Academic literature on the topic 'Alliances (Islamic law)'

AbstractNgazidja Island in the Comoros archipelago (in the south-western region of the Indian Ocean) is an example of a matrilineal and matrilocal Muslim society. This article addresses the various ways in which the Ngazidja people negotiate gender and family relations by referring to matrilineal or Islamic norms and values, and the influence of Islamic reforms and Western norms. Matriliny is linked to a local political organization based on an age system and a male political assembly. This link explains the specific way in which matrilineal and Islamic ideologies are linked. Marriage is ruled by Islamic law, but alliances between matrilineal descent groups follow other rationales. The existence of two matrimonial regimes illustrates this distinction. The conceptions of fatherhood produced in Ngazidja shed light on the key issue of male authority in matrilineal and Muslim contexts.

<p class="Abstract">Sharia microfinance and financial technology have a very significant role as an effective solution for accessing finance for small and micro-enterprises (MSEs). The research aims to investigate the business model used, type of contracts employed, other legal aspects, and the risk mitigation dimension involved. By utilizing qualitative methods and critically analyzing a specific case study related a business model by the alliances between PT Ammana Fintech Sharia and a sharia microfinance institution, BMT Syahida Ikaluin. In generating the data, <em>interviews</em> with several experts and practitioners. The study found that the business model used was based on crowdfunding, compliant with sharia principles dan has a strong basis both in positive law and Islamic edict (<em>fatwa)</em>. The research showed that the strategic alliance between a sharia microfinance institution and financial technology is capable of strengthening access to capital sources for small and micro-enterprises. It also improves community financial literacy and financial inclusion. This research could contribute to the creation of innovative products concerning sharia microfinance and sharia financial technology. Furthermore, it could also become a benchmark in formulating policies to strengthen these strategic institutional alliances.<em></em></p><p class="Abstract"><br /><em></em></p><p class="Abstract"><br /><em></em></p>

AbstractThe article examines debates surrounding the current family law reform in Mali to account for the way in which broader processes of social change, an international and national context of women's rights activism, as well as various interest groups will shape the ultimate outcome of legislative reform. The article focuses on the five main components of the proposed reform and analyzes the positions of the most important groups participating in the debate: women's rights activists supported by the international women's movement and international donor organizations, protagonists of the two influential wings of the national Muslim organization, and representatives of the state administration. It is argued that although state officials and protagonists of an "Islamic" position hold divergent ideological and normative orientations, they form temporary and shifting alliances around certain issues, often on the basis of pragmatic considerations. Also, while women's rights activists and "Muslim women" claim to represent women tout court, the positions and arguments of the former can be seen as representing particularistic, class-specific interests.

AbstractSince the tragedy of September 11, 2001 (9/11) there have been a growing awareness and recognition of the expanding threat presented by the transmutation and convergence of international organized crime and terrorist groups. There is a semantic debate on whether these organizations are “converging” or “transforming.” Regardless, this worrisome development is complicated and progressively difficult to combat and calls for law enforcement, intelligence and military interventions. While the United States and other countries have been dealing with the post-9/11 world of persistent problems like Iraq, Afghanistan, al Qaeda, “Islamic State in Iraq and Syria” (ISIS), Syria, and more, the links between organized crime and terrorism could prolong these challenges and generate further disruptions and menace to global security and development. There are strong operational needs and requirements that bring organized crime and terrorists together for collaboration and even seamless transitions within the same general operation. However, there are substantial hurdles that make a total teamwork between the two groups not so easily achievable. For example, organized crime normally avoids the publicity and the indiscriminate killings often used by terrorists. However, it is clear that the merging of international organized crime and terrorist groups is growing and presents unique challenges and opportunities. This paper examines this ongoing transmutation, convergence and cooperation between transnational organized crime and terrorism, and offers examples and recommendations on how to prevent it and defeat it.

Abstract: The violent actors in Islam known as terrorists ideologically always associated with kalam school which is called Khawarij. They are the fist ortodhox takfiri in Islam and their motto is who did not punish with His law, they were among those unbeliver. This paper with the critical history discusses the religious movement that often called activism with prevalently conflict, the radical movement in islam. Religous social movement can be interpreted with collective awarness who rise up their community for some value, a norm, and social practices in society during a certain period considered to be unfair and oppressive. The movement of the islamic activism in frame of social movement can be understood as fight with mobilization to support interest and the purpose of muslims. Based on the analysis of structure of islamic activism, the study on islamic activism is generally located on three large of domain, i.e. violence and contention, networks and alliance, and culture and framing.الملخص: إن القائمين بعملية العنف في الإسلام المسمّين بالإرهابيّين كانوا يرجعون عقائديّا إلى المذهب في علم الكلام )الخوارج(، الفرقة الأولى .» من لم يحكم بما أنزل الله فهو من الكافرين « للمذهب التكفيري بشعار حاولت هذه المقالة – بالمدخل النقدي التاريخي – دراسة الحركات الدينية أي حركات العنف في الإسلام. إن الحركات الدينية الإجتماعية يمكن أن يُفهم بوجود الوعي الجماعي الناشئ في نفوس المجتمع تجاه القيم و المعايير والعمليّات الإجتماعية الضالّة غير العادلة في مجتمع من المجتمعات في فترات معيّنة. وإن الحركات الإسلامية في ضوء الحركات الاجتماعية يمكن أن يكون له معنى تحريك روح العداوة لدعم فوائد وأهداف الأمة الإسلامية. واعتمادا على التحليل المؤسس على تنظيم الحركة الإسلامية، ة الحركات الإسلامية تقع في ثلات نقاط كبيرة: 1( العنف 􀋰􀋰 إن دراس والعداوة، 2( الشبكات والصلات، 3( الثقافة و الصياغة.Abstrak: Para pelaku kekerasan dalam Islam yang dikenal dengan teroris, secara ideolgis selalu dirujuk kepada aliran Kalam dalam Islam yang disebut dengan Khawarij sebagai kelompok takfiri ortodoks pertama dalam Islam dengan motto-nya siapa yang tidak berhukum dengan hukum Allah, mereka itu di golongkan kepada orang-orang kafir. Makalah ini dengan pendekatan kritis-historis mengkaji gerakan keagamaan yang sering disebut aktivisme Islam dalam kelaziman konfliktual yakni gerakan radikal dalam Islam. Gerakan sosial keagamaan dapat dimaknai dengan adanya kesadaran kolektif yang bangkit dalam diri masyarakat terhadap beberapa nilai, norma, dan praktek-praktek sosial di sebuah masyarakat pada periode tertentu yang dianggab tidak adil, menindas. Gerakan sosial/Aktivisme Islam dalam bingkai gerakan sosial bisa dimaknai dengan mobilisasi perseteruan untuk mendukung kepentingan dan tujuan kaum Muslimin. Berdasarkan analisis dengan struktur aktivisme Islam (Structur of Islamic Activisme), kajian terhadap aktivisme Islam umumnya berada pada tiga domain besar yakni, kekerasan dan perseteruan (violence and contention), jariangan dan aliansi (networks and alliances), dan kebudayaan dan pembingkaian (Culture and Framing).

AbstractDebates over gender relevant legislation such as family law have led to serious conflict in many periods of Middle Eastern history, especially in recent times. One way to understand the intensity of the current debates is to recognize that gender issues raise fundamental questions about the relationship between individual and society and the role of states. In this article I argue that, in considering gender relevant legislation in the Middle East, we need to develop a framework that is different from the paradigms anchored in the politics of western liberal democracies in the U.S. and Western Europe. The frame of reference I propose is built upon the following propositions. (1) We should treat gender legislation in the Middle East as an inherently political matter that goes to the heart of the organization of power. Such a perspective opens up the possibility of considering the role of multiple and complex political processes including pressures from below by social movements and top down reforms. (2) We need to reformulate the concepts of tradition and modernity that have pervaded the study of gender in the Islamic world. Tradition and modernity as two distinct, well-defined cultural forms should be dropped altogether. Instead, the discourses of tradition and modernity should be taken as political constructs and the following question should be asked: who benefits from each discourse in given political contexts? (3) The role of kin-based solidarities should be considered in the nexus of conflicts and alliances that shape the process of state formation. The individualistic model of politics in western liberal democracies has limited value for the understanding of political processes in the historical development of the Middle East. The focus should be instead on the role of identities based in communities that define themselves in collective and ascriptive terms of common kinship.

The development of consumer protection laws in Saudi Arabia is of great significance because of the critical role that the Kingdom plays in the Gulf-Corporation Council Alliance and the fact that not many studies have been conducted on the issue of consumer protection in the Kingdom. Therefore, this article will analyse Islamic (Sharī‛ah) law as the foundation of consumer protection in Saudi Arabia and also focus on the development of consumer protection under Islamic law. The article will also compare Islamic law with other legal systems that are applied in Western nations with regard to consumer protection and advertising. Finally, the article will focus on the importance of Islamic law as a tool to ensure that the rights of consumers are respected and that adherence to religion is guaranteed.

AbstractIn pre-Islamic and early Islamic times many tribes accepted outsiders into their midst by means of a certain type of alliance. In this article I investigate the integration and the status of such allies within the host tribes. As indicators of integration, I examine marriage and adoption cases involving allies, and the way in which allies used tribal nisbas. The status of allies is reflected in accounts of their conduct and the ways in which they were treated. I conclude that there were no strict rules governing the integration of allies; and that not all allies shared the same status even though they belonged to the same category.

Adjustment of the application of syirkah in sharia banking goes straight with regard to the Quran, Sunnah, fikih school in order to formulate the objectives of Islamic law in it. This is a research on historical literature and fiqh norms about special requirements in a variety of existing syirkah covenants. The understanding of language from syirkah is still permeated by various meanings in the four fiqh school. Both have the same pressure on the existence of mixing assets and contracts. two categories of forms, namely: Syirkah al-Amlak (alliance due to ownership) and Syirkah al-’uqūd (alliance due to a contract). The requirements in each form of syirkah contract are not merely those that always exist in the general understanding of syirkah. Each form can have special requirements tailored to the situations and conditions that support the willingness of each party in the Syirkah contract.

AbstractThis article examines two yarlıks about the taxation issued by the governor of autonomous Crimea in June 1609. Two other documents about a female slave dated June 1677 involving the dignitaries of Crimea are also examined. The main aim of this work is to find out whether or not the provisions of the statutes (kanun) of the mainland, Istanbul, were also applied in other autonomous provinces. This article tries to shed light on tax regulations in different parts of the Ottoman Empire and to contribute to our understanding of yarlıks. The Crimean khanate which was established as an independent state around 1420 became a vassal state of the Ottoman empire in 1475 when Mengli Giray recognized Sultan Mehmet II as his suzerain. A Crimea-Muscovy alliance supported by the Ottomans led to the emergence of the Muscovite state as the dominant power in the region. The Russians and the Ottomans had peaceful relations until the middle of the 17th century. From that time onwards, conflicts started to appear and led Russia to invade and annex the Crimea. Although khans were appointed and dismissed by the Ottoman sultans, they were able to maintain independent judicial and financial institutions. The judges were appointed and dismissed by the military judge of the Crimea. The shari'a courts and the diwan (council) were the two main bodies of the judicial system. The trials were conducted by a single qadi/judge in the shari'a courts. Although litigants or defendants had the right to apply to the diwan to review his/her case, the system of appeal in the modern sense was not recognized. Islamic law, custom and the statutory laws constituted the law of the Crimea. In cases of contradiction between custom and governmental orders, custom would prevail. Certain fiscal laws that applied in the mainland of the Ottoman empire were not in practice in the Crimea.

L’objectif de cette thèse est d’analyser et de comprendre la dynamique de la controverse autour de l’adoption en 2009 du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali. Elle s’intéresse particulièrement aux principaux enjeux, c'est-à-dire aux questions à l’origine de cette controverse ainsi qu’aux stratégies mises en place par les différents acteurs sociaux (les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés, d’une part, et d’autre part, les organisations féminines et les leurs) afin d’infléchir le processus. En plus du pourquoi et du comment de cette controverse, notre recherche visait à comprendre le bilan du processus tiré par les acteurs eux-mêmes, le sentiment qui les anime à l’issu de ce long processus, leur appréciation de leur expérience, et leur vision de l’avenir. Pour étudier cette problématique, nous avons choisi l’approche de l’action collective protestataire, laquelle s’inspire à la fois des théories de l’action collective, et de celles des mouvements sociaux et des dynamiques contestataires. Afin d’analyser les enjeux au cœur de cette controverse, les stratégies utilisées par les acteurs ainsi que leur bilan du processus, nous avons opté pour une démarche qualitative. En plus de la littérature grise, des articles de presse, documents audio et audiovisuels sur le sujet, notre travail de terrain de quatre mois dans la capitale malienne nous a permis de réaliser plusieurs entrevues auprès des acteurs impliqués dans ce processus. S’étendant de 1996 à 2011, soit seize ans, l’élaboration du code des personnes et de la famille au Mali fut un processus long, complexe, inhabituel et controversé. Les résultats de notre recherche révèlent que plusieurs enjeux, notamment sociaux, étaient au cœur de cette controverse : le «devoir d’obéissance » de la femme à son mari, la légalisation du mariage religieux, l’« égalité » entre fille et garçon en matière d’héritage et de succession et la reconnaissance de l’enfant naturel ont été les questions qui ont suscité le plus de débats. Si durant tout le processus, les questions relatives à l’égalité de genre, au respect des droits de la femme et de l’enfant, étaient les arguments défendus par les organisations féminines et leurs alliés, celles relatives au respect des valeurs religieuses (islamiques), sociétales ou socioculturelles maliennes étaient, par contre, mises de l’avant par les organisations islamiques et leurs alliés. Ainsi, si le discours des OSC féminines portait essentiellement sur le « respect de l’égalité des sexes » conformément aux engagements internationaux signés par le Mali, celui des OSC islamiques s’est, en revanche, centré sur le « respect des valeurs islamiques et socioculturelles » du Mali. Quant aux canaux de communication, les OSC féminines se sont focalisées sur les canaux classiques comme la presse, les radios, les conférences, entre autres. Les OSC islamiques ont également utilisé ces canaux, mais elles se sont distinguées des OSC féminines en utilisant aussi les prêches. Organisés généralement dans les mosquées et autres espaces désignés à cet effet, ces prêches ont consacré la victoire des OSC islamiques. Les radios islamiques ont joué elles aussi un rôle important dans la transmission de leurs messages. Pour ce qui est des stratégies d’actions, l’action collective qui a changé la donne en faveur des OSC islamiques (renvoi du code en seconde lecture, prise en compte de leurs idées), a été le meeting du 22 août 2009 à Bamako, précédé de marches de protestation dans la capitale nationale et toutes les capitales régionales du pays. Quant aux OSC féminines, elles n’ont mené que quelques actions classiques (ou habituelle) comme les pétitions, le plaidoyer-lobbying, les conférences-débats, au point que certains observateurs ont parlé de « stratégie d’inaction » chez elles. L’analyse a également révélé l’utilisation de stratégies inusitées de menaces et d’intimidation par certains acteurs du camp des OSC islamiques à l’endroit des partisans du code. Si chaque groupe d’acteurs a noué des alliances avec des acteurs locaux, les OSC féminines sont les seules à reconnaitre des alliances avec les acteurs extérieurs. Aujourd’hui, si la plupart des membres des OSC islamiques ne cachent pas leur satisfaction face à leur « victoire » et se présentent en « sauveur de la nation malienne », la plupart des membres des OSC féminines se disent, quant à elles, très « déçues » et « indignées » face à l’adoption du code actuel. Elles ne comprennent pas pourquoi d’un « code progressiste », le Mali s’est retrouvé avec un « code rétrograde et discriminatoire » envers les femmes. La thèse confirme non seulement la difficile conciliation entre droit coutumier, loi islamique et droit « moderne », mais également l’idée que le droit demeure l’expression des rapports de pouvoir et de domination. Enfin, notre recherche confirme la désormais incontournable influence des acteurs religieux sur le processus d’élaboration des politiques publiques au Mali.
The objective of this thesis is to analyze and understand the dynamics surrounding the controversy following the adoption of the Code of Persons and Family in Mali in 2009. It is particularly interested by the main issues, that is to say, the questions at the root of this controversy and the strategies implemented by different social actors (Islamic organizations and their allies, on the one hand, and women's organizations and theirs, on the other) in order to influence the process. In addition to the “why” and the “how” of this controversy, our research focuses on the understanding of the process assessment made by the actors involved, the feeling that animates them at the end of this long process, their appreciation of their experience, and their vision of the future. To investigate this issue, we have chosen collective action protest's approach, which inspired both theories of collective action, and those of social movements and protest dynamic. In order to analyze the stakes of this controversy, the strategies used by the actors and their assessment of the process, we opted for a qualitative approach. In addition to the gray literature, newspaper articles, audio and audiovisual materials on the subject, our field work during four months in the Malian capital has allowed us to make several interviews with the actors involved in this process. Stretching from 1996 to 2011, namely for sixteen years, the redaction of the Persons and Family Law in Mali was a long, complex, unusual and controversial process. Our research findings reveal that several issues, notably those social, were at the heart of this controversy: "duty obedience" of the wife to her husband, legalization of religious marriage, gender "equality" with regard to inheritance, and recognition of the illegitimate child were the questions that have generated the most debate. If during the whole process, questions related to gender equality, respect for women and children’s rights were the arguments defended by women's organizations and their allies, those relating to the respect of religious (Islamic), societal or sociocultural values of Mali were, on the contrary, put forward by Islamic’s organizations and their allies. Thus, if the discourse of women's organizations focused mainly on the "respect of gender equality" in accordance with international commitments signed by Mali, the discourse of Islamic organizations has, however, focused on the "respect of Islamic and socio-cultural values" of Mali. As for communication channels, women's CSOs have focused on traditional channels like press, radio, conferences, among others. Islamic CSOs have also used these channels, but they have distinguished themselves from women's CSOs by using also sermons. Generally organized in mosques and other spaces designated for that purpose, these sermons have consecrated the victory of Islamic CSOs. Islamic radios have also played an important role in the transmission of their messages. Concerning the strategies of action, the collective action that changed the situation in favor of the Islamic OSCs (resending the code for a second reading, inclusion of their ideas) was the meeting of August 22nd, 2009 in Bamako, preceded by protest marches in the national capital and all regional capitals of the country. As for women's CSOs, they have only carried out some classic (or usual) actions like petitions, advocacy-lobbying, conferences and debates, to the point that some observers spoke of "inaction strategy" on their part. The analysis also revealed the use of unusual strategies of threats and intimidation by some actors of Islamic camp towards to the supporters of the code. If each group of actors has formed alliances with local actors, women's CSOs are the only ones to recognize alliances with external actors. Today, if most members of Islamic CSOs don't hide their satisfaction with their "victory" and present themselves like "savior of the Malian nation", most members of women CSOs, meanwhile, say that they are very "disappointed" and "indignant" against the adoption of the current code. They don’t understand why from a "progressive code ", Mali ended up with a "retrograde and discriminatory code" towards women. The thesis confirms the difficult reconciliation of customary law, Islamic law and modern law, but it also suggests the idea that the law remains an expression of power relations and domination. Finally, our research confirms the now unavoidable influence of religious actors on the public policy making process in Mali.

Chapter 1 introduces the history of Islamic Spain and the remembrance of it by the first Latino Muslim group in the United States, la Alianza Islámica, the Islamic Alliance. Although there have been several recorded instances of individual Latinos embracing Islam since the 1920s, no direct historical link exists between Muslims in Spain and Latino Muslims in the United States. Instead, the memory of Islamic Spain has been used to frame Latinos as historically connected to Islam rather than completely foreign to it. Additionally, the Alianza drew from other civil rights organizational models to develop several centers in New York where they worked to propagate Islam, provide social services, and engage in political activism. Additionally, the Alianza experienced marginalization from broader Muslim organizations and sought to develop autonomously from them. Through its unique origin histories and various activities, the Alianza helped to crystalize a first wave of Latino Muslims.

This chapter rearticulates the study of female citizenship and the transmission of dance among the Islamic communities of the Sama and Bajau of Southeast Asia. The research examines how indigenous people’s aesthetic practices have been shared, distributed, and passed down through internal genealogical alliances, as well as through transmission in public, internationalized space. The traditional, genealogical transmission of these practices has been disrupted and challenged by post-9/11 antiterrorism laws, which affect border crossings. Examining regulation and its consequences for society by examining the body, its geopolitical mapping, and its interconnected cultural policies among the Sama and Bajau, this research also contributes to the mapping and theorization of diaspora, the politics of memory, and “the performance of culture” to understand how the aesthetic of dance is transmitted and protected as cultural knowledge, as well as its mobility across and through the fluid borders formed by the state’s law in Southeast Asia.

The post-2003 period in Iraq saw the drafting of two constitutions in rapid succession. An interim constitution was drafted in 2003–2004 and a permanent constitution in 2005. Liberal-secularists were largely ascendant during the drafting of the interim constitution, while the Shīʻī religious parties, in alliance with the Kurdish coalition, dominated the drafting of the permanent constitution. This chapter analyzes the very different philosophical approaches of the two documents by focusing on their differing treatments of the role of Islam and, ultimately, Islamic law, the Sharīʻah. The chapter is organized as follows. Section II presents a digest of the formal constitutional relationship between the State and Islam. Section III analyzes the different approaches of the two post-2003 constitutions to the judiciary, noting especially their different approaches to personal-status laws. Section IV focuses on the 2004 and 2006 constitutions and their respective treatments of civil rights.

The medieval theory of the caliphate, epitomized by the Abbasids (750–1258), was the construct of jurists who conceived it as a contractual leadership of the Muslim community in succession to the Prophet Muhammed's political authority. This book traces how a new conception of the caliphate emerged under the Ottomans, who redefined the caliph as at once a ruler, a spiritual guide, and a lawmaker corresponding to the prophet's three natures. Challenging conventional narratives that portray the Ottoman caliphate as a fading relic of medieval Islamic law, the book offers a novel interpretation of authority, sovereignty, and imperial ideology by examining how Ottoman political discourse led to the mystification of Muslim political ideals and redefined the caliphate. It illuminates how Ottoman Sufis reimagined the caliphate as a manifestation and extension of cosmic divine governance. The Ottoman Empire arose in Western Anatolia and the Balkans, where charismatic Sufi leaders were perceived to be God's deputies on earth. The book traces how Ottoman rulers, in alliance with an increasingly powerful Sufi establishment, continuously refashioned and legitimated their rule through mystical imageries of authority, and how the caliphate itself reemerged as a moral paradigm that shaped early modern Muslim empires.

This chapter provides an overview of modernism in Pakistan, from the country's inception to the present. It draws attention to the salience of ethical commitments in modernist conceptions of Islam—commitments that were often meant as a counterweight to traditionalist understandings of Islamic law and as justifications for its reform, but which also stood in some tension with the authoritarianism that has often characterized Islamic modernism. Much of this authoritarianism came from the fact that it was the modernists who populated the ranks of the governing elite, that this elite has remained in power for long periods of time without much accountability to the people, and that the best chance that many modernist intellectuals have had of seeing their ideas implemented has been through unsavory alliances with unrepresentative rulers. But some of the authoritarianism has been endemic to modernist conceptions of Islam itself, a fact far more apparent to those at their receiving end than to the modernists themselves.

Throughout the 1950s, the Nation of Islam encountered increasing surveillance and harassment from local and state police on the streets as well as inside prisons. As Malcolm X and the Nation of Islam became a force within the Harlem community, they seemed poised to submerge their political and religious differences in the interest of forming a local Black united front. An alliance of Black Nationalists, liberals, and labor activists was forging an ambitious and sweeping political coalition in Harlem around a platform of Black unity. Though the resulting Emergency Committee would not last long, it raises lasting questions about postwar Black social movements and the development of the carceral apparatuses that suppressed them.