Relevant bibliographies by topics / Almoravides

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
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Academic literature on the topic 'Almoravides'

Author: Grafiati
Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 28 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "Almoravides"

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Golvin, L. "Almoravides." Encyclopédie berbère, no. 4 (September 1, 1986): 539–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.2452.

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Lange, Dierk. "Les Rois de Gao-Sané et les Almoravides." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002572x.

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In recent years the impact of the Almoravid movement on the sahelian societies has been the object of some debate. Ancient Ghana seemed to be the most rewarding area of investigation, since al-Zuhrī (1154) and Ibn Khaldūn (end of the fourteenth century) suggested its ‘conquest’ by Almoravid forces. The evidence provided by these narrative sources has been disputed, but it could not be discarded.A new field of investigation was opened by the discovery in 1939 of a number of royal tombstones in Gao-Sané close to the old capital of the Gawgaw empire. The dates of the epitaphs extend from the early twelfth to the late thirteenth century. However, none of the Arabic names given to the rulers of Gao-Sané seemed to correspond to any of the names provided in the chronicles of Timbuktu, the T. al-Sūdān and the T. al-Fattāsh. A closer look at the epitaphs shows that the third ruler of Gao-Sané, called ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb and also Yāmā b. K.mā and who died in 1120, is in fact identical with Yama Kitsi mentioned in the chronicles. The available evidence suggests that by 1080 the local Berbers of Gao-Sané were able to seize power from the earlier Qanda/Kanta dynasty of Old Gao. This change of dynasty was certainly not the result of a military conquest, although it is likely that Almoravid propagandists contributed to arouse the religious fervour of the local Muslims in both Gao-Sané with its community of traders and Old Gao with its Islamic court members and dynastic factions. The clear message of the Gao epitaphs is that the new rulers of Gao-Sané, the Zāghē, tried to establish good relations with members of the former ruling clan resorting to a policy of intermarriage. By the middle of the thirteenth century the Zāghē rulers were so much integrated into the local Mandé society that they adopted the title Z.wā (Zā) which was originally the title of the Kanta rulers. Thus it would appear that in spite of the far-reaching dynastic effects resulting from the religious and political upheaval of the Almoravid period, there was no major incursion of Berber people into the kingdom of Gawgaw. Indeed, there are reasons to believe that the basic institutions of the original‘Mande’ society were destroyed only in the course of the fifteenth century, when Songhay warrior groups from the east under the leadership of the Sonni radically changed the ethnic set-up of the Middle Niger. In spite of these changes the Zarma, whose aristocracy descend from the Zā, preserve the tradition of their origin from Mali until the present day.
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Lange, Dierk. "La Chute De La Dynastie Des Sisse: Considerations Sur La Dislocation De L'Empire Du Ghana A Partir De L'Histoire De Gao." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171939.

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Les Sissé étaient un clan royal établi au Ghana dont le règne s'étendait au moins jusqu'à l'époque almoravide. La plupart des historiens partagent en effet la conviction que l'empire du Ghana des auteurs arabes correspond au Wagadou de la tradition soninké et de ce fait ils estiment que les Sissé connus par la tradition furent les rois du Ghana. Mais, malgré ces identifications plausibles il est évident que la reconstruction de l'histoire du plus ancien empire ds l'Afrique occidentale qui en ressort est fondée sur des bases fragiles. La fragilité de cette reconstruction devient éclatante quand on se tourne vers la question de la dislocation du Ghana.Jusqu'à une date récente l'opinion prévalait que le Ghana fut l'objet d'une conquête par les Almoravides à la suite de laquelle sa vitalité fut brisée. D. Conrad et H. Fisher ont pris le contre-pied de cette opinion en soutenant que ni les textes écrits, ni les traditions orales ne portaient trace d'une telle conquête. Ils contestent l'existence d'une rupture dynastique correspondante et ils nient que le Ghana fut affaibli par l'intermède almoravide. D'autres voix se sont levées qui mettent en évidence les dangers d'une approche trop littéraliste. Mais malgré les efforts déployés une quasi-certitude ne fut jamais mise en question: l'emplacement de l'empire du Ghana. Pour les auteurs concernés l'identité entre le Ghana et le Wagadou constituait un problème, mais la solution de ce problème fut toujours cherchée dans la convergence des différentes indications sur Koumbi Saleh en tant que capitale de l'empire des Sissé et donc des Soninké.
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Hamès, Constant. "LAGARDÈRE (Vincent), Les Almoravides. Le djihâd andalou (1106-1143)." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 110 (July 1, 2000): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.20573.

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Sanok, C. "Almoravides at Thebes: Islam and European Identity in the Roman de Thebes." Modern Language Quarterly 64, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 277–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-64-3-277.

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Al-Wadaee, Isa. "The authority of the Islamic clergy on the Andalusian Poetry during the Almoravides age." Journal of Human Sciences 2011, no. 01 (January 1, 2011): 10–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12785/jhs/20110101.

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Burkhalter, Sheryl L. "Listening for Silences in Almoravid History: Another Reading of “The Conquest That Never Was”." History in Africa 19 (1992): 103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171996.

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Telling the Almoravid story asks much of the imagination, as a stark paucity of documentary evidence continues to shadow much of this dynasty's character, parameters, and early development. Revisionist readings have become commonplace, particularly following the recovery of lost portions of Ibn Idhārīs al-Bayan al-Mughrib. Comparisons of this chronicle with those of Ibn Abī Zar and Ibn Khaldūn brought scholars to revise chronologies and rescript the roles played by the movement's first leaders. Although Almoravid historiography continues to rely primarily on medieval Arabic chronicles and geographies for a synthetic interpretation of how events unfolded, numismatic and archeological studies have brought perspectives of their own to this period. Consequent hypotheses reveal the wide play afforded interpretive assumptions in various attempts to integrate the diverse, and often contradictory, data. And where this is true for the Almoravids in the Maghrib, the synthetic role of hypotheses finds even greater play in attempts to understand the history of the Almoravids to the south. For here textual sources are meager indeed, allowing for the turn of a phrase to reconfigure decades of history.
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Azraai Jamsari, Ezad, Wan Mohd Amirol Ashraf Wan Mohd Badruddin, Mohamad Zulfazdlee Abul Hassan Ashari, and Izziah Suryani Mat Resad. "MILITARY CAMPAIGNS OF THE ALMORAVIDS IN AL-MAGHRIB (NORTH AFRICA) AND BILAD AL-SUDAN (WEST AFRICA) IN THE 11TH CENTURY." International Journal of Advanced Research 10, no. 04 (April 30, 2022): 747–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14610.

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The Almoravid Kingdom played an important role in the course of history of Morocco (al-Maghrib) and the Bilad al-Sudan circa the 11th century A.D. Bennison argued that the Almoravid Kingdom originated from an Islamic reformation movement among the Sanhajah society. Through this movement, the Sanhajah communities were unified, forging a military alliance among them. The movement had a mission of spreading the true teachings of Islam through jihad. It is therefore the objective of this study to analyse the process of jihadi movement of the Almoravids in al-Maghrib and the Sudan in the 11th century A.D. In general, this article is a qualitative study, using a historical study and content analysis method in accumulating and analysing information available from relevant primary and secondary sources. Results of this study argued that the Almoravid Kingdom began with a reform movement led by Abd Allah ibn Yasin among the Sanhajahs. The movement evolved into a kingdom after seizing control important territories throughout al-Maghrib. This kingdom became more powerful under the leadership of Abu Bakr ibn Umar and Yusuf ibn Tashfin.
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شاكي, عبد العزيز. "التجربة المرابطية في توحيد الغرب الإسلامي 434 هـ / 541 هـ = L'Unification du Maghreb et de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides." مجلة الحكمة للدراسات التاريخية N.A, no. 9 (June 2017): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0048197.

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Rosser-Owen, Mariam. "Andalusi Spolia in Medieval Morocco: “Architectural Politics, Political Architecture”." Medieval Encounters 20, no. 2 (March 27, 2014): 152–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342164.

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Abstract Traditionally, art historians have viewed the art of medieval Morocco through the lens of Islamic Iberia, which is regarded as the culturally superior center and model for the region. However, more recent studies are beginning to show that, rather than Moroccan patrons and artisans passively absorbing an Andalusi model, the rulers of the Almoravid and Almohad regimes were adopting aspects of this model in very deliberate ways. These studies suggest that Andalusi works of art were part of a conscious appropriation of styles as well as material in a very physical sense, which were imbued by the Moroccan dynasties with a significance relating to the legitimacy of their rule. This paper focuses on the way in which Andalusi architectural and other, mainly marble, material was deployed in Moroccan architecture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Rather than reusing locally available material, this monumental (and extremely heavy) material was gathered in al-Andalus, at the ruined monuments of the Andalusi Umayyad caliphs, and transported over great distances to the imperial capitals at Fez and Marrakesh. Here this Umayyad spolia was deployed in key locations in the mosques and palaces constructed as the architectural manifestations of the Almoravids’ and Almohads’ new political power. Most frequently, this spolia consisted of marble capitals in the distinctive, dynastic style developed by the Andalusi caliphs for their palace at Madīnat al-Zaḥrāʾ. But together with other Andalusi imports, such as the magnificent minbars made in Córdoba for the Qarawiyyīn mosque and Almoravid mosque at Marrakesh, these physical symbols of al-Andalus in Morocco conveyed a clear message that the Almoravids and, later, the Almohads had taken up the mantle of rule in the Islamic West.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Almoravides"

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Nau, Halszka-Maria. "Murābiṭūn, or, Bound in the cause of god : an assessment of al-Bakrī's literary construction of the rise of the Murābiṭūn." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 2018. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk:80/webclient/DeliveryManager?pid=240719.

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This thesis engages with the early years of the Murābiṭūn movement by assessing the narrative of the movement's genesis as presented in Kitāb al-masālik wa-'l-mamālik ("The book of routes and realms"). This is the earliest written piece about the Murābiṭūn and stems from the Andalusī scholar Abū 'Ubayd 'Abd Allāh b. 'Abd al-'Azīz b. Muḥammad b. Ayyūb b. 'Amr al-Bakrī (d. 486 AH/ 1094 CE). At the forefront of this thesis stands a primary source analysis, thus treating what is known of the movement as the product of writing history (historiography). This thesis consists of six chapters. Besides the introduction and conclusion, the main body comprises four chapters. The first chapter establishes the foundation for the subsequent three. As such it will demonstrate the necessity of assessing the movement through a hermeneutic approach, for what is known of the early years stems from at least eight different primary sources which should be individually assessed against the backdrop of the Zeitgeist or the respective ages in which each of these authors lived. The subsequent three chapters will deconstruct the pillars al-Bakrī used to write the narrative of the Murābiṭūn's rise. These three pillars in al-Bakrī's narrative can be defined as the geographical context, the religious context and the re-affirmation of the Golden Age.
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Bouchiba, Farid. "Juifs et chrétiens au miroir du droit mālikite aux XIe-XII siècles. Épistémologie, herméneutique et norme juridiques envers les non-musulmans à l’époque almoravide dans l’œuvre d’Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (m. 520/1126)." Thesis, Nantes, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018NANT2036.

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Cette thèse s’attache à explorer la place des non musulmans dans l’œuvre juridique du grand qāḍī de Cordoue Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (m. en 520/1126 et grand-père du célèbre Averroès) du point de vue normatif. À la lumière de la comparaison des différents textes produits par Ibn Rušd, cette étude vise à interroger les modalités du contact entre musulmans et « infidèles » en al-Andalus de la seconde moitié du XIe s. jusqu’à la première moitié du XIIe siècle, sous le règne almoravide. Notre première partie s’attachera à reconstituer le contexte dans lequel évolua notre qāḍī. Homme influent, il inspira à plusieurs reprises la politique des Almoravides. Il occupa, par ailleurs, le poste de qāḍī l-ǧamā‘a (de 1117 à 1121) qui était alors la plus haute fonction judiciaire en al- Andalus. Dans notre deuxième partie, nous situerons les textes juridiques dans leur contexte historique, ainsi que dans leur contexte de production juridique qui s’inscrit dans l’évolution épistémologique de l’école mālikite. La troisième partie nous amènera à déterminer la place occupée par les non-musulmans, de manière quantitative et qualitative, dans le Bayān wa ltaḥṣīl. Dans les uṣūl al-fiqh, notre attention a porté sur le šar‘ man qabla-nā (lois antérieurement révélées) et le taklīf al-kuffār bi-furū‘ al-šarī‘a (les infidèles sont-ils concernés par la loi musulmane?). Concernant le fiqh, nous avons étudié plus précisément ce qui se rapportait aux pratiques alimentaires et funéraires. Pour finir, au travers de l’analyse de notre corpus compilé au début du XIIe siècle, on s’interrogera sur l’évolution du statut juridique des non-musulmans à une époque où la reconquête chrétienne (prise de Tolède en 1085) était déjà bien amorcée
This dissertation will probe into the position of non- Mulim people in the judicial works by Great Mālikī Jurisconsult, qāḍī Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (d. 520/1126 and grandfather of famous Averroes) from Cordoba. This issue will be dealt with from a normative point of view. In the light of the comparison with various texts written by Ibn Rušd, this study aims at questioning the modalities pertaining to the relationship between Muslims and “unbelievers” in al-Andalus, from the second half of the 11th century to the first half of the 12th century under the Almoravid reign. The first part of this study will reconstitute the context in which the qāḍī lived and evolved. As a man of influence, he several times inspired Almoravid politics. Besides, he held a position as qāḍī l-ǧamā‘a (from 1117 to 1121), which was the highest judicial office in al-Andalus. In the second part of this study, we will situate the judicial texts in their historical context, as well as in their production in the judicial context at that time, which is involved in the Mālikī School of thought’s epistemological evolution. The third part of this dissertation will lead us to determine the position inherent to non-Muslim people, from a quantitative and qualitative point of view, in the Bayān wa l-taḥṣīl. In the scope of the uṣūl al-fiqh, we focused on the šar‘man qabla-nā (previously revealed laws) and on the taklīf al-kuffār bi-furū‘ al-šarī‘a (are unbelievers concerned by Muslim law?). As for the fiqh, we more specifically focused on food patterns and funerary rituals. To conclude, through the analysis of our compiled corpus in the beginning of the 12th century, we will consider the evolution of non-Muslims’ judicial status, back in a time when Christian Reconquest (the taking of Toledo in 1085) was well on its way
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Souhair, Abdelaziz. "Le pouvoir judiciaire en pays d'Islam et sa réception au Maroc des Almoravides et des Almohades." Bordeaux 3, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988BOR30013.

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Le maroc du moyen-age est un pays a population berberophone, organise du point de vue societal en general, et celui de l'organisation judiciaire en particulier selon les usages et les coutumes berberes. L'expansion de l'islam de l'orient vers l'occident a vehicule les principes et valeurs de cette religion monotheiste. Le pouvoir judiciaire incarne par l'imam ou le calife et delegue au qadi est un des elements de ces principes et valeurs recus par l'occident musulman (maroc). Si cette reception etait au depart consecutive a l'islamisation des berberes du maroc, une seconde reception, cette fois-ci, resultant d'une introduction volontaire par les deux dynasties berberes (almoravides et almohades) des structures administrativo-judiciaires qui ont fait leur preuve en orient. Le qada (la justice) qui est l'un des attributs du pouvoir politique, a ete delegue au qadi qui avait des le depart des competences tres larges. L'organisation et le fonctionnement de ce pouvoir fait place a un certain nombre de a wan (auxiliaires de justice) qui assistent le qadi, avant, pendant et apres le prononce de sa decision. Mais les appetits de ce qadi se sont reveles un peu trop inquietants, ce qui a incite le pouvoir politique a mettre en place d'autres organes dispensateurs de la justice, coexistant avec le qadi, completant son action et s'immiscant parfois dans les attributions de ce dernier. .
Morocco of the middle ages is a country with berber population. Its judicial organisation was founded on the berber us and customs. Islam expansion into the west (morocco) has transported many bases and values. For example, the judicial power which was assigned to qadi (judge) by calife (delegate). This judicial system has been applayed when morocco was islamized. Almoravides and almohades dynasties have brought in the same judicial system from east to morocco of the middle ages. Justice was practicised by qadi helped by auxiliarys : udul, mufti, muzzaki. The law applayed by qadi was the muslim right (fiqh) part of saria (muslim law). This judicial system included others judicial agents who competed with qadi. Those agents were : mazalim or king's court, surta or police hisba or customs police's agents and applayed siyassa saria (legal precedents). So, from the justice's exclusive possession practicised by judge, the muslim judicial system known many complementary and concurrent judicial agents
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DAROUA, MOHAMED. "Les Oulamas andalous au Maroc aux époques almoravide et almohade." Paris 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988PA010643.

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Ce travail etudie l'emigration des oulemas au maroc aux epoques almoravide et almohade. Nous avons repere les differents departs des oulemas andalous : leurs causes et leurs conditions historiques. L'etablissement des oulemas andalous a provoque un changement de la structure sociale du maroc ; ainsi, les oulemas andalous ont joue un role majeur dans la diffusion de la culture sunnite-malekite et de la langue arabe. Des leur etablissement, la gestion politique et administrative s'institutionnalise.
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Ould, Sidi Sidi Mohamed. "L'histoire du pouvoir politique mauritanien : à travers le conflit de Bebbe et l'émergence de l'État moderne." Bordeaux 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2005BOR40001.

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Ce travail, résultat de quatre années de recherches, essaie de dégager l'influence du mouvement Almoravide sur la tentative d'instauration d'une structuration politique, dans le Sud-Ouest mauritanien, animée par l'Imam Nacer Eddine et le camp Zouaya maraboutique. L'opposition des Mghafra-Arabes à cette tentative donna lieu au conflit dit de "Bebbe", entre les deux partis, au XVIIe siècle, qui consacra la soumission politique des uns au profit des autres, symbolisa l'instauration progressive de quatre émirats (Trarza, Adrar, Tagant, Brakna) qui se partagèrent le territoire mauritanien jusqu'à l'avénement de la conquête coloniale à partir du début du XXe siècle. On estime que la mise en place d'un état "moderne", par l'entremise paradoxale du pouvoir colonial, en réalité dès les années 1946, peut être considérée comme une revanche des Zouaya sur les Arabes. Tout en essayant de dégager les séquelles des anciennes rivalités entre ces deux principales composantes de l' aristocratie maure, notamment le déchiffrage de leurs manifestations contemporaines.
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Al-@marīnī, ʻAbd al-Ḥaqq. "Šiʻr al-ǧihād fī al-adab al-mag̳ribī : min ʻahd al-amīr Yūsuf ibn Tāšfīn al-murābiṭī ḥattā ʻahd al-sulṭān al-mawlā ʻAbd al-Raḥmān ibn Hišām al-ʻalawī /." /Al-ribāṭ : Wizārat al-awqāf wa al-šuʼūn al-islāmiyyat, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb409349948.

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El, Msatfi M'Hammed. "La notion de djihad dans le monde musulman occidental, face a la conjoncture mediterraneenne : de l'avenement des almoravides (1054) jusqu'a la chute de grenade (1492)." Toulouse 2, 1996. http://www.theses.fr/1996TOU20085.

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L'esquisse de la notion de djihad dans l'occident musulman au cours de la fin du ve xie s. , jusqu'a la fin du ixe xve s. , fut marquee d'abord par l'intervention des almoravides en al-andalus, et se termine par l'echec spectaculaire de la chute de grenade en 897 1492. Bien entendu, en theorie, cette notion ne devait connaitre aucune modification en droit strict, elle est partie integrante de la revelation, et comme telle, devait rester immuable dans son esprit et dans sa lettre. Mais devant la poussee de la reconquista, un nouveau phenomene s'est impose, s'agissant de l'acceptation des musulmans de vivre sous la domination chretienne, en depit d'une loi tres etroite de la shari'a interdisant cette situation. Malgre les differents appels des ulemas de al-andalus, aux differents pouvoirs musulmans du maghreb et du mashrek, et aux ottomans, pour sauver les territoires de "dar-al-islam" en perdition, grenade tomba en 897 1492 - la solidarite musulmane de l'umma n'a pas fonctionne, et le djihad n'a pas joue son role d'unificateur |? les consequences de cette evolution apparaissent tres rapidement significative : les "ribats" autrefois base du djihad et forteresses de defense du "dar-al-islam" cessent de jouer ce role, et n'abritent plus que des ascetes vouees au proselytisme
The stady of the notion of djihad in western muslim countries in the late eleventh century, till the late fifties was first marqued by the intervention of the almoravids in al-andalus, then by the spectacular fall of grenade in 1492. Of course, in theory the notion of djihad can not be subject to any modification in strict law ; it constitutes then an integral part of the revelation, and remains an unalterable notion. However, as a result of the "reconquista", a new phenomenon has submerged : the moslems accepted to live under the christian dominationin spite of a strict islamique law prohibiting this situation. Despite the different appeals of the "ulema" of al-andalus to many moslem powers in the maghreb and in the mashrek as well as to the ottomans, te save the territories of "dar-al-islam" sinking on the road to ruin, grenade fell in 1492. The moslem solidarity of the "umma" was not success, and the djihad failed to unity the moslem forces. The consequences of this evolution on were very significant : the "ribats", formerly a foundation of djihad, and a forteress to protect "dar-al-islam", became no more than a shelter of the ascets devoted to proselytism these "murabitun" had been appointed to in terms of "marabouts"
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Robinson, Marsha R. "Crossing the Strait from Morocco to the United States the transnational gendering of the Atlantic World before 1830 /." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1142437763.

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Gutierrez, Rolando J. "Pieces of a Mosaic: Revised Identities of the Almoravid Dynasty and Almohad Caliphate and al-Bayan al-mugrib." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/844.

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This study seeks to clarify the identities of the Almoravid and Almohad Berber movements in the larger Crusade narrative. The two North African Islamic groups are often carelessly placed within the group identified as “Islam” in discussions about the series of military campaigns that took place not only in the traditional Holy Land but also throughout regions of the Mediterranean such as Spain; this generalized identifier of “Islam” is placed against a much more complex group of generally Christian parties, all of them seen as separate, unique groups under the umbrella identifier of Christianity. This foray into a late 13thcentury North African Arabic history of the two groups will attempt to build a more robust identity for the two groups. The way in which they were remembered by their immediate successors will reveal far more interesting parties than simply zealous Muslims waging jihad. Their presence in the region is primarily remembered by their military involvement with Christian forces in the region, though the history of Muhammad ibn Idhari, written around 1295, reveals the groups and their ideologies to be far more complicated than simply meets the eye.
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Maroco, Guilherme e. Melo Mourão Azevedo. "Arte militar muçulmana em território português, 1096-1249." Master's thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10316/85427.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em História Militar apresentada à Faculdade de Letras
Apresento um estudo com o qual almejo explorar uma área que a historiografia lusa tem descurado, a evolução das práticas militares muçulmanas no al-Andalus, e a interação militar muçulmana com o território português. Afigura-se como essencial o aprofundamento desta área para uma total compreensão da estrutura política que foi, afinal, o principal alvo dos primeiros 150 anos de expansão "portuguesa". Assim sendo, centrarei o presente estudo nos eventos militares que ocorreram no espaço geográfico que corresponde ao Portugal contemporâneo. Restringi-lo-ei cronologicamente, com as necessárias nuances, ao período que se deu entre a fundação do segundo Condado Portucalense (1096) e a derradeira ofensiva portuguesa sobre o Algarve, com as tomadas de Faro e das restantes bolsas de resistência (1249-1250). Este espaço cronológico justifica-se no contexto português, na medida em que corresponde ao periodo de início da formação do Portugal moderno, com a formação do segundo Condado Portucalense, extendendo-se pelo período de conflito expansionista entre o recém-formado território português e o Islão peninsular, até à derradeira expulsão das forças políticas muçulmanas do território português. Ao nivel do contexto andaluz, o período em apreço apresenta especificidades na história política, com o domínio do território muçulmano peninsular por duas potências estrangeiras, imperialistas e associadas a movimentos refomristas religiosos, os Almorávidas e os Almóadas, duas máquinas militares fulgurantes , mais ou menos duradouras, que serão as principais personagens dos eventos que vou relatar.
With the following study, I aim to explore an area that the Portuguese historiography has been forgetting over the years, the evolution of Muslim warfare in al-Andalus, and the military interaction between these Muslims and the Portuguese territory. This is an important field to explore for a full comprehension of the political structure who was, after all, the main target of the first 150 years of Portuguese expansion. With that being said, I will center my work in the military events that occurred in the geographic territory that corresponds to the current day Portugal. Chronologically speaking, this study covers the period between the foundation of the second Portuguese County (1096) and the ultimate Portuguese offensive towards Algarve, with the conquest of Faro and the final Muslim resistants (1249-1250). This chronological space goes from the beginning of the formation of the Portuguese modern territory, with the foundation of the second Portuguese County, through the period of expansionist conflict between Portugal and the peninsular Islam, until the ultimate expel of the Muslim political powers from the Portuguese geographical space, with the offensive of Afonso III in Algarve. In the Islamic field, we assist to the domination of al-Andalus by two foreign powers, imperialists and associated with religious reformisms, the Almoravids and the Almohads, supported by fierce "war machines", with variable durations, that will be the main characters of the events that I'm about to describe.
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Books on the topic "Almoravides"

1

Vila, Jacinto Bosch. Los Almoravides. 3rd ed. Granada: Universidad de Granada, 1998.

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2

Shukrī, Aḥmad. Mamlakat Ghānah wa-ʻalāqatuhā bi-al-ḥarakah al-Murābiṭīyah: Hal ḥaqqan qāma al-Murābiṭūn bi-ghazw Ghānah? al-Rabāṭ: al-Mamlakah al-Maghribīyah, Jāmiʻat Muḥammad al-Khāmis-al-Suwaysī, Manshūrāt Maʻhad al-Dirāsāt al-Ifrīqīyah, 1997.

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Malḥas, Thurayyā. al- Murābiṭūn al-Lamtūnīyūn: Bayna al-qarnayn al-khāmis wa-al-sādis lil-Hijrah (al-ḥādī ʻashar wa-al-sādis ʻashar lil-Mīlād) : aṣlulum, nashʾatuhum, dawlatuhum, akhbāruhum. [Beirut]: al-Sharikah al-ʻĀlamīyah lil-Kitāb wa-Dār al-Kitāb al-Lubnānī, 1988.

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Lagardère, Vincent. Les Almoravides: Le djihad andalou (1106-1143). Paris: L'Harmattan, 1998.

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Ḥusayn, Ḥamdī ʻAbd al-Munʻim Muḥammad. Tārīkh al-Maghrīb wa-al-Andalus fī ʻaṣr al-Murābiṭīn: Dawlat ʻAlī ibn Yūsuf al-Murābiṭī. al-Iskandarīyah: Muʾassasat Shabāb al-Jāmiʻah, 1986.

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Ḥirfī, Salāmah Muḥammad Salamān. Dawlat al-Murābiṭīn fī ʻahd ʻAlī ibn Yūsuf ibn Tāshfīn: Dirasah siyāsīyah wa-ḥaḍārīyah. [Beirut]: Dār al-Nadwah al-Jadīdah, 1985.

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Amor, Ben Hamadi, ed. Mauritania y España, una historia común: Los Almorávides, unificadores del Magreb y al-Andalus (s.XI-XII). [Spain]: Ministerio de Asuntos Exteriores, 2003.

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Ḥamdī ʻAbd al-Munʻim Muḥammad Ḥusayn. Tārīkh al-Maghrib wa-al-Andalus fī ʻaṣr al-Murābiṭīn: Dawlat ʻAlī ibn Yūsuf al-Murābiṭī. al-Iskandarīyah: Muʼassasat Shabāb al-Jāmiʻah, 1986.

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Ṭulbah, Ḥasan ʻIṣām al-Dīn. Nāyāt wa-ṭubūl: Ṣirāʻ al-Asbān maʻa umarāʼ wa-mulūk al-Andalus fī ʻaṣr imārāt wa-mamālik al-ṭawāʼif. Al-Qāhirah: Al-Hayʼah al-Miṣrīyah al-ʻĀmmah lil-Kitāb, 2007.

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Būtshīsh, Ibrāhīm al-Qādirī. Mabāḥith fī al-tārīkh al-ijtimāʻī lil-Maghrib wa-al-Andalus khilāla ʻaṣr al-Murābiṭīn. Bayrūt: Dār al-Ṭalīʻah lil-Ṭibāʻah wa-al-Nashr, 1998.

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Book chapters on the topic "Almoravides"

1

Cambazard-Amahan, Catherine. "Bois almoravides." In Le décor sur bois dans l’architecture de Fès, 37–72. Institut de recherches et d’études sur les mondes arabes et musulmans, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.iremam.1313.

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Buresi, Pascal, and Mehdi Ghouirgate. "Chapitre 2. Les Almoravides." In Histoire du Maghreb médiéval, 29–41. Armand Colin, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arco.bures.2021.01.0029.

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Guichard, Pierre. "Chapitre V - Les Almoravides." In Nouvelle Clio, 151–67. Presses Universitaires de France, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/puf.garci.1995.01.0151.

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Cambazard-Amahan, Catherine. "Les bronzes almoravides à Fès." In Le décor sur bois dans l’architecture de Fès, 73–95. Institut de recherches et d’études sur les mondes arabes et musulmans, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.iremam.1314.

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Guichard, Pierre. "[30]. La culture andalouse sous les Almoravides." In L'Espagne et la Sicile musulmanes, 137–41. Presses universitaires de Lyon, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pul.19020.

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Buresi, Pascal, and Mehdi Ghouirgate. "Document 1. Les monnaies almoravides et almohades." In Histoire du Maghreb médiéval, 203–6. Armand Colin, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/arco.bures.2021.01.0203.

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"Les chroniques établissant une synthèse entre Almoravides et Almohades." In Les Empires berbères: constructions et déconstructions d'un objet historiographique, 96–106. De Gruyter, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9783111022994-007.

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"27. Les Almoravides et les mozarabes (première moitié xiie siècle)." In Pays d’Islam et monde latin, 87–93. Presses universitaires de Lyon, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pul.21012.

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Rodgers, Helen, and Stephen Cavendish. "The Almoravids and the Almohads." In City of Illusions, 33–52. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197619414.003.0003.

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This chapter tells of Granada under two North African dynasties – the Almoravids and the Almohads. The veiled Almoravid warriors, led by Yusuf ibn Tashfin, conquered Granada at the end of the eleventh century and imposed a far more austere interpretation of Islam on the city than had existed during the cultural heyday of the Zirid era. Intellectuals such as the Hebrew poet Ibn Ezra fled the city and such was the frustration of Granada’s religious minorities that the Mozarabs, Christians living under Muslim rule, invited King Alfonso ‘the Battler’ of Aragon to invade the city. The Almoravids were eventually overthrown by the Almohads, and they too would see rebellion, this time from the Jews. The lover of one of al-Andalus’s most celebrated poetesses, Hafsa bint al-Haj al-Rakuniyya, joined this rebellion that saw the Murcian leader Ibn Mardanish enter Granada with Christian troops. The Almohads won on that occasion but would later themselves be defeated with the resurgence of the Christian kingdoms to the north, as battles took place across the region leaving Granada alone and surrounded by Christian lands.
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Guichard, Pierre. "[29]. Les musulmans de la région valencienne entre le Cid et les Almoravides (1094)." In L'Espagne et la Sicile musulmanes, 133–37. Presses universitaires de Lyon, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/books.pul.19017.

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Conference papers on the topic "Almoravides"

1

Mamoon, Ramadan. "NEW VIEWS ON A STUCCO DECORATION FROM THE ALMORAVID PERIOD IN AL-ANDALUS." In 24th International Academic Conference, Barcelona. International Institute of Social and Economic Sciences, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.20472/iac.2016.024.061.

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Rodríguez-Navarro, Pablo, and Teresa Gil-Piqueras. "El Castillo de Bairén (Gandía, España). Proyecto de documentación gráfica." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11420.

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Bairén Castle (Gandía, Spain). Graphic documentation projectBairén Castle was built in the Almoravid period, carring out the function of border hisn of the Taifa of Dénia. It was the administrative, political and legal-religious center of more than 20 farmhouses or qurà and castles. At present is possible visit the castle, although only part of its walls and remains of ruins scattered throughout the hill remain. The abandonment that has been suffering during these last years, together with the uncontrolled growth of the vegetation, make necessary to carry out urgent actions to conserve and put it in value. Within the framework of the study carried out in the initial phase of the Project for the authorization of the archaeological park of the castle of Bairén1, we have been developing an important work of graphic documentation, which will serve both to demonstrate the current state of the castle, as well as for the archaeological and restoration works. The main objective of this communication is to set the methodology for the graphic survey according to this type of monuments, establish the workflow, and finally, show the graphic documentation obtained.
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Íñiguez Sánchez, Carmen. "Las fortificaciones de la línea de costa de Málaga en época nazarí, algo más que un sugerente quinteto defensivo." In FORTMED2020 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2020.2020.11382.

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The fortifications of the coast of Malaga in the Nasrid period, more than a suggestive defensive quintetIn this article we deal with the unique coastal defensive belt that the city of Malaga has in Nasrid times, about the origin of it and its process of building as well as its functionalities that exceed the purely defensive ones. The first constructions aimed at defending the city from the sea correspond to the dynasty, with the construction of the alcazaba and the defensive fence of the medina, as well as incipient atarazanas, a cast of works of political propaganda. The Almoravid and Almohad empires do not stand out for the execution of new plant works, but rather for maintenance, adequacy and repair work. Its peak will be reached during the Nasrid sultanate, with the buildings of the castle of Gibralfaro, a terrestrial coracha, the castil of the Genoese and the atarazanas, all of them distributed and adapted with great skill to the coastal topography, as well as also by suggestive refortification works. All this reflects the various political and economic situations that aretransformed throughout the Islamic period during the caliphate, as the caliphate and the Nazarí headquarters, of which Malaga is the second city in importance and its main port. Our methodology has taken into account the contributions of textual sources, historiographic sources and, above all, archaeological actions.
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Mahrour, Illili. "Inheriting Tindjellet: nine hidden fortresses in the ancient Timimoun Sebkha harbour, Gourara (Algerian Sahara)." In FORTMED2024 - Defensive Architecture of the Mediterranean. Valencia: Universitat Politàcnica de València, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/fortmed2024.2024.18359.

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Tindjellet is one of the fortified settlement oases forming the network of the Gourara defensive structures in the north of Timimoun sebkha or salty soils, on the edge of the Meguiden, an erosion glacis of a sandstone cuesta area of the Continental Intercalaire. Tindjellet nine fortresses are situated in the southwest of Algeria on the ancient caravan trails linking sub-Saharan Africa to the Atlantic shores and the Mediterranean world a site made famous until the 19th century for its eight mosques. By using a space anthropological approach prevailing oral tradition we have tried to understand why Tindjellet is still known as the “Marsa”, an old harbor on the edge of the Hellala plateau. We have also questioned how the inhabited spatial organization grew on a cornice above the Ouled Ilyas bour, a non-irrigated palm tree area owned by a former Andalusian tribe, in this early Saharan lake human settlement today composed of hundreds distinct tumbled-down defensive structures. Despite their advanced state of ruins, whether occupied or abandoned, the nine hidden fortresses and their landscape are identified as the establishment of ancient red sandstone defensive constructive know-how with vertical wells dug one hundred meters into the rocky peak. The building technic is based on curved and right-angled stone masonry of the defensive walls as well as circular and squared angles towers like in Agham Tawriḥt and Taourayaḥt, two Tindjellet nine ruined defensive structures. The fortresses toponymy, the water system and cemetery position together with the saints’ tomb structures highlight the territory defensive system and stone architecture construction technics and allow to follow throughout time the development of this Saharan stone building culture from the Almoravid period to the 18th century.
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