Journal articles: 'Almoravides'

1

Golvin, L. "Almoravides." Encyclopédie berbère, no. 4 (September 1, 1986): 539–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/encyclopedieberbere.2452.

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2

Lange, Dierk. "Les Rois de Gao-Sané et les Almoravides." Journal of African History 32, no. 2 (July 1991): 251–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002185370002572x.

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In recent years the impact of the Almoravid movement on the sahelian societies has been the object of some debate. Ancient Ghana seemed to be the most rewarding area of investigation, since al-Zuhrī (1154) and Ibn Khaldūn (end of the fourteenth century) suggested its ‘conquest’ by Almoravid forces. The evidence provided by these narrative sources has been disputed, but it could not be discarded.A new field of investigation was opened by the discovery in 1939 of a number of royal tombstones in Gao-Sané close to the old capital of the Gawgaw empire. The dates of the epitaphs extend from the early twelfth to the late thirteenth century. However, none of the Arabic names given to the rulers of Gao-Sané seemed to correspond to any of the names provided in the chronicles of Timbuktu, the T. al-Sūdān and the T. al-Fattāsh. A closer look at the epitaphs shows that the third ruler of Gao-Sané, called ‘Umar b. al-Khaṭṭāb and also Yāmā b. K.mā and who died in 1120, is in fact identical with Yama Kitsi mentioned in the chronicles. The available evidence suggests that by 1080 the local Berbers of Gao-Sané were able to seize power from the earlier Qanda/Kanta dynasty of Old Gao. This change of dynasty was certainly not the result of a military conquest, although it is likely that Almoravid propagandists contributed to arouse the religious fervour of the local Muslims in both Gao-Sané with its community of traders and Old Gao with its Islamic court members and dynastic factions. The clear message of the Gao epitaphs is that the new rulers of Gao-Sané, the Zāghē, tried to establish good relations with members of the former ruling clan resorting to a policy of intermarriage. By the middle of the thirteenth century the Zāghē rulers were so much integrated into the local Mandé society that they adopted the title Z.wā (Zā) which was originally the title of the Kanta rulers. Thus it would appear that in spite of the far-reaching dynastic effects resulting from the religious and political upheaval of the Almoravid period, there was no major incursion of Berber people into the kingdom of Gawgaw. Indeed, there are reasons to believe that the basic institutions of the original‘Mande’ society were destroyed only in the course of the fifteenth century, when Songhay warrior groups from the east under the leadership of the Sonni radically changed the ethnic set-up of the Middle Niger. In spite of these changes the Zarma, whose aristocracy descend from the Zā, preserve the tradition of their origin from Mali until the present day.

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3

Lange, Dierk. "La Chute De La Dynastie Des Sisse: Considerations Sur La Dislocation De L'Empire Du Ghana A Partir De L'Histoire De Gao." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 155–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171939.

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Les Sissé étaient un clan royal établi au Ghana dont le règne s'étendait au moins jusqu'à l'époque almoravide. La plupart des historiens partagent en effet la conviction que l'empire du Ghana des auteurs arabes correspond au Wagadou de la tradition soninké et de ce fait ils estiment que les Sissé connus par la tradition furent les rois du Ghana. Mais, malgré ces identifications plausibles il est évident que la reconstruction de l'histoire du plus ancien empire ds l'Afrique occidentale qui en ressort est fondée sur des bases fragiles. La fragilité de cette reconstruction devient éclatante quand on se tourne vers la question de la dislocation du Ghana.Jusqu'à une date récente l'opinion prévalait que le Ghana fut l'objet d'une conquête par les Almoravides à la suite de laquelle sa vitalité fut brisée. D. Conrad et H. Fisher ont pris le contre-pied de cette opinion en soutenant que ni les textes écrits, ni les traditions orales ne portaient trace d'une telle conquête. Ils contestent l'existence d'une rupture dynastique correspondante et ils nient que le Ghana fut affaibli par l'intermède almoravide. D'autres voix se sont levées qui mettent en évidence les dangers d'une approche trop littéraliste. Mais malgré les efforts déployés une quasi-certitude ne fut jamais mise en question: l'emplacement de l'empire du Ghana. Pour les auteurs concernés l'identité entre le Ghana et le Wagadou constituait un problème, mais la solution de ce problème fut toujours cherchée dans la convergence des différentes indications sur Koumbi Saleh en tant que capitale de l'empire des Sissé et donc des Soninké.

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4

Hamès, Constant. "LAGARDÈRE (Vincent), Les Almoravides. Le djihâd andalou (1106-1143)." Archives de sciences sociales des religions, no. 110 (July 1, 2000): 86–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/assr.20573.

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5

Sanok, C. "Almoravides at Thebes: Islam and European Identity in the Roman de Thebes." Modern Language Quarterly 64, no. 3 (September 1, 2003): 277–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-64-3-277.

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6

Al-Wadaee, Isa. "The authority of the Islamic clergy on the Andalusian Poetry during the Almoravides age." Journal of Human Sciences 2011, no. 01 (January 1, 2011): 10–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.12785/jhs/20110101.

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7

Burkhalter, Sheryl L. "Listening for Silences in Almoravid History: Another Reading of “The Conquest That Never Was”." History in Africa 19 (1992): 103–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171996.

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Telling the Almoravid story asks much of the imagination, as a stark paucity of documentary evidence continues to shadow much of this dynasty's character, parameters, and early development. Revisionist readings have become commonplace, particularly following the recovery of lost portions of Ibn Idhārīs al-Bayan al-Mughrib. Comparisons of this chronicle with those of Ibn Abī Zar and Ibn Khaldūn brought scholars to revise chronologies and rescript the roles played by the movement's first leaders. Although Almoravid historiography continues to rely primarily on medieval Arabic chronicles and geographies for a synthetic interpretation of how events unfolded, numismatic and archeological studies have brought perspectives of their own to this period. Consequent hypotheses reveal the wide play afforded interpretive assumptions in various attempts to integrate the diverse, and often contradictory, data. And where this is true for the Almoravids in the Maghrib, the synthetic role of hypotheses finds even greater play in attempts to understand the history of the Almoravids to the south. For here textual sources are meager indeed, allowing for the turn of a phrase to reconfigure decades of history.

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8

Azraai Jamsari, Ezad, Wan Mohd Amirol Ashraf Wan Mohd Badruddin, Mohamad Zulfazdlee Abul Hassan Ashari, and Izziah Suryani Mat Resad. "MILITARY CAMPAIGNS OF THE ALMORAVIDS IN AL-MAGHRIB (NORTH AFRICA) AND BILAD AL-SUDAN (WEST AFRICA) IN THE 11TH CENTURY." International Journal of Advanced Research 10, no. 04 (April 30, 2022): 747–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.21474/ijar01/14610.

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The Almoravid Kingdom played an important role in the course of history of Morocco (al-Maghrib) and the Bilad al-Sudan circa the 11th century A.D. Bennison argued that the Almoravid Kingdom originated from an Islamic reformation movement among the Sanhajah society. Through this movement, the Sanhajah communities were unified, forging a military alliance among them. The movement had a mission of spreading the true teachings of Islam through jihad. It is therefore the objective of this study to analyse the process of jihadi movement of the Almoravids in al-Maghrib and the Sudan in the 11th century A.D. In general, this article is a qualitative study, using a historical study and content analysis method in accumulating and analysing information available from relevant primary and secondary sources. Results of this study argued that the Almoravid Kingdom began with a reform movement led by Abd Allah ibn Yasin among the Sanhajahs. The movement evolved into a kingdom after seizing control important territories throughout al-Maghrib. This kingdom became more powerful under the leadership of Abu Bakr ibn Umar and Yusuf ibn Tashfin.

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9

شاكي, عبد العزيز. "التجربة المرابطية في توحيد الغرب الإسلامي 434 هـ / 541 هـ = L'Unification du Maghreb et de l'Andalousie par les Almoravides." مجلة الحكمة للدراسات التاريخية N.A, no. 9 (June 2017): 8–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12816/0048197.

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10

Rosser-Owen, Mariam. "Andalusi Spolia in Medieval Morocco: “Architectural Politics, Political Architecture”." Medieval Encounters 20, no. 2 (March 27, 2014): 152–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12342164.

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Abstract Traditionally, art historians have viewed the art of medieval Morocco through the lens of Islamic Iberia, which is regarded as the culturally superior center and model for the region. However, more recent studies are beginning to show that, rather than Moroccan patrons and artisans passively absorbing an Andalusi model, the rulers of the Almoravid and Almohad regimes were adopting aspects of this model in very deliberate ways. These studies suggest that Andalusi works of art were part of a conscious appropriation of styles as well as material in a very physical sense, which were imbued by the Moroccan dynasties with a significance relating to the legitimacy of their rule. This paper focuses on the way in which Andalusi architectural and other, mainly marble, material was deployed in Moroccan architecture in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. Rather than reusing locally available material, this monumental (and extremely heavy) material was gathered in al-Andalus, at the ruined monuments of the Andalusi Umayyad caliphs, and transported over great distances to the imperial capitals at Fez and Marrakesh. Here this Umayyad spolia was deployed in key locations in the mosques and palaces constructed as the architectural manifestations of the Almoravids’ and Almohads’ new political power. Most frequently, this spolia consisted of marble capitals in the distinctive, dynastic style developed by the Andalusi caliphs for their palace at Madīnat al-Zaḥrāʾ. But together with other Andalusi imports, such as the magnificent minbars made in Córdoba for the Qarawiyyīn mosque and Almoravid mosque at Marrakesh, these physical symbols of al-Andalus in Morocco conveyed a clear message that the Almoravids and, later, the Almohads had taken up the mantle of rule in the Islamic West.

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11

Eggen, Nora S. "A book burner or not? History and myth: Revisiting al-Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ and the controversies over al-Ghazālī in the Islamic West." Journal of Arabic and Islamic Studies 18 (October 31, 2018): 87–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.5617/jais.6716.

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A number of scholars in the medieval Islamic West engaged with the work of Abū Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 505/1111), and he was both celebrated and criticised. Among the scholars who are allotted with a prominent role in the controversies around his work, is the Ceutan judge and scholar al-Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ (d. 544/1149). To some extent, his role in the controversies which allegedly resulted in the burning of some of al-Ghazālī’s books, has become a significant element in ʿIyāḍ’s intellectual and historical biography and in construing him as a somewhat fanatic defender of a particular scholarly tradition, the Mālikī tradition, and a particular political order, the Almoravid dynasty. Although ʿIyāḍ’s own writings clearly position him within the Mālikī scholarly tradition and although historical evidence clearly suggests that he sided with the Almoravids in the Almoravid–Almohad conflict of the early twelfth century, the image of a fierce fanatic and a book burner seems to stem from a later date. The earliest traceable source for this image is an anecdote in al-Shaʿrānī’s (d. 973/1565) Lawāqiḥ al-anwār. In other, later sources additional and partly different images of ʿIyāḍ are construed, motivated by the controversies over al-Ghazālī. However the basis for these images is likewise neither to be found in ʿIyāḍ’s own work nor in available historical sources earlier than al-Shaʿrānī.

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12

Bennison, Amira K. "Relations between Rulers and Ruled in the Medieval Maghrib: The “Social Contract” in the Almoravid and Almohad Centuries, 1050–1250." Comparative Islamic Studies 10, no. 2 (March 24, 2017): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/cis.31619.

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This article approaches the notion of an Islamic social contract from the perspective of the Berber inhabitants of the Maghrib and their concern that the state should be just, with a particular focus on the period between 1050 and 1250 when the region was ruled by two successsive indigenous imperial regimes, the Almoravids and the Almohads. It explores the gradual implantation of ideas of Islamic statehood in the region, their intersection with earlier indigenous beliefs and social practices, and the “naturalization” of Islamic philosophical ideas developed in the ?Abbasid East and al Andalus in the very different environment of the Maghrib. Two ideas of particular salience to the discussion are the Almoravid idea of a M?lik? “Commander of Truth or Law,” the am?r al-?aqq, and Almohad references to a utopian perfect city or polis, al-mad?na al-f??ila, in the context of their recognition of their spiritual father, Ibn T?mart, as the mahd?.

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13

Gil Crespo, Ignacio, Miguel Bru Castro, and David Gallego Valle. "Fortified Construction Techniques in al-Ṭagr al-Awsaṯ, 8th–13th Centuries." Arts 7, no. 4 (September 29, 2018): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts7040055.

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Spanish Islamic military architecture shows an attempt at the systematization of works, techniques, and defensive elements, commencing in the era of the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate up to the North African Empires (Almoravids and Almohads). This article presents an analysis of the constructive techniques and systems employed in the fortified architecture in al-Ṭagr al-Awsaṯ; that is, the Medium Frontier Territory of al-Andalus, called Marca Media, between the 8th and 13th centuries. The fortification of the borders was an objective of the Umayyad Emirate and Caliphate, as well as of the new kingdoms of Taifas and the Almoravid and Almohad Empires. The buildings were designed not only to defend a territory but also as a way of demonstrating the political power, and thus they were used as “state propaganda”. The triumph of the Islamic State over different groups, the advance of the Christian conquest, the decline of the Caliphate, and the invasion of the Almoravids and Almohads were situations that modified the definition of borders, the strategies of defense, and the organization of cities and territories. Therefore, the construction of fortifications acted as a mirror reflecting the social, political, and economic circumstances, whose changes depended on the real possibilities, knowledge, celerity, or technological evolution of the time. As such, these constructions permit an analysis of not only the building techniques, but also the people who carried them out, showing in their remains the social implications and organization of work from the master builders down to the quarry workers. This article presents the organization and technical knowledge of construction through a selection of cases studies, including watchtowers, castles, city walls, and fortresses.

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14

Roux, Corinne, and M. F. Guerra. "La monnaie Almoravide : de l'Afrique à l'Espagne." Revue d'Archéométrie 24, no. 1 (2000): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/arsci.2000.987.

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15

Rollman, Wilfrid J. "The Almoravids and the meanings of Jihad." Journal of North African Studies 19, no. 3 (September 23, 2013): 455–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2013.837589.

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16

AFAF SHAMAN QABLAN ALWUTHEINANY, AFAF SHAMAN QABLAN ALWUTHEINANY. "The effect of fatwas of jurists In the overthrow of the kings of the sects." journal of King Abdulaziz University Arts And Humanities 30, no. 6 (January 1, 2022): 43–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4197/art.30-6.2.

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the research entitled, (the impact of fatwa on the sects' kings overthrow and the rule of AlMoravids) indicates that the Andalusia scene in the 5th century after Hejrah was bleak, with its fragmentation, rupture, strugg

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17

Messier, Ronald. "Re-thinking the Almoravids, re-thinking Ibn Khaldun." Journal of North African Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2001): 59–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380108718421.

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18

Clarke, Nicola. "The Almoravid and Almohad Empires." Al-Masāq 32, no. 2 (May 3, 2020): 218–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09503110.2020.1767872.

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19

ŞERIFOĞLU, Metin. "A READING OF THE FEATURES OF THE ALMOHAD POLITICAL PROJECT AND THE EXPERIENCE OF ‎MOVING FROM THE CONCEPT OF THE GROUP TO THE CONCEPT OF THE STATE." RIMAK International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 04, no. 02 (March 1, 2022): 366–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.47832/2717-8293.16.25.

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Although the Arab region and the Islamic world witnessed a number of Islamic political experiences that played ‎a prominent role in the historical paths of this vast geography, the Almohad political experience remains the ‎most important distinguished political projects that emerged in the Islamic Maghreb region, as it played an ‎active role in the map of balances at the regional and international levels. This experiment was launched as a ‎religious reform movement led by Muhammad bin Tumart, who believed that a serious political project could ‎not be established in the region without launching a process of broad religious reform due to a reality that was ‎overshadowed by ignorance of religion, and in which myths and deviations spread. Indeed, Ibn Tumart was ‎able to lay the foundations for this reform movement, to later develop and turn into a political movement, ‎which was then able, thanks to Abdel-Moumen bin Ali, to overthrow the Almoravid state and to transfer the ‎Almohad political project from the narrow concept of the group to the broad concept of the state. Therefore, ‎regardless of the accusations that Ibn Tumart was accused of regarding his claim of Mahdism and the ‎fabrication of false prophetic hadiths, the experience of his movement remains a different one, worthy of study ‎and standing on its most important intellectual and political characteristics and advantages. The Almohad ‎political project was a strategic choice that affected the nature of balances and the geopolitical and strategic ‎map of the Islamic West region, which was characterized by intertwining and overlapping during the medieval ‎period. From this logic, we will, in this research, study the political project from the foundation stage in the era of ‎Ibn Tumart to the date of the death of his successor, Abd al-Mumin ibn Ali in the year 558 AH.‎‏ ‏‎ We will discuss ‎this research in three main topics: First, the formation of the Almohad political project and the features of the ‎first founding phase / secondly the death of Ibn Tumart and the features of the second founding phase with ‎Abdul Mumin bin Ali / Thirdly, the end of the Almoravids and the third founding phase of the Almohad project ‎in the era of the believer‎.

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20

Buresi, Pascal. "Ronald A. Messier, The Almoravids and the meanings of Jihad." Mélanges de la Casa de Velázquez, no. 42-1 (April 15, 2012): 300–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/mcv.4484.

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21

Safran, Janina. "The Community of the Biographical Dictionary: Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ’s Ghunya." Medieval Encounters 29, no. 5-6 (November 16, 2023): 401–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700674-12340171.

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Abstract Qāḍī ʿIyāḍ’s (d. 1149) Ghunya is a biographical dictionary of the scholars the Ceutan jurist studied with and an inventory of the texts he acquired through various modes of transmission. As a catalogue of authors, teachers, and texts, al-Ghunya describes a network of scholarship contemporary with the rise and fall of Almoravid rule, and a history of learning that extends back to the earliest days of Islam. The essay demonstrates the importance of scholarly lineages and how they overlapped with lineal and marital bonds and explores the affective dimension of scholarly affiliations, focusing on the text as an expression of community and a work of memory. The ways in which the text reflects and reinforces a metaphorical “kinship of learning” contributes to our understanding of social cohesion in the Almoravid era.

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22

Lagardère, Vincent. "Évolution de la notion de djihad à l'époque almoravide (1039-1147)." Cahiers de civilisation médiévale 41, no. 161 (1998): 3–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/ccmed.1998.2706.

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23

Lagardere, Vincent. "Communautes mozarabes et pouvoir almoravide en 519 H/1125 en Andalus." Studia Islamica, no. 67 (1988): 99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1595975.

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24

Azumah, John. "Beyond Jihad: The Pacifist Tradition in West African Islam." International Bulletin of Mission Research 41, no. 4 (June 30, 2017): 363–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317720379.

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Lamin Sanneh’s book Beyond Jihad deals with the peaceful transmission of Islam in West Africa by a pacifist clerical group. The author challenges the claim that the old African kingdom of Ghana was conquered by the militant Berber Almoravids in the eleventh century. Islam was not introduced into sub-Saharan Africa through militant jihad, as generally believed. The principal agents for the dissemination of Islam in West Africa were local clerics, who used the peaceful means of accommodation and adaptation. The clerical tradition was pacifist, emphasizing learning and teaching, not war and political office.

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25

Cheikh, Abd El Wedoud Ould, and Bernard Saison. "Le théologien et le somnambule: un épisode récent de l'histoire almoravide en Mauritanie." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 19, no. 2 (1985): 301. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/484827.

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Cheikh, Abd El Wedoud Ould, and Bernard Saison. "Le théologien et le somnambule: un épisode récent de l'histoire almoravide en Mauritanie." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 19, no. 2 (January 1985): 301–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1985.10804115.

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27

Hunwick, John. "Gao and the Almoravids Revisited: Ethnicity, Political Change and the Limits of Interpretation." Journal of African History 35, no. 2 (July 1994): 251–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853700026426.

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28

Catlos, Brian A. "The Almoravid and Almohad Empires, by Amira K. Bennison." English Historical Review 133, no. 564 (August 6, 2018): 1280–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey232.

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29

Fierro, Maribel. "The Almoravid and Almohad Empires by Amira K. Bennison." Maghreb Review 42, no. 1 (2017): 73–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tmr.2017.0026.

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30

Fisher, Humphrey J. "What's in a Name? the Almoravids of the Eleventh Century in the Western Sahara." Journal of Religion in Africa 22, no. 4 (1992): 290–317. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006692x00022.

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31

Naylor, Phillip C., and Julia Clancy-Smith. "North Africa, Islam, and the Mediterranean World: From the Almoravids to the Algerian War." International Journal of African Historical Studies 35, no. 2/3 (2002): 622. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3097703.

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32

Warscheid, Ismail. "Law and the Islamization of Morocco under the Almoravids, written by Camilo Gomez-Rivas." Studia Islamica 110, no. 2 (October 19, 2015): 268–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341326.

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33

Garnier, Sébastien. "The Almoravid and Almohad Empires, written by Amira K. Bennison." Studia Islamica 113, no. 1 (April 17, 2018): 97–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/19585705-12341369.

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34

Marcos Cobaleda, María, and Françoise Pirot. "Les muqarnas dans la Méditerranée médiévale depuis l’époque almoravide jusqu’à la fin du xve siècle." Histoire & mesure XXXI, no. 2 (December 31, 2016): 11–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/histoiremesure.5439.

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35

Ladjal, Tarek, and John Caruana. "The Christian presence in North Africa under Almoravids Rule (1040–1147 CE): Coexistence or eradication?" Cogent Arts & Humanities 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2017): 1334374. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2017.1334374.

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36

Bongianino, Umberto. "Quelques remarques sur l’origine des écritures coraniques arrondies en al-Andalus (V^e/XI^e-VI^e/XII^e siècles)." Al-Qanṭara 38, no. 2 (March 23, 2018): 153. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/alqantara.2017.006.

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Dans cet article on analyse les graphies utilisées par les copistes andalous qui se consacrèrent à la production de manuscrits coraniques entre le Ve/XIe et le VIe/XIIe siècle. On examine aussi la transformation qui se produisit pendant cette époque dans la forme, l’aspect, et la conception du muṣḥaf en péninsule Ibérique. On démontrera que la notion de « graphies coraniques » en Occident islamique est tellement fluide qu’elle devient insaisissable pour la période qui va de l’introduction des graphies cursives dans les manuscrits du Coran à l’apogée de la domination Almoravide. On tentera aussi d’expliciter comment tous les traits calligraphiques de ces styles dérivent des écritures livresques de la même époque. Enfin, on traitera de l’activité de quelques copistes andalous de cette période, de leurs modèles esthétiques et statut social, et du contexte culturel qui émerge des aspects matériaux des manuscrits qu’ils produisirent.

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37

Hour, Rachid El. "The Andalusian Qadi in the Almoravid Period: Political and Judicial Authority." Studia Islamica, no. 90 (2000): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1596165.

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38

Abdullah, Hakim Jasim, and Muna Qassim Muareje. "Motives of the Escape from the Reality in Andalusian Poetry in the Era of (Sects and Almoravids) as a Model." International Journal of Early Childhood Special Education 13, no. 2 (December 2, 2021): 1123–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.9756/int-jecse/v13i2.211157.

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We often think that escaping is the way to alleviate political and social pressures and problems. The immigrant is forced to leave his homeland, desiring to be rid of tyranny, because a society based on political disintegration was naturally for its children to grow up in awe of anxiety and psychological turmoil. This difficult situation is in the psyche of the Andalusian society, where the difficult political conditions that afflicted the country and spread terror and destruction in the souls had its effect in forcing people to leave their countries and seek refuge in other countries where protection and safety are available, so many Andalusians suffered from a life of misery and homelessness, which was reflected these conditions affect social life in the era of the sects and the Almoravids, leaving negative effects such as poverty, deprivation, destitution and a feeling of psychological alienation. Which we will see in this study.

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Villegas-Aristizábal, Lucas. "Spiritual and Material Rewards on the Christian-Muslim Frontier: Norman Crusaders in the Valley of the Ebro in the First Half of the Twelfth Century." Medievalismo, no. 27 (December 11, 2017): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.6018/medievalismo.27.310701.

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This article explores the involvement of the Norman nobility in the wars between Christians and Muslims in the Ebro Valley in the first half of the 12th Century. The work recognises how the participation of the this particular ethno-cultural group in the peninsula was renovated to a certain degree by the deeds and religious transformation that took place as result of the preaching and success of the crusade. Furthermore, by exploring the careers of Rotrou of Perche, Robert Burdet and Walter Guidvilla this piece demonstrates how their religiosity as well as the filial relations and traditional desire for wealth that characterise this group of warriors, made the Iberian theatre of conflict so attractive at this particular period. Also, this article, tries to show how their Iberians lay and clerical coreligionists perceived the usefulness of these Norman contingents in their conflict with the Almoravids.

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Abdulallah, Lect Dr Rafid Jihad. "Satirical Caricatures in the Andalusian Poetry." ALUSTATH JOURNAL FOR HUMAN AND SOCIAL SCIENCES 221, no. 1 (November 6, 2018): 137–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.36473/ujhss.v221i1.428.

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Satirical caricature is deemed one of the critical topics that occupied a central position in the poetry of Andalusia through the ages, and it gained momentum during The Almoravids’ (“al-Murabitun’s”) times, and this is especially the case as their poetry seemed to have been more concerned with the satirical depictions of the jurists and the judges. The present research paper has fallen into two major divisions: the first one is treating of the political satirical caricature, while the second one is mainly concerned with the social satirical caricature. The first division branches out into three sections, as follows: Section One: Satirical Caricatures of Ministerial Members. Section Two: Satirical Caricatures of the Statesmen. Section Three: Satirical Caricatures of the Judges. As for the second division, it branches out into two sections, as follows: Section One: Satirical Caricatures of the Jurists. Section Two: Satirical Caricatures of the Misers.

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Miller, James. "Trading through Islam: the interconnections of Sijilmasa, Ghana and the Almoravid movement." Journal of North African Studies 6, no. 1 (January 2001): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380108718420.

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Peyron, Michael. "Qala'at al‐Mahdi: a pre‐Almoravid fortress in the Moroccan Middle‐Atlas." Journal of North African Studies 8, no. 2 (June 2003): 115–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629380308718510.

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García-Sanjuán, Alejandro. "Jews and Christians in Almoravid Seville as Portrayed by the Islamic Jurist Ibn cAbdūn." Medieval Encounters 14, no. 1 (2007): 78–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/138078507x254659.

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AbstractThis article examines the way in which Jews and Christians are portrayed in the hisba treatise by the Andalusian Islamic jurist from Seville, Ibn cAbdūn (12th century). The first part is devoted to describe his comments on these religious communities in connection with previous Islamic juridical tradition. The second one deals with the relationship between the theoretical and practical dimensions of the juridical information that he provides in regard to the influence of the Almoravid rule over the legal conditions of Jews and Christians. Finally, the article includes an appendix with the English translation of IbncAbdūn's references to Jews and Christians.

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Masonen, Pekka, and Humphrey J. Fisher. "Not Quite Venus from the Waves: The Almoravid Conquest of Ghana in the Modern Historiography of Western Africa." History in Africa 23 (January 1996): 197–232. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171941.

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The Almoravid conquest of ancient Ghana in 1076 AD is certainly among the most dramatic and controversial single events in the historiography of West Africa. It has been regarded as a crucial turning point, as the battle of Hastings was for England, not only for the existence of Ghana, but also for the destiny of the entire area, opening the gates to a triumphant Islam in sub-Saharan Africa.Yet the conquest and destruction of Ghana by Almoravid invaders constitute one of the myths which still populate African historiography, like the wonderful voyage of Hanno to the Bight of Biafra, which was carried over from classical Greco-Roman texts into modern European literature as early as 1533. Since then the story of Hanno has been used for various purposes by western Africanists, for instance, to explain the diffusion of iron technology into sub-Saharan Africa. Just the same, no definite evidence has yet been found for any Carthaginian sailings along the West African coast, except the Periplus of Hanno itself, which seems to be a literary composition drawn from earlier classical sources. A reason for the popularity of Hanno, and other such stories in African historiography, has been that many modern writers have been content with using the previous secondary literature, instead of examining carefully all the available primary sources. Consequently, many subjective and hypothetical assumptions created by previous scholars, working on the basis of even less evidence, have been transferred bodily from one corpus of research to the next. Finally, their origin forgotten, stories like the voyage of Hanno have become established historical facts through constant repetition in the authorized literature.

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binti Abdul Rahim, Norraha, and Zakaria bin Bojeng. "Pengenalan ringkas duit syiling Islam Koleksi Jabatan Muzium Sarawak." Sarawak Museum Journal LXXX, no. 101 (December 1, 2018): 35–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.61507/smj22-2018-vz6r-02.

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This article, briefly discusses on the coins in the Sarawak Museum collection: coins in general, the earliest coin produced, coin making, and some selected Islamic coins, representing the Dynasties of Umayyad, Abbasid, Fatimid, Anatolia Seljuk, Almoravid, Mamluk, Artuqid, Ilkhanid, Safavid, Qajar and Ottoman, that are on display at the Sarawak Islamic Heritage Museum. Each of these coins has certain characteristics that made them unique from coins of other Islamic periods. Among the common features found on Islamic coins are the use of the Hijri year (commencing with the migration of Prophet Muhammad PBUH from Mecca to Medina, which later marks the first year of the Muslim calendar) and Kufic inscriptions.

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Bongianino, Umberto. "A Rediscovered Almoravid Qurʾān in the Bavarian State Library, Munich (Cod. arab. 4)." Journal of Islamic Manuscripts 11, no. 3 (October 29, 2020): 263–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1878464x-01103001.

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Abstract This article examines and contextualizes a small Quranic manuscript, copied in al-Andalus in 533/1138–1139, whose importance has so far gone unrecognized. Among its many interesting features are: its early date; its lavish illumination; its colophon and the information contained therein; its system of notation and textual division; its use of different calligraphic styles, including Maghribī thuluth; and a series of didactic notes written at the beginning and end of the codex. Presented in the appendix is an updated list of the extant Qurʾāns in Maghribī scripts dated to before 600/1203–1204, aimed at encouraging the digitization, publication, and comparative study of this still largely uncharted material. The advancement of scholarship on the arts of the book, the transmission of the Qurʾān, and the consumption of Quranic manuscripts in the Islamic West depends upon the analysis of these and many other surviving codices and fragments, related to Cod. arab. 4 of the Bavarian State Library and its context of production.

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Marcos Cobaleda, María, and Dolores Villalba Sola. "Transformations in medieval Fez: Almoravid hydraulic system and changes in the Almohad walls." Journal of North African Studies 23, no. 4 (September 12, 2017): 591–623. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13629387.2017.1371596.

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Hamel, Chouki El. "The Transmission of Islamic Knowledge in Moorish Society from the Rise of the Almoravids to the 19th Century." Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 1 (February 1999): 62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581787.

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EL HAMEL, Chouki. "The Transmission of Islamic Knowledge in Moorish Society From the Rise of the Almoravids To the 19Th Century." Journal of Religion in Africa 29, no. 1 (1999): 62–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006699x00241.

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Buresi, Pascal. "La réaction idéologique almoravide et almohade à l'expansion occidentale dans la péninsule Ibérique (fin XIe-mi XIIIe siècles)." Actes de la Société des historiens médiévistes de l'enseignement supérieur public 33, no. 1 (2002): 229–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/shmes.2002.1839.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Almoravides'

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