.2.j07477w72623j288.
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While geologists in the United States were engaged in a debate about the multiple glaciation of the North American continent, geologists in Canada were still debating the more basic concept of continental glaciation itself. Inhibited by the political setting of Canada, with western development well behind that of the United States, and by the British allegiance and dominating personality of Sir William Dawson of McGill, the Canadians were decidedly behind their American colleagues in their interpretation of glacial phenomena. Only with a younger generation of Canadians utilizing American periodicals and ideas in the early 1890's did Canadian glacial geology come into agreement with the ideas used in the United States.
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Lavi, Shai. "Punishment and the Revocation of Citizenship in the United Kingdom, United States, and Israel." New Criminal Law Review 13, no. 2 (2010): 404–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nclr.2010.13.2.404.
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The article examines the ways in which three common law countries——the United Kingdom, the United States, and Israel——have introduced new rules for the revocation of citizenship that diverge from the traditional common law model. The main thrust of the article is to demonstrate how these new regulations are based on three distinct models of citizenship: citizenship as security, citizenship as a social contract, and citizenship as an ethnonational bond. Instead of critically evaluating each model, the article offers a fourth model for revocation based on the civic notion of citizenship. This model offers a new formulation of the traditional common law duty of allegiance, of its breach, and of the revocation of citizenship as punishment. The article will conclude with the suggestion that this model may be able simultaneously to guarantee the protection of political rights and to safeguard the political community.
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Boycko, Maxim, and Robert J. Shiller. "Popular Attitudes toward Markets and Democracy: Russia and United States Compared 25 Years Later." American Economic Review 106, no. 5 (2016): 224–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1257/aer.p20161066.
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We repeat a survey we did in the waning days of the Soviet Union (Shiller, Boycko and Korobov, AER 1991) comparing attitudes towards free markets between Moscow and New York. Additional survey questions, from Gibson Duch and Tedin (J. Politics 1992) are added to compare attitudes towards democracy. Two comparisons are made: between countries, and through time, to explore the existence of international differences in allegiance to democratic free-market institutions, and the stability of these differences.
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Jurgelevičiūtė, Diana. "What can Lithuania offer for its Security?: Foreign Policy Dilemmas in Lithuania’s Relations with the United States." Lithuanian Foreign Policy Review 34, no. 1 (2015): 7–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/lfpr-2016-0001.
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Abstract Strategic partnership between states is a reciprocal exchange built on mutual commitment. The significance of the United States to Lithuania is unquestionable. However, why should the U.S. care about Lithuania? The emphasis on the U.S. interests and policies allows ignoring the question about Lithuania’s engagement and input into the partnership. Therefore, this article asks how does Lithuania contribute to the strategic partnership with the U.S.? To be precise, does Lithuania support and pledge its allegiance to the U.S. when this support goes beyond the limits of direct responsibilities of strategic partner, or even enters into a conflict with other important responsibilities or interests of the state?
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Witte, John. "The Study of Law and Religion in the United States: An Interim Report." Ecclesiastical Law Journal 14, no. 3 (2012): 327–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0956618x12000348.
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The study of law and religion has exploded around the world. This article, prepared in celebration of the silver jubilee of the Ecclesiastical Law Society, traces the development of law and religion study in the United States. Despite its long tradition of strict separation of Church and state, and despite its long allegiance to legal positivism and intellectual secularisation, the United States has emerged as a world leader of the new interdisciplinary field of law and religion. Hundreds of American scholars, from different confessions and professions, are now at work in this field, and two dozen major research centres and journals have been established at American law schools. After canvassing some of the main themes and trends in American law and religion scholarship today, this article concludes with a brief reflection on some of the main challenges before Christian scholars who work in the field of ecclesiastical law.1
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Aghahosseini, Mohsen. "The Claims of Dual Nationals Before the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal: Some Reflections." Leiden Journal of International Law 10, no. 1 (1997): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156597000034.
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The issue of whether an international judicial forum may entertain the claim of a dual national against a state to which he owes allegiance, is an old one. What is new, however, is the challenge by the Iran-United States Claims Tribunal of the traditionally held view that, in the absence of a clear mandate and where customary international law is exclusively invoked, the forum may not do so. Such a claim is admissible, says the Tribunal, provided the claimant is able to demonstrate: (a) that at all relevant times his “dominant and effective” nationality was the one on which he now relies; and (b) that the rights in question, those for the asserted breach of which he seeks redress, were not secured because of his other, non-dominant, nationality. Leaving for another day the questionability of the challenge, the present article offers to examine some of the more important aspects of the second test, as expounded and applied by the Tribunal.
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Fomel, Sergey. "President's Page." Leading Edge 38, no. 7 (2019): 504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1190/tle38070504.1.
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I moved to the United States from Russia half of my lifetime ago and became a naturalized citizen 15 years later. The naturalization ceremony was a moving experience. The largest auditorium of Trinity University in San Antonio, Texas, was filled with a thousand people from 90 different countries. I could not help admiring my newly adopted country, which was opening its doors to people of so many diverse backgrounds while asking them for allegiance not to the ruling party or the ethnic majority but to the Constitution, which equally protects the rights of everyone.
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Rees, Yves. "Making Waves across the Pacific." Feminist Media Histories 5, no. 3 (2019): 85–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/fmh.2019.5.3.85.
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This article examines how women's broadcasting promoted consciousness and appreciation of the United States during the 1930s and 1940s. These were decades in which Australians had limited access to US news and culture, and Hollywood dominated local imaginings of US society. In this climate, Australians who had lived Stateside were hailed as authorities on the nation and its people, and they often spoke on radio. Among these “America educators” were significant numbers of women. Armed with firsthand knowledge of the wider world, these female travelers could claim space in a broadcasting landscape otherwise dominated by men. Through their radio broadcasts, they aspired to foster transpacific understanding and friendship. Women's broadcasting was therefore a cultural force at the vanguard of Australia's “turn to America.” More than a manifestation of US popular culture, radio depicted the United States as an ally of and model for Australia during an era of entrenched British allegiance.
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STOUT, NOELLE M. "Feminists, Queers and Critics: Debating the Cuban Sex Trade." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 4 (2008): 721–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004732.
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AbstractCuban scholars and women's advocates have criticised the widespread emergence of sex tourism in post-Soviet Cuba and attributed prostitution to a crisis in socialist values. In response, feminist scholars in the United States and Europe have argued that Cuban analysts promote government agendas and demonise sex workers. Drawing on nineteen months of field research in Havana, I challenge this conclusion to demonstrate how queer Cubans condemn sex tourism while denouncing an unconditional allegiance to Cuban nationalism. By introducing gay Cuban critiques into the debate, I highlight the interventionist undertones of feminist scholarship on the Cuban sex trade.
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Hiltermann, Joost. "A new sectarian threat in the Middle East?" International Review of the Red Cross 89, no. 868 (2007): 795–808. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383108000015.
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AbstractA Shiite resurgence in Iraq has generated a region-wide Sunni backlash, raising fears of an emerging sectarian rift that is colouring and aggravating local conflicts. After discussing the schism's origins, manifestations and implications, the author concludes that the primary battle in the region is not between Sunnis and Shiites but between the United States and Iran. A US–Iranian rapprochement would do much to reduce sectarian tensions, while the most effective long-term response to sectarianism itself will likely come from systemic restraints that exist in the form of countervailing loyalties that prevent any single allegiance, such as religious adherence, from becoming paramount.
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Miller, Gary, and Norman Schofield. "The Transformation of the Republican and Democratic Party Coalitions in the U.S." Perspectives on Politics 6, no. 3 (2008): 433–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592708081218.
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Because the space of policies is two-dimensional, parties in the United States are coalitions of opposed interests. The Republican Party contains both socially conservative and socially liberal groups, though both tend to be pro-business. The increasing dominance of the social conservatives has angered some prominent Republicans, even causing a number of them to change party allegiance. Over time, the decreasing significance of the economic axis may cause the Republican Party to adopt policies that are analogous to those proposed by William Jennings Bryan in 1896: populist and anti-business. In parallel, the Democratic Party will increasingly appeal to pro-business, social liberals, so the party takes on the mantel of Lincoln.
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Cozzens, Susan E. "Editorial." Science, Technology, & Human Values 13, no. 1-2 (1988): 5–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0162243988013001-202.
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It is widely thought that the state of public understanding of science in the United States, and indeed throughout much of the industrialized world, is in need of fundamental reexamination…. Regardless of its philosophical soundness, the old model of value-free science unlocking the secrets and powers of nature for man's benefit has had profound social and intellectual consequences. Today, however, there is growing resistance to this model; in various quarters, allegiance is shifting to another image, one that projects science as almost mindlessly giving virtually uncontrolled powers over nature and human life to unprepared people…. We seem to be in a crisis of reason in which commitment to rational knowledge as a source of human freedom is being seriously challenged.
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Bulger, Roger J. "On the Oxford Perinatal Care Model and Medical Education." International Journal of Technology Assessment in Health Care 9, no. 3 (1993): 409–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266462300004669.
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AbstractMedical education in the United States is torn between its allegiance to the Newtonian biomolecular paradigm of medical science that made it so successful in the past and a growing sense, both within academia and without, that medicine needs to become more interdisciplinary and population based. This article explores the potential of the Oxford Perinatal Care model as a useful tool for medical educators to bridge the curricular gap between these two paradigms. The Oxford model is based upon ongoing meta-analysis of all randomized control trials relating to perinatal medicine; interventions and technologies are placed into one of four categories, ranging from “forms of care that reduce negative outcomes” to “forms of care that should be abandoned.” This article proposes a strategy for the inclusion of this information into the U.S. medical school curriculum.
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FELDMAN, GLENN. "Southern Disillusionment with the Democratic Party: Cultural Conformity and “the Great Melding” of Racial and Economic Conservatism in Alabama during World War II." Journal of American Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 199–230. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809990028.
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This essay explores growing disillusionment with the national Democratic Party in the southern United States, disillusionment that led to third-party movements such as the Dixiecrats and George Wallacism, and eventually southern allegiance to the modern Republican Party. The essay focusses on Alabama during the first half of the 1940s, where a “Great Melding” between economic conservatism and racial conservatism came to maturity. The melding resulted in a cross-class and pan-white alliance in a state that had experienced periodic plain-white challenges to business and planter elite dominance. It also resulted in the use by economic conservatives of white supremacy and allied conservative norms on gender, class, religion, and militaristic hyper-patriotism to suppress future working-class insurgency, and set the stage for a more formal southern disassociation from the Democratic Party and eventual conversion to Republicanism.
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Rasmussen, Anders Bo. "“Drawn Together in a Blood Brotherhood”: Civic Nationalism amongst Scandinavian Immigrants in the American Civil War Crucible." American Studies in Scandinavia 48, no. 2 (2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v48i2.5450.
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The American Civil War, 1861-1865, broke out during a time of intense debate over slavery and fear of foreign-born influence on American society. The war’s outbreak, however, provided both freedmen and immigrants an opportunity to prove their loyalty to the United States. Scandinavian Americans, among other ethnic groups, seized the opportunity. This article argues that the Scandinavian elite implicitly constructed at least three different forms of ethnic identity – here termed exclusive, political, and national – to spur enlistment at the ground level, gain political influence, and demonstrate American allegiance. In the process the Scandinavian war effort strengthened these immigrant soldiers’ ties to their adopted nation, while a political ethnic identity, initially constructed in opposition to other ethnic groups, was weakened by the Scandinavians’ experience in the American multiethnic military crucible. The Civil War thereby hastened Scandinavian immigrants’ path towards the American mainstream, where many veterans subsequently served as a bridge between their local communities and broader American society, and reinforced their belief in American civic nationalism.
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Swerissen, Hal. "Forces for Change and Future Directions: An Examination of the Guidance Officer Role." Australian Educational and Developmental Psychologist 3, no. 1 (1986): 17–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s081651220002530x.
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In Australia, compared to the United States and Britain, guidance officers havea relatively undeveloped and insecure professional identity. They are an emerging professional group with an uncertain allegiance to both teaching and psychology. While their role has many shared characteristics with that of their overseas counterparts (school psychologists and educational psychologists), compared to these groups, requirements for postgraduate training are limited and formal registration and certification vary from state to state. Moreover, until recently, there was neither a national professional organization, nor a journal to represent their interests. It is therefore not surprising that, despite considerable criticism of the guidance officer role, there has been little published about its future. While some of the broader issues affecting the profession have been raised recently by Haskell (1984) and Rice (1984), for the most part discussion has focussed on issues like training and certification (e.g., Keats, 1985), testing (e.g., de Lemos, 1985) and counselling (e.g., Frydenberg, Lee & Mckenzie, 1985; McMullen, 1984) in a relatively parochial and uncritical manner.
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Oldfield, J. R. "City on a Hill: American Exceptionalism and the Elect Nation." Studies in Church History 36 (2000): 299–318. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400014492.
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Some years ago I was invited to spend a day in an elementary school in Columbia, South Carolina. The day began, as I imagine every day began, with the national anthem and the pledge of allegiance to the American flag. The children then sang a song, a ditty really, which began as it ended with the simple refrain: ‘I am special’. Later I was shown some of the work the class had been doing. Across the back of the room were pinned up the children’s attempts to answer a question that had been exercising me, namely what was special about the United States. Some of the responses were fairly predictable. America was special, one seven-year-old wrote, because it was a democracy. Others singled out freedom or liberty as their country’s unique virtue. One brave soul boldly asserted that America was special because Americans were rich, while another thought the secret had something to do with happiness.
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Untea, Ionut. "Catholicity Without Leviathan: Stanley Hauerwas's Perspective on the Church as an Alternative Political Community." Politics and Religion 12, no. 1 (2018): 1–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048318000500.
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AbstractThe article brings into focus a series of political arguments of Stanley Hauerwas's “theological politics” and argues that these arguments are in stark contrast with the theoretical perspective of a political rule by a god-like Leviathan, an image inherited in modern and contemporary political culture from the early modern English philosopher Thomas Hobbes. The first section focuses on Hauerwas's arguments regarding the political potential of the term “Catholicity” to represent an alternative to the coercive politics reinforced by the post-Enlightenment nation state. The second section proposes a reflection on the way the Church's Catholicity may be expressed politically without falling into the temptation of involving the Leviathan to sort out the issues generated by its diversity. The concluding section illustrates how Hauerwas uses his approach of a universal unity of Christians “without Leviathan” in his exhortation addressed to American Christians to say “no” to Donald Trump's version of communal unity that is rather based on “total allegiance” to the United States and on “repressive politics”.
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Gerteis, Christopher. "Labor’s Cold Warriors: The American Federation of Labor and “Free Trade Unionism” in Cold War Japan." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 12, no. 3-4 (2003): 207–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656103793645252.
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AbstractDuring the 1950s, the American Federation of Labor (AFL) led a global covert attempt to suppress left-led labor movements in Western Europe, the Mediterranean, West Africa, Central and South America, and East Asia. American union leaders argued that to survive the Cold War, they had to demonstrate to the United States government that organized labor was not part-and-parcel with Soviet communism. The AFL’s global mission was placed in care of Jay Lovestone, a founding member of the American Communist Party in 1921 and survivor of decades of splits and internecine battles over allegiance to one faction or another in Soviet politics before turning anti-Communist and developing a secret relation with the Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) after World War II. Lovestone’s idea was that the AFL could prove its loyalty by helping to root out Communists from what he perceived to be a global labor movement dominated by the Soviet Union. He was the CIA’s favorite Communist turned anti-Communist.
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ABU EL-HAJ, THEA RENDA. ""I Was Born Here, but My Home, It's Not Here": Educating for Democratic Citizenship in an Era of Transnational Migration and Global Conflict." Harvard Educational Review 77, no. 3 (2007): 285–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.77.3.412l7m737q114h5m.
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In this article, Thea Renda Abu El-Haj shares her research on how a group of Palestinian American high school youth understand themselves as members of the U.S. community, of the Palestinian American community, and of communities in Palestine. She argues that, for these youth, coming to terms with who they are has a great deal to do both with how they view themselves and how Palestinian Americans are viewed in the imagined community of the United States, especially after September 11, 2001. Her research reports on the tensions these youth face as they deal with school issues, like pledging allegiance to the U.S. flag, teacher harassment, and disciplinary sanctions related to being framed as "terrorists," that affect how they think about citizenship and belonging. Given the complex way these and other youth experience belonging, Abu El-Haj ends with a call for a greater commitment to, and a more nuanced understanding of, citizenship education.
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Launay, Robert. "An Imagined Geography." American Journal of Islam and Society 23, no. 2 (2006): 98–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v23i2.1624.
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The civil war in Sierra Leone broke out just as JoAnn D’Alisera arrived withthe intention of studying a rural Islamic community. Instead, she eventuallydecided to study Sierra Leonean Muslims in Washington, DC. Based on herethnographic research, An Imagined Geography is a sensitive depiction ofimmigrants who must negotiate their accommodation and allegiance to threeseparate imagined loci: the United States, in which they live; their SierraLeonean homeland; and the ummah, the global Islamic community of whichthey are a part.Much of the book centers on the experiences of five individuals, twomen and three women, through whose eyes the author explores the tensionsinvolved in being Muslim and African in the United States. Such a closegrainedfocus allows her to provide a very visceral depiction of how theylive out their religious commitments in their everyday interactions witheach other, with other Sierra Leoneans, and with Anglo-Americans. Themen, for instance, are particularly apt to choose driving taxis as a career, even though some of them are highly educated and qualified for more prestigiousand more remunerative jobs. However, their taxis allow them to constructa religious space that they can decorate with Islamic paraphernalia orkeep a supply of religious pamphlets to hand out to interested passengers,and to align themselves with religious time so that they can take prayerbreaks and even drive to the mosque to pray. The many women-run hotdogstands provide women with a similar freedom, if admittedly less mobility ...
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Ryzova, Lucie. "New Asymmetries in the New Authoritarianism: Research in Egypt in the Age of Post-Revolution." International Journal of Middle East Studies 49, no. 3 (2017): 511–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002074381700037x.
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Egypt was at the center of a wave of uprisings and revolutions that swept the region between 2011 and 2013, the common denominator of which was demands for a radical democratic alternative to authoritarian regimes variously formulated around social justice and political rights. While the Middle East was a major theater of these events, with Tunisia, Egypt, Lybia, Syria, Bahrain, and Yemen sharing the headlines, the processes that informed these uprisings were also deeply global. The year 2011 was a revolutionary year, maybe the last in history, when actors differently positioned in the neoliberal social landscape mobilized in different ways, from the Occupy Movement to the London riots. The demise, or better, defeat, of these movements has reverberated profoundly around the globe, highlighting the postdemocratic nature of governance in contemporary states. One of the effects of the rise of new authoritarianism across Europe and the United States is a palpable transformation in the asymmetry between outside observer and the local observed. Researchers now face a reshaping, in some ways a leveling, of differences between “us” and “them” and the distinct temporality used to underpin this asymmetry. Nothing could illustrate this better than the fact that as I write, Egypt's president ʿAbd al-Fattah al-Sisi is enjoying a warm welcome in the White House. The narrative is no longer framed through the worn-out trope of an Arab leader aspiring to modernize his country through pledging allegiance to the leader of the Free World in exchange for aid and armaments; now the man in the White House implicitly pledges to learn from the Arab dictator. Egypt is the pioneer; the United States is the relative latecomer to the Age of New Authoritarianism.
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Perdue, Peter C. "China and Other Colonial Empires." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 16, no. 1-2 (2009): 85–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656109793645706.
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AbstractEmpire is back. Once upon a time, in the era of decolonization, empires seemed like remnants of a past that would soon disappear. No more. Now, both as a reality of modern geopolitics and as a subject of academic study, empires are flourishing as never before. Although the current global power with the greatest imperial pretensions is now facing increasing difficulties in subduing resistance in one of its remote frontiers, and the American public at home would just as soon forget about this adventure in delusion, the question of the suitability of the United States for an imperial role will not soon disappear. Furthermore, China's sustained rise to the ranks of a great world power has begun to raise questions about whether China, too, will take on an imperial role, as it needs to guarantee supplies of energy for its booming economy and engage in geopolitical competition with its rivals. Like many other empires, China has also had difficulty in gaining the allegiance of the peoples on its frontiers.
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Kelly, William W. "The ubiquitous baseball cap: Identity, style, and comfort in late modern times." Journal of Consumer Culture 18, no. 2 (2017): 261–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1469540517744693.
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The baseball cap completes the T-shirt, blue jeans, and sneakers as the common kit of late modern life, the recent decades when consumption, as acquisition, display, and deployment, has become preeminent in asserting self-identity and negotiating social placement. This essay traces the codification and commercialization of the baseball cap within that sport and its adoption by other sports and spectators. It argues that for fans the cap within the stadium is more than passive allegiance but rather a material performative. The essay then follows the cap into everyday life, where it has become the dominant headwear because its material qualities can enable affiliation, fashion, and comfort. Although the baseball cap is ubiquitous at the present moment, its frequency is variable, as evidenced by timed counts in public spaces in the three baseball nations of United States, Japan, and Cuba. The article concludes by suggesting some factors that may explain the cap’s transgressive motility across sport, work and everyday life, across fashion codes, and across gender and class divides.
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Ferreira, Rialize. "SOUTH AFRICA’S PARTICIPATION IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC AND DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO PEACE MISS IONS: A COMPARISON." Politeia 33, no. 2 (2016): 4–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0256-8845/1776.
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After the peacekeeping tragedy in the Central African Republic (CAR) in March 2013, South Africa’s participation in peacekeeping missions on the African continent is under investigation. Military personnel of the South African National Defence Force recently took part in both conventional and unconventional, asymmetric warfare in two peace missions, one in the CAR and one in the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC). In the CAR a unilateral military agreement between states existed, while in the DRC a United Nations (UN) mandate for multilateral offensive peacekeeping was authorised. The rationale for South Africa’s participation in African missions is important while the country is serving as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. Its role as one of the leading nations in Africa to deploy peacekeepers is central to its foreign policy. The article focuses on contrasting operations, and diverse challenges such as the authorisation of mandates, funding, logistics and shortcomings in asymmetric training for irregular “new wars†where peacekeepers are required to protect civilians in countries to which they owe little allegiance. Lessons learnt from the widely differing operational experiences in these recent peace missions are discussed.
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Howlett, Charles F., and Audrey Cohan. "JOHN DEWEY AND THE SIGNIFICANCE OF PEACE EDUCATION IN AMERICAN DEMOCRACY." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 16, no. 4 (2017): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781417000330.
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As 2016 is the centennial of Dewey's most famous work, Democracy and Education (1916), it is imperative to consider Dewey's role as a public intellectual. In reflection of how he framed his most famous work—as an instrument for helping people think about democratic reform—the authors examined John Dewey's beliefs about the importance of peace as applied to the American view. This essay journals Dewey as an important contributor to the American peace movement in terms of both thought and activity, especially in the post-World War I period. Dewey argued that the responsibility of schools in a democratic society is to teach cooperation and understanding and not simply rely on notions of patriotism and allegiance as often presented in schools. His World War I experience alerted him to the need for transforming schools as seminaries of patriotism into instruments for global understanding. The authors also offered specific examples as to how his instrumentalist philosophy, including his involvement in the Outlawry of War campaign in the 1920s, has been a cornerstone of peace education efforts in the United States over the past one hundred years and what has been their effectiveness.
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Cavell, Janice, and Jeff Noakes. "Explorer without a country: the question of Vilhjalmur Stefansson's citizenship." Polar Record 45, no. 3 (2009): 237–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247408008140.
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ABSTRACTConfusion has long existed on the subject of Vilhjalmur Stefansson's citizenship. A Canadian (that is, a British subject) by birth, Stefansson was brought up and educated in the United States. When his father became an American citizen in 1887, according to the laws of the time Stefansson too became an American. Dual citizenship was not then permitted by either the British or the American laws. Therefore, Stefansson was no longer a British subject. After he took command of the government sponsored Canadian Arctic Expedition in 1913, Stefansson was careful to give the impression that his status had never changed. Although Stefansson swore an oath of allegiance to King George V in May 1913, he did not take the other steps that would have been required to restore him to being Canadian. But, by an American act passed in 1907, this oath meant the loss of Stefansson's American citizenship. In the 1930s American officials informed Stefansson that he must apply for naturalisation in order to regain it. From 1913 until he received his American citizenship papers in 1937, Stefansson was a man without a country.
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Solecki, W. D., and F. M. Shelley. "Pollution, Political Agendas, and Policy Windows: Environmental Policy on the Eve of Silent Spring." Environment and Planning C: Government and Policy 14, no. 4 (1996): 451–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/c140451.
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The objective of this paper is to illustrate that concern over environmental pollution became a significant national issue in the United States during the late 1950s, many years earlier than is typically acknowledged by environmental historians and policy analysts. Kingdon's model of agenda development is used to document how air and water pollution was transformed from an issue of local concern and control to an issue of national significance during the 1950s. The analysis focuses on two case studies: the development of pollution as a political issue in the state of New Jersey; and the development of pollution as a significant policy issue in the national political arena. Political leaders both within New Jersey and nationwide linked pollution control to other contemporary concerns about urban decay and suburban growth in order to win the allegiance of undecided voters. Pollution control became part of the debate over the role of the federal government in addressing urban ills. Concern about pollution also became important in the general restructuring of the US political landscape in this period, helping to set the stage for Democratic Party activism on the environment and other issues after 1960.
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Rodriguez, Manuel Broncano. "a Literary History of Mental Captivity in the United States. Blood Meridian, Wise Blood, and Contemporary Political Discourse." Review of International American Studies 13, no. 1 (2020): 75–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.31261/rias.7623.
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On July 15, 2018, US President Donald Trump and Russia President Vladimir Putin held a summit in Helsinki that immediately set off a chain reaction throughout the world. By now, barely two months later, that summit is all but forgotten for the most part, superseded by the frantic train of events and the subsequent bombardment from the media that have become the “new normal.” While the iron secrecy surrounding the conversation between the two dignitaries allowed for all kinds of speculation, the image of president Trump bowing to his Russian counterpart (indeed a treasure trove for semioticians) became for many observers in the US and across the world the living proof of Mr. Trump´s subservient allegiance to Mr. Putin and his obscure designs. Even some of the most recalcitrant GOPs vented quite publicly their disgust at the sight of a president paying evident homage to the archenemy of the United States, as Vercingetorix kneeled down before Julius Cesar in recognition of the Gaul´s surrender to the might of the Roman Empire. For some arcanereason, the whole episode of the Helsinki summit brought to my mind, as in a vivid déjà vu, Cormac McCarthy´s novel Blood Meridian and more specifically, the characters of Judge Holden and the idiotic freak who becomes Holden´s ludicrous disciple in the wastelands of Arizona. In my presentation, I will provide some possible explanations as to why I came to blend these two unrelated episodes into a single continuum. In the process, I will briefly revisit some key texts in the American canon that fully belong in the history of “mental captivity” in the United States, yet to be written. Obviously, I am not in hopes of deciphering the ultimate reasons for current US foreign policy, and the more modest aim of my presentation today is to offer some insights into the general theme of our conference through a novel and a textual tradition overpopulated with “captive minds.”
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Briones, Matthew M. "The Unpublished Diaries of Charles Kikuchi: “Black and Yellow” through the Eyes of a Progressive Nisei Intellectual." Prospects 28 (October 2004): 383–427. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001551.
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In the winter of 1942, only a year removed from the bombing of Pearl Harbor, and nearly seven months into his internment at the Gila River Relocation Project in Arizona, a young Japanese American named Charles Kikuchi recounts an afternoon's passing conversation in his diary. “I was walking over by the Butte this afternoon and I stopped to talk about the camp with a Negro workman who was digging postholes for the fence which is going around the place,” writes Kikuchi. The young African American asks the young Nisei (that is, second-generation Japanese American) about the loyalty of other Japanese Americans and is disappointed to discover Nisei allegiance to the United States. The workman responds, “Boy, you are making a mistake. Why should you be loyal to a country that don't want you? … This is a white man's country and all the colored peoples of this world has got to change this so that I can get a good job just like a white man and I don't have to dig post holes to lock you Japanese up who are born in California. You help this country out and they will turn around and give you a kick in the pants afterwards.”
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Mai, Alexander Chih-Yuan. "Recreating an American Myth: An Analytical Reading of Paul Bunyan by W. H. Auden and Benjamin Britten." Review of European Studies 11, no. 3 (2019): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/res.v11n3p26.
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One of the ability which music possesses is to evoke the audience’s sense of cultural and national identity. In the second half of the twentieth century, people can easily travel and relocate to a new country in order to search for a better living condition. However, with this newly found freedom, people’s sense of belonging and cultural identity has been put into serious doubts and tests. W. H. Auden and Benjamin Britten’s Paul Bunyan encapsulates and foresees this phenomenon. Both have just arrived at the United States to escape from the war-torn Britain. Eager to find a voice to suit their new audience and symbolically swear allegiance to their newly adopted country, Auden and Britten employed an American founding myth in order to engage with their American patrons. Through a closed reading of Paul Bunyan, listeners will soon realize the inseparable notions between the musical presentation and its cultural identity. Furthermore, the story is told in the form of American musical theater, which is the artists’ ambitious attempt to capture the American optimism and spirit. This article intends to explore the notion of “myth narrative” in the genre of Music Theater; and how it reflects both the poet and the composers’ intention to obtain their sense of American identity.
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Malvick, D. K., and E. Grunden. "Traits of Soybean-Infecting Phytophthora Populations from Illinois Agricultural Fields." Plant Disease 88, no. 10 (2004): 1139–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1094/pdis.2004.88.10.1139.
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Phytophthora rot caused by Phytophthora sojae is a common and significant disease of soybean (Glycine max) in Illinois and throughout the Midwestern United States. The pathogenic characteristics of P. sojae populations in several Midwestern states have been reported recently, but pathogenicity and fungicide sensitivity traits of populations in Illinois were poorly understood. Isolates (n = 121) of soybean-infecting Phytophthora spp. were baited using susceptible cv. Sloan seedlings from soybean field soils with a history of seedling diseases in 24 counties across Illinois. The pathotype and race of isolates of P. sojae were characterized using 11 differential soybean cultivars in greenhouse tests using a hypocotyl inoculation method. Sensitivity to the fungicidal compounds metalaxyl and mefenoxam was tested with 63 isolates in vitro. Most (96%) of the Phytophthora isolates sampled from Illinois soybean fields were P. sojae, but 4% were an unidentified Phytophthora sp. as determined by phenotypic and genotypic traits. We present a preliminary description of another Phytophthora sp. from soybean fields in a restricted region of Illinois that is pathogenic and capable of killing soybean. Based on eight Rps gene differentials (Rps1a, 1b, 1c, 1d, 1k, 3a, 6, and 7 ), 22 virulence pathotypes of P. sojae were identified and 88% of all isolates were characterized to a defined race. The four most common races, which were 58% of all isolates, were races 1 (21%), 4 (15%), 33 (12%), and 28 (10%). Based on 11 differentials, (those noted above and Rps 2, 4, and 5), 31 virulence pathotypes were identified. The mean virulence complexities, which are the number of susceptible interactions on the sets of 8 and 11 Rps gene differentials, were 3.3 and 3.7, respectively. All isolates tested were sensitive to Apron XL, Allegiance, technical grade mefenoxam, and technical grade metalaxyl at 1.0 μg a.i./ml. The population of P. sojae is diverse and composed of multiple pathotypes and races in Illinois, and the results suggest that pathogen virulence partially explains poor performance of Phytophthora-resistant cultivars in many Illinois soybean fields.
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Setran, David P. "Morality for the “Democracy of God”: George Albert Coe and the Liberal Protestant Critique of American Character Education, 1917–1940." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 15, no. 1 (2005): 107–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2005.15.1.107.
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AbstractIn the years between World War I and World War II in the United States, public and religious educators engaged in an extended struggle to define the appropriate nature of character education for American youth. Within a post-war culture agonizing over the sanctions of moral living in the wake of mass violence and vanishing certitudes, a group of conservative educators sought to shore up traditional values through the construction of morality codes defining the characteristics of the “good American.” At the same time, a group of liberal progressive educators set forth a vigorous critique of these popular character education programs. This article analyzes the nature of this liberal critique by looking at one leading liberal spokesperson, George Albert Coe. Coe taught at Union Theological Seminary and Teachers College, Columbia University, and used his platform in these institutions to forge a model of character education derived from the combined influences of liberal Protestantism and Deweyan progressive education. Coe posited a two-pronged vision for American moral education rooted in the need for both procedural democracy (collaborative moral decision making) and a democratic social order. Utilizing this vision of the “democracy of God,” Coe demonstrated the inadequacies of code-based models, pointing in particular to the anachronism of traditional virtues in a world of social interdependence, the misguided individualism of the virtues, and the indoctrinatory nature of conservative programs. He proposed that youth be allowed to participate in moral experimentation, adopting ideals through scientific testing rather than unthinking allegiance to authoritative commands. Expanding the meaning of morality to include social as well as personal righteousness, he also made character education a vehicle of social justice. In the end, I contend that Coe's democratic model of character education, because of its scientific epistemological hegemony and devaluing of tradition, actually failed to promote a truly democratic character.
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Weiler, Kathleen. "The Case of Martha Deane: Sexuality and Power at Cold War UCLA." History of Education Quarterly 47, no. 4 (2007): 470–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1748-5959.2007.00110.x.
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Despite widespread support for the postwar expansion of higher education, U.S. colleges and universities in the early 1950s were not isolated from broader social currents, and the deep social anxieties and political tensions of the Cold War found their way onto college campuses. In 1952, the University of California was still reeling from the loyalty oath controversy. In the late 1940s the University of California, like other universities nationwide, had been viewed with increasing suspicion by anti-Communist groups. The search for subversives in California institutions, spearheaded by the Tenney Committee of the California State Legislature, led the University of California's Board of Regents to add a disclaimer of membership in any organization advocating the overthrow of the United States to the oath of allegiance already required of faculty. In an atmosphere of rising hysteria about possible subversives and Communists in academia, on February 24, 1950, the Regents voted to fire anyone employed by the University of California who failed to sign the oath. This decision led to strong opposition from students and faculty. Despite these protests, and particularly after the outbreak of the Korean War in June, 1950, the Regents held firm. On August 25, 1950, thirty-one members of the University of California faculty were dismissed because they refused to sign the loyalty oath. None of them was accused of being a Communist or subversive. After an appellate court ruled against the Regents, in October 1951 the Regents voted to rescind the oath, but maintained their stance that the university would not employ Communists. Although the California Supreme Court upheld the ruling of the appellate court and the non-signers were reinstated to the university, the mood at the university, as in the nation as a whole, continued to be one of anxiety and unease.
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O’Donnell, Catherine. "Jesuits in the North American Colonies and the United States." Brill Research Perspectives in Jesuit Studies 2, no. 2 (2020): 1–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25897454-12340006.
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Abstract From Eusebio Kino to Daniel Berrigan, and from colonial New England to contemporary Seattle, Jesuits have built and disrupted institutions in ways that have fundamentally shaped the Catholic Church and American society. As Catherine O’Donnell demonstrates, Jesuits in French, Spanish, and British colonies were both evangelists and agents of empire. John Carroll envisioned an American church integrated with Protestant neighbors during the early years of the republic; nineteenth-century Jesuits, many of them immigrants, rejected Carroll’s ethos and created a distinct Catholic infrastructure of schools, colleges, and allegiances. The twentieth century involved Jesuits first in American war efforts and papal critiques of modernity, and then (in accord with the leadership of John Courtney Murray and Pedro Arrupe) in a rethinking of their relationship to modernity, to other faiths, and to earthly injustice. O’Donnell’s narrative concludes with a brief discussion of Jesuits’ declining numbers, as well as their response to their slaveholding past and involvement in clerical sexual abuse.
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Bailey, Stanley R. "Public Opinion on Nonwhite Underrepresentation and Racial Identity Politics in Brazil." Latin American Politics and Society 51, no. 4 (2009): 69–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2009.00064.x.
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AbstractBrazil has an “African-origin” population that is proportionally more than four times larger that of African Americans in the United States, but white Brazilians mostly dominate electoral politics. How do ordinary citizens explain this phenomenon? Drawing on a large-sample survey of public opinion in the state of Rio de Janeiro, this article explores perceived explanations for nonwhite underrepresentation in the political arena. It also examines attitudes toward a particular black candidate, Benedita da Silva, to discern the state ofnegroidentity politics. Most Brazilians in Rio de Janeiro cite racial prejudice to explain nonwhite exclusion, although whites do this less than nonwhites. Indicators of a racial undercurrent in political preferences suggest the importance of allegiances based on perceived common racial origins. Class is robustly associated with voting preferences, suggesting that, in contrast to the United States, class differences among nonwhites in Brazil could attenuate the success ofnegroidentity politics.
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Akera, Atsushi. "IBM's Early Adaptation to Cold War Markets: Cuthbert Hurd and His Applied Science Field Men." Business History Review 76, no. 4 (2002): 767–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4127709.
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The International Business Machines Corporation adapted early on to the opportunities created by the cold war economy in the United States. This account of IBM's adjustment to the circumstances of that time unveils the detailed process by which a firm situated outside the traditional defense industries forged new institutional allegiances between business and government and between science and industry. Beginning in 1949, IBM's Applied Science Department, under the leadership of Cuthbert Hurd, enabled the company to enter new technical markets that had been created by federal research and defense expenditures. But there were also broader consequences to IBM's decision to embrace scientific culture, among them the transformation of its traditional sales and product development strategies in ways that were not indisputably functional.
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WHITLEY, EDWARD. "Whitman's Occasional Nationalism: "A Broadway Pageant" and the Space of Public Poetry." Nineteenth-Century Literature 60, no. 4 (2006): 451–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ncl.2006.60.4.451.
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Despite the attention given to New York City as a source of the poetic imagery and democratic energy in Walt Whitman's poetry, the space of mid-century New York has never fully been explicated as a site of convergence for Whitman's conflicting allegiances to a local working-class urban subculture, the global community, and the United States itself. The reason for this critical lacuna stems in part from a tendency to focus on Whitman's private lyrics rather than on the type of poetry that is necessarily connected with a specific geographic space-namely, public occasional verse. In "A Broadway Pageant" (1860), the only occasional poem that Whitman wrote after publishing the first edition of Leaves of Grass in 1855 and before the outbreak of the Civil War, New York City is presented as a site where city workers and international merchants converge during a moment of national celebration. Originally published in the New York Times to commemorate a parade held for the Meiji Japanese ambassadors who had come to Manhattan in 1860 to ratify a trade agreement with the United States,"A Broadway Pageant" demonstrates how the requirements of occasional poetry allow Whitman to articulate the local and global framework within which his otherwise nationalist poetics operates.
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Chacko, Xan Sarah. "When life gives you lemons: Frank Meyer, authority, and credit in early twentieth-century plant hunting." History of Science 56, no. 4 (2018): 432–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0073275318784124.
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In the early twentieth century, the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA) funded international expeditions with the aim of finding plant specimens for introduction into the agricultural landscape and the new experimental projects in hybridization. One such agricultural explorer, noted for his eponymous lemon, was Frank Nicholas Meyer, an immigrant from the Netherlands whose expeditions in Asia have brought to the United States celebrated fruit and toxic weeds. Neither professional botanists nor farmers, plant hunters like Meyer worked by taking advantage of historical allegiances to academic programs, while leaning on the authority of their newer national institutions. In addition to plants, through photographs that transposed Chinese landscapes to U.S. environmental counterparts, Meyer contributed to the imagination of the agricultural promise of the American West. The era of these plant explorers has ended but their material trace remains in a variety of spaces and modes of existence that have hitherto been disregarded. Reading Meyer’s letters shows the authority and discipline behind his transformation from gardener’s apprentice to professional plant collector. I argue that photographs and plants are understudied material traces that enable historians to re-examine the means by which credit was received, given, and exchanged. By drawing together these traces, I chart the continued importance of exploration and collection in the twentieth century and show the epistemic continuity between nineteenth-century natural history and twentieth-century experimental science.
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Doerfler, Maria E. "Gone but Not Forgotten? Retrieving the Migrant in Late Antiquity." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 87, no. 4 (2019): 1153–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfz044.
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Abstract In recent decades, migration has come into increasing scholarly focus as both a historical and a transhistorical phenomenon, with particular periods emerging as foci for migration activity. The latter go hand in hand with high incidences of migrant deaths, responses to which remain swathed in the politics of remembrance and recovery. Both the grave vulnerabilities of migrants and the efforts surrounding their recollection find their echoes not only in the contemporary United States but in earlier historical eras and other regions as well. This article examines one such period: that of the fifth and sixth centuries CE, when wars, natural disasters, and shifts in imperial allegiances both shaped another “age of exile” and precipitated religious responses thereto. By investigating Eastern Christian narratives around the care for the bodies and souls of migrants, this article considers the challenges that afflict efforts to remember the migrant in both late ancient and contemporary practice.
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Legrand, Pierre. "European Legal Systems are not Converging." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 45, no. 1 (1996): 52–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300058656.
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Since the late 1940s, economic considerations relating to the globalisation of world markets have led an ever larger group of Western European countries to unite in the quest for a supra-national legal order which, in time, generated the European Community. Most of these countries' legal orders claim allegiance to what anglophones are fond of labelling the “civli law” tradition,1although two common law jurisdictions joined the Community in the early 1970s. The European Community's early decision to promote economic integration (and, later, other types of integration) through harmonisation or unification has involved, at both Community and national levels (for the implementation of Community rules in the member States carries the adoption ofnationalrules in all member States), a process of relentless “juridification”; law, in the guise of legislatively or judicially enacted rules, has assumed the role of a “steering medium”.2This development was foreseeable: once the interaction among European legal systems had acted as a catalyst for the creation of a supra-system,3the need to achieve reciprocal compatibility between the infra-systems and the supra-system naturally fostered the development of an extended network of interconnections (such as regulations and directives) which eventually raised the question of further legal integration in the form of a common law of Europe.4
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sayre, laura. "The Politics of Organic Farming: Populists, Evangelicals, and the Agriculture of the Middle." Gastronomica 11, no. 2 (2011): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2011.11.2.38.
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This article examines the political allegiances of the organic food and farming movement, asking whether the widespread media assumption that organic agriculture is a leftist cause is correct. Despite the enthusiasm with which organic food advocates welcomed the election of President Obama in 2008—and despite the fact that the geographical distribution of certified organic farms in the United States maps closely against states and counties voting Democratic in the 2008 Presidential elections—a wide range of historical and contemporary evidence suggests that political and social conservatives have long formed an important element within the organic movement's ranks. A distinction is drawn between the politics of organic consumers and the politics of organic farmers, although both groups are shown to include vocal supporters from both ends of the political spectrum. Ultimately, organic farming's political shape-shifting is linked to its mobilization of agrarian ideology, which can be seen as both a strength and a weakness for the movement. On the one hand, organic agriculture shows signs of capturing a political authority and authenticity long associated with America's heartland; on the other hand, a hard-line conservative approach to food and farm policy leaves major social and environmental issues associated with agriculture unaddressed.
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Olds, Christopher. "What Role Can Propinquity Play in the Development of New National Allegiances? Immigrant Latinos Establishing Ties to the United States through Out-Group Contact." Advances in Applied Sociology 02, no. 01 (2012): 7–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.4236/aasoci.2012.21002.
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O’Brien, John, and Eman Abdelhadi. "Re-examining Restructuring: Racialization, Religious Conservatism, and Political Leanings in Contemporary American Life." Social Forces 99, no. 2 (2020): 474–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sf/soaa029.
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Abstract This paper assesses the continued relevance of Robert Wuthnow’s seminal theory of “religious restructuring” for explaining the relationship between religious conservatism and political allegiances in the contemporary United States. Employing a comparative approach, we evaluate the link between doctrinal conservatism (or liberalism) and political conservatism across the seven largest US religious traditions, including Islam. We find that for most Christians and Jews, doctrinal conservatism continues to be tightly linked with conservative political attitudes, even after adjusting for demographic differences and religiosity. For Muslims, Black Protestants, and Latinx Catholics however, doctrinal conservatism is unlikely to be associated with political conservatism. In short, Wuthnow’s theory still holds, but only for religious traditions that are majority white. We speculate that being “racialized religious traditions” explains the lack of restructuring we observe among Muslims, Black Protestants, and Latinx Catholics. External social and political pressures have kept unifying racialized religious identities salient for each of these traditions, preventing the internal bifurcation still characteristic of other major American religions. Our findings and approaches contribute to the two growing trends within the sociological study of religion—the analytical integration of considerations of race and racial politics into scholarship on religious life (called “complex religion”) and a recognition of the importance of cultural “styles” of religion in shaping political and social behaviors.
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Palmer, Seth. "Divine Monarchy, Spirited Sovereignties, and the Timely Malagasy MSM Medium-Activist Subject." GLQ: A Journal of Lesbian and Gay Studies 27, no. 1 (2021): 61–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10642684-8776862.
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Amid ongoing political instability, sarimbavy — same-sex-desiring and/or gender-expansive male-bodied persons — are increasingly rendered opportune subjects ripe for intervention across Madagascar by HIV prevention industries, homonationalist LGBT rights projects backed by the United States Embassy, and many Christian institutions. This article diverges from these biomedical and moral panics by attending to the shifting temporal allegiances of sarimbavy spirit medium-activists. Interlocutors’ roles as mediums to spirits of former reigning monarchs (tromba) necessitated an onerous dedication to Malagasy history (tantara) and tradition (fombandrazana); simultaneously, many sarimbavy mediums were also men who have sex with men (MSM) activists, and thus deeply committed to moving beyond what they saw as the stigma-ridden past and present. These activist engagements and the sarimbavy counterpublics that they produced were uncannily facilitated by mediumship social networks. Through these practices of monarchic veneration, sarimbavy medium-activists implicitly challenged Western expectations that queer social movements must emerge through the subversion of social norms and secular, liberal, democratic reform. In surrendering to the seemingly antidemocratic weight of divine queen-kingship, sarimbavy mediums became “possessed” by political organizations irreducible to the modern nation-state and its colonial genealogies and, furthermore, produced human-spirit relationalities that thwarted Western juridicolegal visions of a bounded, rights-bearing subject.