Academic literature on the topic 'Almoravides – dynastie'

Les Sissé étaient un clan royal établi au Ghana dont le règne s'étendait au moins jusqu'à l'époque almoravide. La plupart des historiens partagent en effet la conviction que l'empire du Ghana des auteurs arabes correspond au Wagadou de la tradition soninké et de ce fait ils estiment que les Sissé connus par la tradition furent les rois du Ghana. Mais, malgré ces identifications plausibles il est évident que la reconstruction de l'histoire du plus ancien empire ds l'Afrique occidentale qui en ressort est fondée sur des bases fragiles. La fragilité de cette reconstruction devient éclatante quand on se tourne vers la question de la dislocation du Ghana.Jusqu'à une date récente l'opinion prévalait que le Ghana fut l'objet d'une conquête par les Almoravides à la suite de laquelle sa vitalité fut brisée. D. Conrad et H. Fisher ont pris le contre-pied de cette opinion en soutenant que ni les textes écrits, ni les traditions orales ne portaient trace d'une telle conquête. Ils contestent l'existence d'une rupture dynastique correspondante et ils nient que le Ghana fut affaibli par l'intermède almoravide. D'autres voix se sont levées qui mettent en évidence les dangers d'une approche trop littéraliste. Mais malgré les efforts déployés une quasi-certitude ne fut jamais mise en question: l'emplacement de l'empire du Ghana. Pour les auteurs concernés l'identité entre le Ghana et le Wagadou constituait un problème, mais la solution de ce problème fut toujours cherchée dans la convergence des différentes indications sur Koumbi Saleh en tant que capitale de l'empire des Sissé et donc des Soninké.

Abstract Traditionally, art historians have viewed the art of medieval Morocco through the lens of Islamic Iberia, which is regarded as the culturally superior center and model for the region. However, more recent studies are beginning to show that, rather than Moroccan patrons and artisans passively absorbing an Andalusi model, the rulers of the Almoravid and Almohad regimes were adopting aspects of this model in very deliberate ways. These studies suggest that Andalusi works of art were part of a conscious appropriation of styles as well as material in a very physical sense, which were imbued by the Moroccan dynasties with a significance relating to the legitimacy of their rule. This paper focuses on the way in which Andalusi architectural and other, mainly marble, material was deployed in Moroccan architecture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Rather than reusing locally available material, this monumental (and extremely heavy) material was gathered in al-Andalus, at the ruined monuments of the Andalusi Umayyad caliphs, and transported over great distances to the imperial capitals at Fez and Marrakesh. Here this Umayyad spolia was deployed in key locations in the mosques and palaces constructed as the architectural manifestations of the Almoravids’ and Almohads’ new political power. Most frequently, this spolia consisted of marble capitals in the distinctive, dynastic style developed by the Andalusi caliphs for their palace at Madīnat al-Zaḥrāʾ. But together with other Andalusi imports, such as the magnificent minbars made in Córdoba for the Qarawiyyīn mosque and Almoravid mosque at Marrakesh, these physical symbols of al-Andalus in Morocco conveyed a clear message that the Almoravids and, later, the Almohads had taken up the mantle of rule in the Islamic West.

In recent years the impact of the Almoravid movement on the sahelian societies has been the object of some debate. Ancient Ghana seemed to be the most rewarding area of investigation, since al-Zuhrī (1154) and Ibn Khaldūn (end of the fourteenth century) suggested its ‘conquest’ by Almoravid forces. The evidence provided by these narrative sources has been disputed, but it could not be discarded.A new field of investigation was opened by the discovery in 1939 of a number of royal tombstones in Gao-Sané close to the old capital of the Gawgaw empire. The dates of the epitaphs extend from the early twelfth to the late thirteenth century. However, none of the Arabic names given to the rulers of Gao-Sané seemed to correspond to any of the names provided in the chronicles of Timbuktu, the T. al-Sūdān and the T. al-Fattāsh. A closer look at the epitaphs shows that the third ruler of Gao-Sané, called ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb and also Yāmā b. K.mā and who died in 1120, is in fact identical with Yama Kitsi mentioned in the chronicles. The available evidence suggests that by 1080 the local Berbers of Gao-Sané were able to seize power from the earlier Qanda/Kanta dynasty of Old Gao. This change of dynasty was certainly not the result of a military conquest, although it is likely that Almoravid propagandists contributed to arouse the religious fervour of the local Muslims in both Gao-Sané with its community of traders and Old Gao with its Islamic court members and dynastic factions. The clear message of the Gao epitaphs is that the new rulers of Gao-Sané, the Zāghē, tried to establish good relations with members of the former ruling clan resorting to a policy of intermarriage. By the middle of the thirteenth century the Zāghē rulers were so much integrated into the local Mandé society that they adopted the title Z.wā (Zā) which was originally the title of the Kanta rulers. Thus it would appear that in spite of the far-reaching dynastic effects resulting from the religious and political upheaval of the Almoravid period, there was no major incursion of Berber people into the kingdom of Gawgaw. Indeed, there are reasons to believe that the basic institutions of the original‘Mande’ society were destroyed only in the course of the fifteenth century, when Songhay warrior groups from the east under the leadership of the Sonni radically changed the ethnic set-up of the Middle Niger. In spite of these changes the Zarma, whose aristocracy descend from the Zā, preserve the tradition of their origin from Mali until the present day.

A number of scholars in the medieval Islamic West engaged with the work of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111), and he was both celebrated and criticised. Among the scholars who are allotted with a prominent role in the controversies around his work, is the Ceutan judge and scholar al-Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ (d. 544/1149). To some extent, his role in the controversies which allegedly resulted in the burning of some of al-Ghazālī’s books, has become a significant element in ʿIyāḍ’s intellectual and historical biography and in construing him as a somewhat fanatic defender of a particular scholarly tradition, the Mālikī tradition, and a particular political order, the Almoravid dynasty. Although ʿIyāḍ’s own writings clearly position him within the Mālikī scholarly tradition and although historical evidence clearly suggests that he sided with the Almoravids in the Almoravid–Almohad conflict of the early twelfth century, the image of a fierce fanatic and a book burner seems to stem from a later date. The earliest traceable source for this image is an anecdote in al-Shaʿrānī’s (d. 973/1565) Lawāqiḥ al-anwār. In other, later sources additional and partly different images of ʿIyāḍ are construed, motivated by the controversies over al-Ghazālī. However the basis for these images is likewise neither to be found in ʿIyāḍ’s own work nor in available historical sources earlier than al-Shaʿrānī.

Cette thèse s’attache à explorer la place des non musulmans dans l’œuvre juridique du grand qāḍī de Cordoue Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (m. en 520/1126 et grand-père du célèbre Averroès) du point de vue normatif. À la lumière de la comparaison des différents textes produits par Ibn Rušd, cette étude vise à interroger les modalités du contact entre musulmans et « infidèles » en al-Andalus de la seconde moitié du XIe s. jusqu’à la première moitié du XIIe siècle, sous le règne almoravide. Notre première partie s’attachera à reconstituer le contexte dans lequel évolua notre qāḍī. Homme influent, il inspira à plusieurs reprises la politique des Almoravides. Il occupa, par ailleurs, le poste de qāḍī l-ǧamā‘a (de 1117 à 1121) qui était alors la plus haute fonction judiciaire en al- Andalus. Dans notre deuxième partie, nous situerons les textes juridiques dans leur contexte historique, ainsi que dans leur contexte de production juridique qui s’inscrit dans l’évolution épistémologique de l’école mālikite. La troisième partie nous amènera à déterminer la place occupée par les non-musulmans, de manière quantitative et qualitative, dans le Bayān wa ltaḥṣīl. Dans les uṣūl al-fiqh, notre attention a porté sur le šar‘ man qabla-nā (lois antérieurement révélées) et le taklīf al-kuffār bi-furū‘ al-šarī‘a (les infidèles sont-ils concernés par la loi musulmane?). Concernant le fiqh, nous avons étudié plus précisément ce qui se rapportait aux pratiques alimentaires et funéraires. Pour finir, au travers de l’analyse de notre corpus compilé au début du XIIe siècle, on s’interrogera sur l’évolution du statut juridique des non-musulmans à une époque où la reconquête chrétienne (prise de Tolède en 1085) était déjà bien amorcée
This dissertation will probe into the position of non- Mulim people in the judicial works by Great Mālikī Jurisconsult, qāḍī Ibn Rušd al-ǧadd (d. 520/1126 and grandfather of famous Averroes) from Cordoba. This issue will be dealt with from a normative point of view. In the light of the comparison with various texts written by Ibn Rušd, this study aims at questioning the modalities pertaining to the relationship between Muslims and “unbelievers” in al-Andalus, from the second half of the 11th century to the first half of the 12th century under the Almoravid reign. The first part of this study will reconstitute the context in which the qāḍī lived and evolved. As a man of influence, he several times inspired Almoravid politics. Besides, he held a position as qāḍī l-ǧamā‘a (from 1117 to 1121), which was the highest judicial office in al-Andalus. In the second part of this study, we will situate the judicial texts in their historical context, as well as in their production in the judicial context at that time, which is involved in the Mālikī School of thought’s epistemological evolution. The third part of this dissertation will lead us to determine the position inherent to non-Muslim people, from a quantitative and qualitative point of view, in the Bayān wa l-taḥṣīl. In the scope of the uṣūl al-fiqh, we focused on the šar‘man qabla-nā (previously revealed laws) and on the taklīf al-kuffār bi-furū‘ al-šarī‘a (are unbelievers concerned by Muslim law?). As for the fiqh, we more specifically focused on food patterns and funerary rituals. To conclude, through the analysis of our compiled corpus in the beginning of the 12th century, we will consider the evolution of non-Muslims’ judicial status, back in a time when Christian Reconquest (the taking of Toledo in 1085) was well on its way

Ce travail, résultat de quatre années de recherches, essaie de dégager l'influence du mouvement Almoravide sur la tentative d'instauration d'une structuration politique, dans le Sud-Ouest mauritanien, animée par l'Imam Nacer Eddine et le camp Zouaya maraboutique. L'opposition des Mghafra-Arabes à cette tentative donna lieu au conflit dit de "Bebbe", entre les deux partis, au XVIIe siècle, qui consacra la soumission politique des uns au profit des autres, symbolisa l'instauration progressive de quatre émirats (Trarza, Adrar, Tagant, Brakna) qui se partagèrent le territoire mauritanien jusqu'à l'avénement de la conquête coloniale à partir du début du XXe siècle. On estime que la mise en place d'un état "moderne", par l'entremise paradoxale du pouvoir colonial, en réalité dès les années 1946, peut être considérée comme une revanche des Zouaya sur les Arabes. Tout en essayant de dégager les séquelles des anciennes rivalités entre ces deux principales composantes de l' aristocratie maure, notamment le déchiffrage de leurs manifestations contemporaines.

This study seeks to clarify the identities of the Almoravid and Almohad Berber movements in the larger Crusade narrative. The two North African Islamic groups are often carelessly placed within the group identified as “Islam” in discussions about the series of military campaigns that took place not only in the traditional Holy Land but also throughout regions of the Mediterranean such as Spain; this generalized identifier of “Islam” is placed against a much more complex group of generally Christian parties, all of them seen as separate, unique groups under the umbrella identifier of Christianity. This foray into a late 13thcentury North African Arabic history of the two groups will attempt to build a more robust identity for the two groups. The way in which they were remembered by their immediate successors will reveal far more interesting parties than simply zealous Muslims waging jihad. Their presence in the region is primarily remembered by their military involvement with Christian forces in the region, though the history of Muhammad ibn Idhari, written around 1295, reveals the groups and their ideologies to be far more complicated than simply meets the eye.

This chapter describes how Islamic architecture developed more sober and abstract tendencies during the religious reforms of 1100-1250 CE as two successive Berber dynasties, first the Almoravids, then the Almohads, consolidated power and united Islamic rule in the western Mediterranean. During the reign of the Almoravids the palaces at Bin Yūniš, Onda, and Murcia show a steady transition from the styles of the tā’ifa-period to the distinctive architeture of the Almohads. Meanwhile, the palace of Monteagudo, constructed at the collapse of the Almoravids during the “second tā’ifa-period” fully introduced the Abbasid concept of space to the Iberian Peninsula and culminated the merger of fortified castles and residential palaces. Reflecting their interest in the governed community, the Almohads constructed their qasabas adjoined to cities, as may be seen in Marrakesh and Seville. An affinity for geometric symmetry and order, likely arising from Abbasid spatial conceptions, dictated the Almohads’ unadorned architectual style.

This chapter examines the responses of three important medieval Maghribī dynasties to the dilemmas posed by nomadic populations dwelling in their midst. These dynasties include the Almoravids in al-Andalus in the twelfth century, the Almohads in the Maghrib in the thirteenth century, and the Ḥafṣids, successors to the Almohads in Ifrīqiya, during the fourteenth century. The aim is to shed light on the challenges that nomadic populations posed to political legitimacy, and to suggest, paradoxically perhaps, that the presence of unruly nomads in the medieval Islamic west, and the effort to contain them, served an important role in each dynasty's attempt to gain political legitimacy in the eyes of the Muslim community.

The fortifications of the coast of Malaga in the Nasrid period, more than a suggestive defensive quintetIn this article we deal with the unique coastal defensive belt that the city of Malaga has in Nasrid times, about the origin of it and its process of building as well as its functionalities that exceed the purely defensive ones. The first constructions aimed at defending the city from the sea correspond to the dynasty, with the construction of the alcazaba and the defensive fence of the medina, as well as incipient atarazanas, a cast of works of political propaganda. The Almoravid and Almohad empires do not stand out for the execution of new plant works, but rather for maintenance, adequacy and repair work. Its peak will be reached during the Nasrid sultanate, with the buildings of the castle of Gibralfaro, a terrestrial coracha, the castil of the Genoese and the atarazanas, all of them distributed and adapted with great skill to the coastal topography, as well as also by suggestive refortification works. All this reflects the various political and economic situations that aretransformed throughout the Islamic period during the caliphate, as the caliphate and the Nazarí headquarters, of which Malaga is the second city in importance and its main port. Our methodology has taken into account the contributions of textual sources, historiographic sources and, above all, archaeological actions.