Relevant bibliographies by topics / American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society

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Academic literature on the topic 'American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 29 July 2024

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Journal articles on the topic "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society"

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Rasmussen, Anders Bo. "“Drawn Together in a Blood Brotherhood”: Civic Nationalism amongst Scandinavian Immigrants in the American Civil War Crucible." American Studies in Scandinavia 48, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v48i2.5450.

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The American Civil War, 1861-1865, broke out during a time of intense debate over slavery and fear of foreign-born influence on American society. The war’s outbreak, however, provided both freedmen and immigrants an opportunity to prove their loyalty to the United States. Scandinavian Americans, among other ethnic groups, seized the opportunity. This article argues that the Scandinavian elite implicitly constructed at least three different forms of ethnic identity – here termed exclusive, political, and national – to spur enlistment at the ground level, gain political influence, and demonstrate American allegiance. In the process the Scandinavian war effort strengthened these immigrant soldiers’ ties to their adopted nation, while a political ethnic identity, initially constructed in opposition to other ethnic groups, was weakened by the Scandinavians’ experience in the American multiethnic military crucible. The Civil War thereby hastened Scandinavian immigrants’ path towards the American mainstream, where many veterans subsequently served as a bridge between their local communities and broader American society, and reinforced their belief in American civic nationalism.
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ГАРУСОВА, Лариса. "Внешняя политика США в восприятии и оценках современного американского общества." Известия Восточного института 46, no. 2 (2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2542-1611/2020-2/57-66.

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Анализируется взаимосвязь и корреляция современной внешнеполитической стратегии США с общественной рефлексией на неё. Информационной основой работы являются результаты социологических опросов ведущих американских исследовательских центров, статистические данные, статьи, официальные документы. Прослежена связь официальных внешнеполитических доктрин и мнения американских граждан в отношении России и Китая. Выявлена корреляция между усилением антикитайских настроений в США за последние два года и появлением новой официальной стратегии Вашингтона в отношении КНР («Стратегический подход США к КНР») от 20 мая 2020 г. внешняя политика, США, стратегия, рефлексия, общественное мнение, Россия, Китай, национальная безопасность This article analyzes the relationship and correlation of the US modern foreign policy strategy with public reflection on it. Washington's active foreign policy and US claims to the role of world leader are supported by American society in recent decades. The informational basis of this work is the analysis of the sociological surveys of leading American research centers, statistics, academic articles, as well as official documents on the studied issues. The study revealed the peculiarities of the perception of traditional and new threats to national and international security by the American elite and society. The author traces the connection between official foreign policy doctrines and the opinions of American citizens regarding Russia and China. A correlation was found between the strengthening of anti-Chinese sentiment in the US over the past two years and the appearance of a new official strategy of Washington towards the PRC (“United States Strategic Approach to The People’s Republic of China”) in May 20, 2020. foreign policy, USA, strategy, reflection, public opinion, Russia, China, national security
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Wu, Ellen D. "““America's Chinese””: Anti-Communism, Citizenship, and Cultural Diplomacy during the Cold War." Pacific Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1, 2008): 391–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2008.77.3.391.

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With the onset of the Cold War, the federal government became concerned with the impact that the status and treatment of Chinese Americans as a racial minority in American society had on perceptions of the United States among populations in the Asian Pacific. As a response, the State Department's cultural diplomacy campaigns targeting the Pacific Rim used Chinese Americans, including Betty Lee Sung (writer for the Voice of America) and Jade Snow Wong and Dong Kingman (artists who conducted lectures and exhibitions throughout Asia). By doing so, the government legitimated Chinese Americans' long-standing claims to full citizenship in new and powerful ways. But the terms on which Chinese Americans served as representatives of the nation and the state——as racial minorities and as ““Overseas Chinese””——also worked to reproduce their racial otherness and mark them as ““non-white”” and foreign, thus compromising their gains in social standing.
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Nemirova, Natalia. "Russian-American relations in the public opinion of Russia and the USA." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 4 (2022): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.403.

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The article is devoted to the study of Russian-American relations through the prism of public opinion of both countries. Foreign political views of citizens are an important element of international politics in the modern information society; they directly affect the development of international relations, providing an opportunity to legitimize and moralize foreign policy decisions of world leaders. Based on open secondary data from opinion polls, the article traces the history of the development of Russian-American relations in the post-Soviet period. The author proves that the formation of anti-Americanism ideas underlying the current reversion of consciousness to the Cold War era was formed by the early 2000s. The personality of President Vladimir Putin and his foreign policy strategy have become decisive for Russian-American relations, but at the same time, negative identification in the system of images of “friends and enemies” of Russians and Americans is realized by value-based foreign policy ideas, rather than by opportunistic situational value judgments. The media produces the existing crisis agenda, influencing the emotional, rather than meaningful response in citizens’ opinions. The events of 2014 triggered the current long-term crisis in Russian-American relations, a characteristic feature of which was the disparity (asymmetry) of mutual perceptions, which intensified after 2018. This period is also characterized by an increase in the ambivalence and turbulence of public opinion, primitivizing its model to the expression of the bloc consciousness “for — against”, “friend — enemy”. For Russians, their stance on the Ukrainian question alongside sanctions remain the key indicators in the perception of America. For Americans, such indicators are the strengthening of totalitarianism in Russia and interference in American elections. There are no short- and medium-term prospects for improving Russian-American relations in the current period.
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Leffel, Benjamin. "Animus of the Underling: Theorizing City Diplomacy in a World Society." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 502–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13040025.

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Summary This article explores the nature of city diplomacy using newly available archives chronicling the ‘municipal foreign policy movement’ of the 1980s, in which US city governments intervened directly in late Cold War foreign affairs issues. Cases covered include US city governments’ involvement in the nuclear free zone movement, the Central American crisis and the anti-Apartheid movement throughout the 1980s. A theoretical synthesis of literature in world society theory, diplomatic studies and social movement theory is used to explain the normative, macro-sociological, legal, democratic and sociopolitical dynamics of contentious city-government intervention in foreign affairs. Emphasizing the normative processes at play, this article argues through a world society theoretical interpretation that ‘municipal foreign policy’ efforts represent local-level codification of universal norms that the US federal government either neglected to enforce or directly violated.
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Boltaevskiy, Andrey A., and Stanislav A. Agureev. "Slavery in Dutch Guiana and the Dutch Colonial Ethos." Journal of Frontier Studies 7, no. 4 (December 5, 2022): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v7i4.294.

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The subject of this article is the economic system that has developed in the Netherlands Guiana, based on forced slave labor. The degree of cruelty of this system over the past centuries has been mythologized by both contemporaries of the events and later researchers. Today in Netherlands, at the highest official level, the era of colonial slavery has been condemned but at the same time it was recognized as a part of national history, which is largely due to the influential Caribbean community. However, the attitude towards this topic in society remains extremely polarized, becoming the subject of manipulation by populist and nationalist forces. The work is based on a wide range of foreign sources and research; the methodological basis includes the historical, genetic and comparative methods. The scientific novelty of the article is connected with the poor study of the topic in domestic science. A comparative study of the situation of slaves in the Western Hemisphere has shown that toughness was not unique to the Dutch colonial ethos. The high mortality and hardships of slaves in the Netherlands Guiana and the Caribbean are due to the specifics of sugar plantations, and not to a greater degree of racism compared to Iberoamerica. The author draws attention to the gradual progressive evolution of all slavery regimes on the American continent.
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Ilyichev, Anton Vladimirovich. "The Crimean War and the Eastern Question in the view of Catholic Americans in the middle of the XIX century (based on the materials of the Boston Pilot)." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2023): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.3.40585.

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The article examines the publications of the Boston Pilot for the period from 1849 to 1856, devoted to the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The purpose of the study is to analyze the views of Catholic Americans on the events of the mid-19th century, as a result of America's information policy to counter British expansionism in the 19th century. The subject of the study are the issues of the Boston Pilot magazine, which feature articles on the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The lower chronological frame is due to the fact that the events of 1849 ("Spring of the Peoples") served as a prologue to the crisis in the East. The object of the study is the information policy of America, aimed at forming a narrative about the Eastern question and the Crimean War among the American Catholic population, following the American foreign policy course of the XIX century. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that the newspaper's publications can be divided into two periods according to their tonality. The first one, from 1849 to 1853, follows the pan-European discourse and contains statements and provisions with an anti-Russian orientation. The subsequent escalation of the conflict with the inclusion of Great Britain and France in the conflict leads to a transformation of the views of the authors of the Boston Pilot on the events taking place. The publication begins to position the conflict as a tool to weaken the British Empire, urging readers to refrain from direct participation. In this interpretation, Russia appears as a lesser evil necessary for the fight against Britain. The attitude of the Catholic population of the United States to the events of the middle should be positioned as anti-British. The assessment of sentiments as pro-Russian is erroneous and creates a misconception not only about American society of the period under review, but also about US foreign policy in the XIX century.
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Kim, Young Choul, and Ho Keun Yoo. "Anti-Americanism in East Asia: Analyses of college students’ attitudes in China, Japan, and South Korea." International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916682390.

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In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.
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Goodman, Giora. "The British Government and the Challenge of McCarthyism in the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 62–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.62.

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The domestic policies and excesses of American anti-Communism in the early Cold War, dominated by the image of Senator Joseph McCarthy, have been the subject of controversy and a great deal of historical research. No less significant and much commented on at the time was the influence of McCarthyism on foreign relations and perceptions of the United States abroad. This article deals with the British government's responses to the anti-Communist fervor in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Britain was itself grappling with the challenges posed by the Cold War, including those relating to security and civil liberties in a democratic society. The impact of American anti-Communism was felt strongly in that context. The article draws extensively on recently released files from the British security services and other British government agencies.
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Pratt, Lloyd. "Early American Literature and Its Exclusions." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 4 (October 2013): 983–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.4.983.

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James Allen, the author of an “epic poem” entitled “Bunker Hill,” of which but a few fragments have been published, lived in the same period. The world lost nothing by “his neglect of fame.”—Rufus Griswold, The Poets and Poetry of AmericaAcross several of his influential anthologies of american literature, rufus griswold—nineteenth-century anthologist, poet, and erstwhile editor of Edgar Allan Poe—offers conflicting measures of what we now call early American literature. In The Prose Writers of America, for example, which first appeared in 1847 and later went into multiple editions, Griswold offers a familiar and currently derided set of parameters for this corpus of writing. In his prefatory remarks, dated May 1847, he explains that he has chosen not to include “the merely successful writers” who precede him. Although success might appear a high enough bar to warrant inclusion, he emphasizes that he has focused on writers who “have evinced unusual powers in controlling the national mind, or in forming the national character …” (5). This emphasis on what has been nationally consequential echoes other moments in Prose Writers, as well as paratextual material in his earlier The Poets and Poetry of America (1842) and his Female Poets of America (1848). In his several miniature screeds condemning the lack of international copyright, as well as the consequent flooding of the American market with cheap reprints, Griswold explains the “difficulties and dangers” this lack poses to “American literature”: “Injurious as it is to the foreign author, it is more so to the American [people,] whom it deprives of that nationality of feeling which is among the first and most powerful incentives to every feat of greatness” (Prose Writers 6). In The Poets and Poetry of America, he similarly complains that America's “national tastes and feelings are fashioned by the subject of kings; and they will continue so to be, until [there is] an honest and political system of reciprocalcopyright …” (v). Even in The Female Poets of America, the subject of which one might think would change the nature of this conversation, Griswold returns to the national project, examining the significance of women writers for it. He cites the fact that several of the poets included in this volume have written from lives that were “no holydays of leisure” but defined rather by everything from “practical duties” to the experience of slavery. He also responds to those carping “foreign critics” who propose that “our citizens are too much devoted to business and politics to feel interest in pursuits which adorn but do not profit”; these home-laboring women writers, he argues, may end up being the source of that which is most genuinely American and most correctly poetic: “Those who cherish a belief that the progress of society in this country is destined to develop a school of art, original and special, will perhaps find more decided indications of the infusion of our domestic spirit and temper in literature, in the poetry of our female authors, than in that of our men” (8). As it turns out, even women poets are held to the standard of national self-expression and national self-realization; the surprise lies only in the fact that they live up to this standard.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society"

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Jezierski, Rachael A. "The Glasgow Emancipation Society and the American Anti-Slavery Movement." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 2011. http://theses.gla.ac.uk/2641/.

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This study reinterprets the history of the Glasgow Emancipation Society and its relationship to the American anti-slavery movement in the nineteenth century. It examines the role of economics, religion and reform, from Colonial times up to the US Civil War, in order to determine its influence on abolition locally and nationally. This thesis emphasizes the reformist tendencies of the Glasgow abolitionists and how this dynamic significantly influenced their adherence to the original American Anti-Slavery Society and William Lloyd Garrison. It questions the infallibility of the evangelical response to anti-slavery in Scotland, demonstrating how Scottish-American ecclesiastical ties, and the preservation of Protestant unity, often conflicted with abolitionist efforts in Glasgow. It also focuses on the true leaders of GES, persons often ignored in historical accounts concerning Scottish anti-slavery, which explains the motivation and rational behind the society’s zealous attitude and proactive policies. It argues that similar social, political and religious imperatives that affected the American movement likewise mirrored events in Scotland influencing Glaswegian anti-slavery. Lastly, it resurrects the legacy of the Glasgow Emancipation Society from its provincial role, showing it was, in fact, a leader in the British campaign against American slavery.
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Books on the topic "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society"

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GOVERNMENT, US. An Act to Make Available Funds under the Foreign Assistance Act of 1961 to Expand Democracy, Good Governance, and Anti-Corruption Programs in the Russian Federation in Order to Promote and Strengthen Democratic Government and Civil Society and Independent Media in that Country. [Washington, D.C: U.S. G.P.O., 2002.

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Leslie, Bethell, and Carvalho José Murilo de, eds. Joaquim Nabuco e os abolicionistas britânicos: Correspondência 1880-1905. Rio de Janeiro: Academia Brasileira [de Letras], 2008.

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Thomaz, Nabuco José, ed. Cartas aos abolicionistas ingleses. Recife: Fundação Joaquim Nabuco, Editora Massangana, 1985.

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United States. Congress. House. Committee on Foreign Affairs. Various bills and resolutions: Markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, second session, on H. Res. 1351, H. Res. 1361, H. Res. 1369, H. Con. Res. 374, H.R. 6574 and H. Res. 1370, July 24, 2008. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2008.

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Affairs, United States Congress House Committee on Foreign. Various bills and resolutions: Markup before the Committee on Foreign Affairs, House of Representatives, One Hundred Tenth Congress, first session, on H.R. 982, H.R. 1469, H.R. 1405, H.R. 1441, H.R. 1678, H. Con. Res. 100, H. Res. 100, H. Res. 125, H. Res. 158, H. Res. 196, H. Res. 240, H. Res. 267, and H.R. 1681, March 27, 2007. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2007.

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Beecher, Stowe Harriet. De hut van oom Tom: Of Het leven onder de slaven. Amsterdam: Athenaeum--Polak & Van Gennep, 2005.

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Execut, American Anti-Slavery Society, British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Soci, and Anti-Slavery Convention (1st. Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade in the United States of North America; Being Replies to Questions Transmitted by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade Throughout the World, ... Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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Execut, American Anti-Slavery Society, British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Soci, and Anti-Slavery Convention (1st. Slavery and the Internal Slave Trade in the United States of North America; Being Replies to Questions Transmitted by the Committee of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society for the Abolition of Slavery and the Slave Trade Throughout the World, ... Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2021.

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9

Heartfield, James. British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838-1956. Oxford University Press, 2016.

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Society, American Anti-Slavery. Annual Report of the American Anti-Slavery Society. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Book chapters on the topic "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society"

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Chaves, Wanderson. "US-Latin American Exchange and Florestan Fernandes' The Negro in Brazilian Society." In Foundations, US Foreign Policy and Anti-Racism in Brazil, 104–12. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003178507-5.

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Sklar, Kathryn Kish. "American Anti-Slavery Society." In Women’s Rights Emerges within the Antislavery Movement, 1830–1870, 84–85. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-04527-0_7.

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Saba, Roberto. "Distant Slave Empires." In American Mirror, 17–50. Princeton University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691190747.003.0002.

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This chapter discusses US–Brazilian relations in the 1840s and 1850s. It reveals that no matter how boastful Southern slaveholders had become, they could not establish an effective foreign policy in defense of slavery or promote it as a viable system for the future of capitalism. Proslavery Southerners' foreign policy alienated the Brazilian elite and ruined any possibility of a proslavery alliance emerging. Antislavery Northerners, on the other hand, succeeded in bringing Brazilian society closer to the Union by portraying Brazilian slaveholders as progressive planters willing to phase out slavery and modernize their economy. By the end of the 1850s, American antislavery reformers had planted the seeds of a transnational cooperation that would isolate the slave South and set the stage for a transition to free labor in Brazil.
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Koh, Harold Hongju. "The New Global Slave Trade." In Displacement, Asylum, Migration, 232–63. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192807243.003.0008.

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Abstract It was in the Codrington Library of All Souls, Oxford, that I sat six years ago, thinking about the origins of the modern international human rights movement. In researching that subject, I became fascinated by the work of such nineteenth- century activists as Henri Dunant of the International Committee of the Red Cross, Christian peace activists, such as America’s William Ladd and Elihu Burritt, who promoted public international arbitration and permanent international criminal courts, and most of all by William Wilberforce of the British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society.
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Christians, Clifford G., John P. Ferre, and P. Mark Fackler. "Civic Transformation." In Good News, 84–122. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195084320.003.0004.

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Abstract The little-known history of the black antebellum press is now coming to light with the publication of manuscripts, correspondence, and speeches from those editors and fugitives who make up the opposite side of the “great editors” story. Samuel Ringgold Ward, the second son of slave parents who escaped the South in 1820, founded the True American in 1847, and two years later, the Impartial Citizen in Syracuse, New York. He was a Congregationalist minister and popular speaker for the American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society when he joined a plot in 1851 to rescue a fugitive slave from the custody of federal officers. That foiled attempt to obstruct formal justice led to his own flight to Canada, where he published the Provincial Freeman, and he later toured England raising funds for the abolitionist cause. In Canada in 1851, Ward urged readers of Henry Bibb’s Voice of the Fugitive to a “universal agitation, by the press and the tongue, in church and at the polls” to “rid our beloved adopted country of this infernal curse,” slavery.
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Shriver, Donald W. "Whither Forgiveness In American Politics?" In An Ethic For Enemies, 218–34. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195091052.003.0008.

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Abstract Midway in the writing of this book, in early 1992, I had the opportunity to test its major themes in three months of conversation with a cross section of citizens of South Africa. At first, many of them took occasion to warn me against my becoming “another American writing a book about South Africa.” To this warning I always replied that my book centered on my own country but that a good reason for foreign travel is to understand one’s own more clearly through the perspectives of another. In fact Americans can achieve impressive new clarity about the reality and costs of racism in their own United States by observing the same in modern South Africa. The apartheid regime of forty years has inflicted upon that society a stark version of. racist exploitation that mightily resembles slavery. South African whites may resent the analogy, but not many black South Africans will. All wise people in both countries are likely to agree that recovery from structured, coercive racism in any society is a long process. Estimates vary widely as to how long it will take a new government in South Africa to repair the damages done its majority during centuries of exclusion from land ownership, first-rate education, modem health care, decent housing, the best jobs, political power, and public recognition of human dignity. But Americans who know the post-1865 history of freed black slaves and their contemporary descendants have every reason to wonder if a society so damaged can recover in only a few decades.
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Drummond, Nicholas W. "Trump, Neoconservatives, and the Misrepresentation of the American Founding." In The Vanishing Tradition, 99–108. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749858.003.0008.

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This chapter evaluates the neoconservative anti-Trumpers who view the Trump presidency as a betrayal of America's founding principles. These detractors have been especially critical of nationalist populism and its rejection of “globalist” policies like free trade, foreign interventionism, and immigration. The chapter argues that neoconservatives misunderstand America's principles as a nation because they have relied heavily on certain sources, starting with the view of the American founding taught by the followers of Leo Strauss. This view overemphasizes Lockean natural rights and the merits of commercial acquisitiveness. Absent from this neoconservative analysis is an appreciation of three tenets of James Madison's political thinking, each of which accords with nationalist populism: civic republicanism, intergenerational duty to ancestors and posterity, and a warning that too much diversity will lead to a plutocratic oppression of society through a politics of divide and conquer. Although neoconservatives may have personal reasons to criticize the presidency of Donald Trump, their argument from the American founding is not particularly convincing.
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Varzally, Allison. "Vietnamese Adoptions in the Early War Years." In Children of Reunion. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469630915.003.0002.

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This chapter explores the first wave of Vietnamese adoptions against a backdrop of military escalation and growing anti-war sentiment. It examines the language of responsibility, culpability and multiculturalism that came to dominate defences of adoptions in the Vietnam War era as Americans reconsidered the effectiveness and morality of U.S. foreign policy. Integral to such rhetoric was the imagined and real participation of American men and women as soldiers and social workers in Vietnam. The chapter not only elaborates the ways in which Vietnamese adoptions offered Americans an opportunity to engage with gendered notions of citizenship, but also addresses questions about chances for racial equality at home, the extent of the nation’s international obligations, and the power of intimate, familial relations to alter society.
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"Constitution of the American Anti-Slavery Society (1833)." In African American Studies Center. Oxford University Press, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acref/9780195301731.013.33582.

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Heartfield, James. "The Anti-Slavery Society turns to East Africa." In The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956, 225–38. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780190491673.003.0011.

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Conference papers on the topic "American and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society"

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Thomason, Tommy. "Frank Piasecki's First Production Helicopter, the HRP-1 Rescuer." In Vertical Flight Society 75th Annual Forum & Technology Display. The Vertical Flight Society, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4050/f-0075-2019-14620.

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Abstract:
During World War II, the Navy contracted with the P-V Engineering Forum headed by Frank Piasecki for a challenging Coast Guard maritime-rescue requirement: hoisting a maximum of eight survivors (one at a time) from the sea following the sinking of a ship. This necessitated a useful-load requirement of about 2,000 lbs (900 kg), almost twice that provided by any helicopter then under development or in service. Both the tandem-rotor configuration and the selection of P-V were audacious choices because the former was unproven and latter's only experience was the development of a small (1,000lb/450-kg), one-off, single-seat helicopter with a single main rotor and a separate side-mounted anti-torque tail rotor. However, the three most prominent American helicopter companies - Platt-LePage, Sikorsky, and Kellett - were already fully involved with their existing projects, the R-1, R-4/5/6, and R-8 respectively. The subsequent successful and relatively trouble-free development of the XHRP-X (H for helicopter, R for transport, P for P-V Forum) proved the feasibility and benefits of the tandem-rotor configuration as well as P-V's design and development capability, resulting in the go-ahead for a prototype XHRP-1 and then production contracts for 20 HRP-1 Rescuers, small in number and too late for use in World War II but a significant investment by the Navy given post-war budget cuts. As a result, the U.S. Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard were provided with a large transport helicopter that was used to very effectively demonstrate the feasibility and benefit of more missions than its raison d'être, maritime-rescue, and a company was established that has produced tandem-rotor helicopters for the U.S. military as well as civil operators worldwide and foreign military services for more than 70 years.
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