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1
Rasmussen, Anders Bo. "“Drawn Together in a Blood Brotherhood”: Civic Nationalism amongst Scandinavian Immigrants in the American Civil War Crucible." American Studies in Scandinavia 48, no. 2 (November 1, 2016): 7–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.22439/asca.v48i2.5450.
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The American Civil War, 1861-1865, broke out during a time of intense debate over slavery and fear of foreign-born influence on American society. The war’s outbreak, however, provided both freedmen and immigrants an opportunity to prove their loyalty to the United States. Scandinavian Americans, among other ethnic groups, seized the opportunity. This article argues that the Scandinavian elite implicitly constructed at least three different forms of ethnic identity – here termed exclusive, political, and national – to spur enlistment at the ground level, gain political influence, and demonstrate American allegiance. In the process the Scandinavian war effort strengthened these immigrant soldiers’ ties to their adopted nation, while a political ethnic identity, initially constructed in opposition to other ethnic groups, was weakened by the Scandinavians’ experience in the American multiethnic military crucible. The Civil War thereby hastened Scandinavian immigrants’ path towards the American mainstream, where many veterans subsequently served as a bridge between their local communities and broader American society, and reinforced their belief in American civic nationalism.
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ГАРУСОВА, Лариса. "Внешняя политика США в восприятии и оценках современного американского общества." Известия Восточного института 46, no. 2 (2020): 57–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.24866/2542-1611/2020-2/57-66.
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Анализируется взаимосвязь и корреляция современной внешнеполитической стратегии США с общественной рефлексией на неё. Информационной основой работы являются результаты социологических опросов ведущих американских исследовательских центров, статистические данные, статьи, официальные документы. Прослежена связь официальных внешнеполитических доктрин и мнения американских граждан в отношении России и Китая. Выявлена корреляция между усилением антикитайских настроений в США за последние два года и появлением новой официальной стратегии Вашингтона в отношении КНР («Стратегический подход США к КНР») от 20 мая 2020 г. внешняя политика, США, стратегия, рефлексия, общественное мнение, Россия, Китай, национальная безопасность This article analyzes the relationship and correlation of the US modern foreign policy strategy with public reflection on it. Washington's active foreign policy and US claims to the role of world leader are supported by American society in recent decades. The informational basis of this work is the analysis of the sociological surveys of leading American research centers, statistics, academic articles, as well as official documents on the studied issues. The study revealed the peculiarities of the perception of traditional and new threats to national and international security by the American elite and society. The author traces the connection between official foreign policy doctrines and the opinions of American citizens regarding Russia and China. A correlation was found between the strengthening of anti-Chinese sentiment in the US over the past two years and the appearance of a new official strategy of Washington towards the PRC (“United States Strategic Approach to The People’s Republic of China”) in May 20, 2020. foreign policy, USA, strategy, reflection, public opinion, Russia, China, national security
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Wu, Ellen D. "““America's Chinese””: Anti-Communism, Citizenship, and Cultural Diplomacy during the Cold War." Pacific Historical Review 77, no. 3 (August 1, 2008): 391–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2008.77.3.391.
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With the onset of the Cold War, the federal government became concerned with the impact that the status and treatment of Chinese Americans as a racial minority in American society had on perceptions of the United States among populations in the Asian Pacific. As a response, the State Department's cultural diplomacy campaigns targeting the Pacific Rim used Chinese Americans, including Betty Lee Sung (writer for the Voice of America) and Jade Snow Wong and Dong Kingman (artists who conducted lectures and exhibitions throughout Asia). By doing so, the government legitimated Chinese Americans' long-standing claims to full citizenship in new and powerful ways. But the terms on which Chinese Americans served as representatives of the nation and the state——as racial minorities and as ““Overseas Chinese””——also worked to reproduce their racial otherness and mark them as ““non-white”” and foreign, thus compromising their gains in social standing.
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Nemirova, Natalia. "Russian-American relations in the public opinion of Russia and the USA." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. International relations 14, no. 4 (2022): 409–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu06.2021.403.
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The article is devoted to the study of Russian-American relations through the prism of public opinion of both countries. Foreign political views of citizens are an important element of international politics in the modern information society; they directly affect the development of international relations, providing an opportunity to legitimize and moralize foreign policy decisions of world leaders. Based on open secondary data from opinion polls, the article traces the history of the development of Russian-American relations in the post-Soviet period. The author proves that the formation of anti-Americanism ideas underlying the current reversion of consciousness to the Cold War era was formed by the early 2000s. The personality of President Vladimir Putin and his foreign policy strategy have become decisive for Russian-American relations, but at the same time, negative identification in the system of images of “friends and enemies” of Russians and Americans is realized by value-based foreign policy ideas, rather than by opportunistic situational value judgments. The media produces the existing crisis agenda, influencing the emotional, rather than meaningful response in citizens’ opinions. The events of 2014 triggered the current long-term crisis in Russian-American relations, a characteristic feature of which was the disparity (asymmetry) of mutual perceptions, which intensified after 2018. This period is also characterized by an increase in the ambivalence and turbulence of public opinion, primitivizing its model to the expression of the bloc consciousness “for — against”, “friend — enemy”. For Russians, their stance on the Ukrainian question alongside sanctions remain the key indicators in the perception of America. For Americans, such indicators are the strengthening of totalitarianism in Russia and interference in American elections. There are no short- and medium-term prospects for improving Russian-American relations in the current period.
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Leffel, Benjamin. "Animus of the Underling: Theorizing City Diplomacy in a World Society." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 13, no. 4 (November 12, 2018): 502–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-13040025.
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Summary This article explores the nature of city diplomacy using newly available archives chronicling the ‘municipal foreign policy movement’ of the 1980s, in which US city governments intervened directly in late Cold War foreign affairs issues. Cases covered include US city governments’ involvement in the nuclear free zone movement, the Central American crisis and the anti-Apartheid movement throughout the 1980s. A theoretical synthesis of literature in world society theory, diplomatic studies and social movement theory is used to explain the normative, macro-sociological, legal, democratic and sociopolitical dynamics of contentious city-government intervention in foreign affairs. Emphasizing the normative processes at play, this article argues through a world society theoretical interpretation that ‘municipal foreign policy’ efforts represent local-level codification of universal norms that the US federal government either neglected to enforce or directly violated.
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Boltaevskiy, Andrey A., and Stanislav A. Agureev. "Slavery in Dutch Guiana and the Dutch Colonial Ethos." Journal of Frontier Studies 7, no. 4 (December 5, 2022): 213–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.46539/jfs.v7i4.294.
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The subject of this article is the economic system that has developed in the Netherlands Guiana, based on forced slave labor. The degree of cruelty of this system over the past centuries has been mythologized by both contemporaries of the events and later researchers. Today in Netherlands, at the highest official level, the era of colonial slavery has been condemned but at the same time it was recognized as a part of national history, which is largely due to the influential Caribbean community. However, the attitude towards this topic in society remains extremely polarized, becoming the subject of manipulation by populist and nationalist forces.
The work is based on a wide range of foreign sources and research; the methodological basis includes the historical, genetic and comparative methods. The scientific novelty of the article is connected with the poor study of the topic in domestic science. A comparative study of the situation of slaves in the Western Hemisphere has shown that toughness was not unique to the Dutch colonial ethos. The high mortality and hardships of slaves in the Netherlands Guiana and the Caribbean are due to the specifics of sugar plantations, and not to a greater degree of racism compared to Iberoamerica. The author draws attention to the gradual progressive evolution of all slavery regimes on the American continent.
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Ilyichev, Anton Vladimirovich. "The Crimean War and the Eastern Question in the view of Catholic Americans in the middle of the XIX century (based on the materials of the Boston Pilot)." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2023): 54–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2023.3.40585.
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The article examines the publications of the Boston Pilot for the period from 1849 to 1856, devoted to the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The purpose of the study is to analyze the views of Catholic Americans on the events of the mid-19th century, as a result of America's information policy to counter British expansionism in the 19th century. The subject of the study are the issues of the Boston Pilot magazine, which feature articles on the Eastern question and the Crimean War. The lower chronological frame is due to the fact that the events of 1849 ("Spring of the Peoples") served as a prologue to the crisis in the East. The object of the study is the information policy of America, aimed at forming a narrative about the Eastern question and the Crimean War among the American Catholic population, following the American foreign policy course of the XIX century. According to the results of the study, it was revealed that the newspaper's publications can be divided into two periods according to their tonality. The first one, from 1849 to 1853, follows the pan-European discourse and contains statements and provisions with an anti-Russian orientation. The subsequent escalation of the conflict with the inclusion of Great Britain and France in the conflict leads to a transformation of the views of the authors of the Boston Pilot on the events taking place. The publication begins to position the conflict as a tool to weaken the British Empire, urging readers to refrain from direct participation. In this interpretation, Russia appears as a lesser evil necessary for the fight against Britain. The attitude of the Catholic population of the United States to the events of the middle should be positioned as anti-British. The assessment of sentiments as pro-Russian is erroneous and creates a misconception not only about American society of the period under review, but also about US foreign policy in the XIX century.
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Kim, Young Choul, and Ho Keun Yoo. "Anti-Americanism in East Asia: Analyses of college students’ attitudes in China, Japan, and South Korea." International Area Studies Review 20, no. 1 (December 8, 2016): 42–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865916682390.
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In the last decade, negative attitudes towards the United States have increased throughout the world. Though the United States and East Asian countries have relatively had harmonious relationships, anti-Americanism is still prevalent for various reasons. In spite of China’s increasing economic interdependence with the United States, the country is succeeding to its long history of anti-Americanism. Although Japan and South Korea have been considered pro-United States allies since the Korean War (1950–1953), the countries’ younger generations have often expressed critical opinions of the United States. What is the cause of this anti-American sentiment in the East Asian countries? The purpose of this study is to examine the determinants of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries using a cross-national survey. The results of the empirical analyses support previous approaches and promote four theoretical concepts: (1) the people’s knowledge and curiosity about the United States is the most influential factor of anti-American sentiment for East Asian college students (the cognitive-orientation); (2) individual’s attitudes towards American culture and society influence anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the cultural-cleavage); (3) anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries is mostly affected by people’s general ideas about the roles of the United States in the world and United States’ foreign policies (the anti-hegemony); and (4) the people’s general perception on the relationship between their own countries and the United States is another determinant of anti-American sentiment in East Asian countries (the equal-relationship). In contrast, it explains that gender and the financial condition of East Asian college students are not significant determinants of anti-American sentiment.
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Goodman, Giora. "The British Government and the Challenge of McCarthyism in the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 62–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.62.
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The domestic policies and excesses of American anti-Communism in the early Cold War, dominated by the image of Senator Joseph McCarthy, have been the subject of controversy and a great deal of historical research. No less significant and much commented on at the time was the influence of McCarthyism on foreign relations and perceptions of the United States abroad. This article deals with the British government's responses to the anti-Communist fervor in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Britain was itself grappling with the challenges posed by the Cold War, including those relating to security and civil liberties in a democratic society. The impact of American anti-Communism was felt strongly in that context. The article draws extensively on recently released files from the British security services and other British government agencies.
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Pratt, Lloyd. "Early American Literature and Its Exclusions." PMLA/Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 128, no. 4 (October 2013): 983–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1632/pmla.2013.128.4.983.
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James Allen, the author of an “epic poem” entitled “Bunker Hill,” of which but a few fragments have been published, lived in the same period. The world lost nothing by “his neglect of fame.”—Rufus Griswold, The Poets and Poetry of AmericaAcross several of his influential anthologies of american literature, rufus griswold—nineteenth-century anthologist, poet, and erstwhile editor of Edgar Allan Poe—offers conflicting measures of what we now call early American literature. In The Prose Writers of America, for example, which first appeared in 1847 and later went into multiple editions, Griswold offers a familiar and currently derided set of parameters for this corpus of writing. In his prefatory remarks, dated May 1847, he explains that he has chosen not to include “the merely successful writers” who precede him. Although success might appear a high enough bar to warrant inclusion, he emphasizes that he has focused on writers who “have evinced unusual powers in controlling the national mind, or in forming the national character …” (5). This emphasis on what has been nationally consequential echoes other moments in Prose Writers, as well as paratextual material in his earlier The Poets and Poetry of America (1842) and his Female Poets of America (1848). In his several miniature screeds condemning the lack of international copyright, as well as the consequent flooding of the American market with cheap reprints, Griswold explains the “difficulties and dangers” this lack poses to “American literature”: “Injurious as it is to the foreign author, it is more so to the American [people,] whom it deprives of that nationality of feeling which is among the first and most powerful incentives to every feat of greatness” (Prose Writers 6). In The Poets and Poetry of America, he similarly complains that America's “national tastes and feelings are fashioned by the subject of kings; and they will continue so to be, until [there is] an honest and political system of reciprocalcopyright …” (v). Even in The Female Poets of America, the subject of which one might think would change the nature of this conversation, Griswold returns to the national project, examining the significance of women writers for it. He cites the fact that several of the poets included in this volume have written from lives that were “no holydays of leisure” but defined rather by everything from “practical duties” to the experience of slavery. He also responds to those carping “foreign critics” who propose that “our citizens are too much devoted to business and politics to feel interest in pursuits which adorn but do not profit”; these home-laboring women writers, he argues, may end up being the source of that which is most genuinely American and most correctly poetic: “Those who cherish a belief that the progress of society in this country is destined to develop a school of art, original and special, will perhaps find more decided indications of the infusion of our domestic spirit and temper in literature, in the poetry of our female authors, than in that of our men” (8). As it turns out, even women poets are held to the standard of national self-expression and national self-realization; the surprise lies only in the fact that they live up to this standard.
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LANDAUER, CARL. "The Ambivalences of Power: Launching the American Journal of International Law in an Era of Empire and Globalization." Leiden Journal of International Law 20, no. 2 (May 21, 2007): 325–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156507004104.
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This article uses the first issue of the American Journal of International Law, one hundred years after its creation in 1907, to analyse the state of American international legal thought following the acquisition of Pacific and Caribbean island territories in the Spanish–American War and the creation of a new international identity. Traditionally, the American Society of International Law (of which the journal was the organ) has been placed in the context of the US peace movement. However, both the society and the journal were led by individuals occupying major positions in the administration of Theodore Roosevelt and earlier administrations, including the sitting and a former secretary of war. The society and its journal were vehicles of the US foreign policy establishment. Despite a mixture of imperialists and anti-imperialists, a cultural coherence is discernable in the journal's pages. In essence, the journal can be placed within what the article calls the genteel tradition of US international law, involving an effort at educating the public away from over-excitement, adopting science in the newly professionalized administrative state, and advocating an arbitrational model of legal ordering to promote international peace.
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Bagley, Bruce Michael. "US Foreign Policy and the War on Drugs: Analysis of a Policy Failure." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 30, no. 2-3 (1988): 189–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/165986.
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US Chief Executive Ronald Reagan Declared WAR on drugs in February 1982, and pledged his administration to the task of curtailing the burgeoning drug epidemic in the United States. To accomplish this urgent “national security” objective, the federal government rapidly increased expenditures for narcotics control programs during the ensuing seven years of his two-term presidency, reaching $4.3 billion annually in 1988. Enthusiastically backing the president's initiative, the US Congress approved tougher national drug legislation, widened the US military's involvement in the war, supported the administration's drive to intensify interdiction efforts along US borders, and expanded USdesigned eradication, crop substitution, and law enforcement programs in foreign source and transit countries. First Lady Nancy Reagan launched her “Just Say No” campaign, flooding the American educational system and the public media with anti-drug messages. Ostensibly, all sectors of American society enlisted in the war on drugs and the country began mobilizing for battle.
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Horesh, Niv. "Foreign Banks of Issue in Prewar China: The Notes of the Netherlands Trading Society, Deutsch-Asiatische Bank and the International Banking Corporation." Histories 2, no. 1 (March 2, 2022): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/histories2010006.
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To date, much of the scholarly literature on anti-foreign boycotts in prewar China focused on cigarettes. However, foreign banks were also targeted, particularly regarding their most visible infringement of Chinese sovereignty: banknotes. Piecing together note circulation data on the smaller European and American banks operating in Shanghai is a work in progress. In this research note, I present provisional data about three of the most important second-tier foreign banks in Shanghai: the Netherlands Trading Society, the German Deutsch-Asiatische Bank and the International Banking Corporation. Tentative conclusions can already be drawn. These banks by and large lost traction in the 1930s insofar as banknote circulation volumes were concerned. On the other hand, the political vacuum that befell the Chinese market following the downfall of the Qing was the single biggest boon of the banks under review. The redemption freeze on Chinese bank notes of 1916 seems to have had a partial effect in terms of regaining Chinese trust in Chinese banknotes at the expense of foreign ones. Unlike British banks, Netherlands Trading Society circulation figures never recovered in the early 1920s. Needless to say, much more work can be carried out in that regard as the pertinent archives are situated right around the world.
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Lezginсev, Y. M. "Some Aspects of Economic Diplomacy of Latin American countries in the XIX century." Diplomaticheskaja sluzhba (Diplomatic Service), no. 3 (June 7, 2022): 218–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.33920/vne-01-2203-06.
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This brief survey of 19th century Latin America countries economy offered for reader’s attention represents the second article within a series of papers thought by the author in order to follow historical genesis of economical complex of regional states. The indicated period is to be of special interest due to the fact that within it happened development of its specialization accompanied by fundamental processes in commodity production based on destructing of communal Indian land ownership, abolition of slavery and stimulating of European immigration. The experience obtained during application of liberal conceptions in Latin America’s states at the beginning of capitalist economy clearly showed senselessness to borrow alien ideology without taking into consideration local specifics, because this fact frequently contradicted the needs of authentic development in the receiving countries. As a rule these conceptions represented requirements of foreign agents as well as interests of small part of local society aimed at intensification in exploitation of labour and natural resources. Moreover, its implementation led to strengthening of financial and political dependence, imposing rapid economic transformation and converting young creole republics into pseudo-state political formations («banana republics» in Central America, Puerto Rico, Cuba). Submitting more advanced South American areas (La Plata, Brazil, Peru) neocolonial methods have been tested: ruinous foreign loans, direct and indirect control of local industries and change of its structure in the interests of overseas investors. Here could be mentioned artificial boom of raw material export, control and destruction of local processing works. The said economic paradigm conditioned convulsive forms of social life: appearance of caudillos, dictatorships and authoritarian regimes as well as interregional conflicts (Pacific «Salitre» War between Chile, Peru and Bolivia, intervention of Triple Alliance in Paraguay, separation of Panama for constructing of interocean channel etc.). In particular, dynamics and correlation of these events in context of struggle for real national emancipation laid foundations for contemporary state of economic situation in each country including its alliances and determined its peripheral position in international division of labour. This phenomenon should be considered for building effective cooperation with the most of regional partners.
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Helmiawan, Martinus. "Bossa Nova: the reinvention and reinvigoration of samba in the 1950s." Paradigma, Jurnal Kajian Budaya 3, no. 2 (February 16, 2016): 169. http://dx.doi.org/10.17510/paradigma.v3i2.42.
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<p>In a society where music becomes the core of its people’s life, many discourses emerge and root in music. In Brazil, for instance, samba as the national music represents the chronicle of the Brazilians, which starts from the slavery in eighteenth century. However, at the start of the era of Brazil’s modernism in 1950s, samba was deemed stagnant. It was unable to cope with the fast developments of Brazil’s politics, societies, and cultures. This essay observes the history of samba, investigates the reasons why samba becomes stagnant and reviews the efforts made to revitalize it through the invention of Bossa Nova. In the process of redefining samba, American jazz plays an important role as the agent which brings modernity and revolution to the original samba. The ideology of the Brazilian urban middle class is also important, as well as Brazilian 1950s musicians’ efforts such as Antonio Carlos Jobim, Joao Gilberto, or Vinicius de Moraes. This paper aims to analyze Bossa Nova’s contributions in revitalizing and redefining samba, with its jazz influence which could be traced from the ideology of the Brazilian urban middle class. The paper also highlights the contradiction between foreign influences and traditional heritages in the music.</p>
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KITLV, Redactie. "Bookreview." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2005): 103–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-90002504.
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Marcus Wood; Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography (Lynn M. Festa)Michèle Praeger; The Imaginary Caribbean and Caribbean Imaginary (Celia Britton)Charles V. Carnegie; Postnationalism Prefigured: Caribbean Borderlands (John Collins)Mervyn C. Alleyne; The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World (Charles V. Carnegy)Jerry Gershenhorn; Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge (Richard Price)Sally Cooper Coole; Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology (Olivia Maria Gomes Da Cunha)Maureen Warner Lewis; Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Cultures (Robert W. Slenes)Gert Oostindie (ed.); Facing up to the Past: Perspectives on the Commemoration of Slavery from Africa, the Americas and Europe (Gad Heuman)Gert Oostindie, Inge Klinkers; Decolonising the Caribbean: Dutch Policies in a Comparative Perspective (Paul Sutton)Kirk Peter Meigho; Politics in a ‘Half-Made Society’: Trinidad and Tobago, 1925-2001 (Douglas Midgett)Linden Lewis (ed.); The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (David A.B. Murray)Gertrude Aub-Buscher, Beverly Ormerod Noakes (eds.); The Francophone Caribbean Today: Literature, Language, Culture (Elizabeth Walcott-Hackshaw)Sally Lloyd-Evans, Robert B. Potter; Gender, Ethnicity and the Iinformal Sector in Trinidad (Katherine E. Browne)STeve Striffler, Mark Moberg (eds.); Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas (Peter Clegg)Johannes Postma, Victor Enthoven (eds.); Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817 (Gert J. Oostindie)Phil Davison; Volcano in Paradise: Death and Survival on the Caribbean Island of Montserrat (Bonham C. Richardson)Ernest Zebrowski jr; The Last Days of St. Pierre: The Volcanic Disaster that Claimed Thirty Thousand Lives (Bernard Moitt)Beverley A. Steele; Grenada: A History of Its People (Jay R. Mandle)Walter C. Soderlund (ed.); Mass Media and Foreign Policy: Post-Cold War Crises in the Caribbean (Jason Parker)Charlie Whitham; Bitter Rehearsal: British and American Planning for a Post-War West Indies (Jason Parker)Douglas V. Amstrong; Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. John, Virgin Islands (Karin Fog Olwig)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen; Een koloniaal drama: De grote staking van de Marron vrachtvaarders, 1921 (Chris de Beet)Joseph F. Callo; Nelson in the Caribbean: The Hero Emerges, 1784-1787 (Carl E. Swanson)Jorge Duany; The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (Juan Flores)Raquel Z. Rivera; New York Ricans from the Hip Hop Zone (Halbert Barton)Alfonso J. García Osuna; The Cuban Filmography, 1897 through 2001 (Ann Marie Stock)Michael Aceto, Jeffrey P. Williams (eds.); Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Geneviève Escure)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG) 79 (2005), no. 1 & 2
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KITLV, Redactie. "Bookreview." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 79, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2008): 103–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002504.
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Marcus Wood; Slavery, Empathy, and Pornography (Lynn M. Festa)Michèle Praeger; The Imaginary Caribbean and Caribbean Imaginary (Celia Britton)Charles V. Carnegie; Postnationalism Prefigured: Caribbean Borderlands (John Collins)Mervyn C. Alleyne; The Construction and Representation of Race and Ethnicity in the Caribbean and the World (Charles V. Carnegy)Jerry Gershenhorn; Melville J. Herskovits and the Racial Politics of Knowledge (Richard Price)Sally Cooper Coole; Ruth Landes: A Life in Anthropology (Olivia Maria Gomes Da Cunha)Maureen Warner Lewis; Central Africa in the Caribbean: Transcending Time, Transforming Cultures (Robert W. Slenes)Gert Oostindie (ed.); Facing up to the Past: Perspectives on the Commemoration of Slavery from Africa, the Americas and Europe (Gad Heuman)Gert Oostindie, Inge Klinkers; Decolonising the Caribbean: Dutch Policies in a Comparative Perspective (Paul Sutton)Kirk Peter Meigho; Politics in a ‘Half-Made Society’: Trinidad and Tobago, 1925-2001 (Douglas Midgett)Linden Lewis (ed.); The Culture of Gender and Sexuality in the Caribbean (David A.B. Murray)Gertrude Aub-Buscher, Beverly Ormerod Noakes (eds.); The Francophone Caribbean Today: Literature, Language, Culture (Elizabeth Walcott-Hackshaw)Sally Lloyd-Evans, Robert B. Potter; Gender, Ethnicity and the Iinformal Sector in Trinidad (Katherine E. Browne)STeve Striffler, Mark Moberg (eds.); Banana Wars: Power, Production and History in the Americas (Peter Clegg)Johannes Postma, Victor Enthoven (eds.); Riches from Atlantic Commerce: Dutch Transatlantic Trade and Shipping, 1585-1817 (Gert J. Oostindie)Phil Davison; Volcano in Paradise: Death and Survival on the Caribbean Island of Montserrat (Bonham C. Richardson)Ernest Zebrowski jr; The Last Days of St. Pierre: The Volcanic Disaster that Claimed Thirty Thousand Lives (Bernard Moitt)Beverley A. Steele; Grenada: A History of Its People (Jay R. Mandle)Walter C. Soderlund (ed.); Mass Media and Foreign Policy: Post-Cold War Crises in the Caribbean (Jason Parker)Charlie Whitham; Bitter Rehearsal: British and American Planning for a Post-War West Indies (Jason Parker)Douglas V. Amstrong; Creole Transformation from Slavery to Freedom: Historical Archaeology of the East End Community, St. John, Virgin Islands (Karin Fog Olwig)H.U.E. Thoden van Velzen; Een koloniaal drama: De grote staking van de Marron vrachtvaarders, 1921 (Chris de Beet)Joseph F. Callo; Nelson in the Caribbean: The Hero Emerges, 1784-1787 (Carl E. Swanson)Jorge Duany; The Puerto Rican Nation on the Move: Identities on the Island and in the United States (Juan Flores)Raquel Z. Rivera; New York Ricans from the Hip Hop Zone (Halbert Barton)Alfonso J. García Osuna; The Cuban Filmography, 1897 through 2001 (Ann Marie Stock)Michael Aceto, Jeffrey P. Williams (eds.); Contact Englishes of the Eastern Caribbean (Geneviève Escure)In: New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids (NWIG) 79 (2005), no. 1 & 2
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Minh, Khánh. "Unveiling the Complex Tapestry: A Historical Analysis of the Vietnam War and its Impact on America." INFLUENCE: INTERNATIONAL JOURNAL OF SCIENCE REVIEW 5, no. 3 (August 29, 2023): 35–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.54783/influencejournal.v5i3.180.
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This journal article presents a comprehensive historical analysis of the Vietnam War and its profound impact on the United States. The study delves into the intricate layers of the conflict, shedding light on its causes, progression, and aftermath. By examining both the military and socio-political dimensions, the article aims to provide a nuanced understanding of the war's complexity and its lasting implications for American society, politics, and foreign policy. The Vietnam War, intricately woven from geopolitical strategies, ideological clashes, and military tactics, holds enduring significance. Emerging from colonial legacies and Cold War dynamics, its escalation echoed the domino theory and containment policy. Amidst guerrilla warfare and air power strategies, the war's reach extended beyond battlefields, resonating in the anti-war movement, cultural expressions, and societal rifts.
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Subocz, Elżbieta. "Rola wczesnej edukacji i opieki w ograniczaniu skutków ubóstwa wśród dzieci." Problemy Wczesnej Edukacji 38, no. 3 (May 24, 2017): 21–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.26881/pwe.2017.38.02.
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This article attempts to answer the question: what role does the process of early childhood education and care play in reducing the effects of poverty among children? The main argument of the article states that education (started as early and lasting as long as possible) is the only chance to limit the negative consequences of poverty, as well as to overcome the intergenerational transmission of poverty and social exclusion. Relying on the results of foreign (mostly American) surveys, it has been proven that good quality early childhood education and care is beneficial for children living in poverty, as well as for society as a whole. It positively influences the social and emotional development of children, their language skills and school achievements. Children who benefited from institutions / programmes for early childhood education and care, in adulthood do better in the labour market, have higher earnings and are less likely to seek stimulants. Society bears lower costs of special education, anti-social behaviour, criminal proceedings, social welfare and health of young people and adults.
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SEO, JUNGKUN. "The Party Politics of “Guns versus Butter” in Post-Vietnam America." Journal of American Studies 45, no. 2 (October 8, 2010): 317–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875810001143.
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As the Vietnam War concluded with the failure of US foreign policy, the so-called “Cold War consensus” collapsed in American politics and society. A significant number of lawmakers came to revisit their national security positions, and under these circumstances the Anti-ballistic Missile (ABM) bills came up in the 91st Congress (1969–70). The costly missile program quickly stirred a major controversy, particularly over a trade-off between guns (defense budget) and butter (welfare spending). This article examines how and why party rank-and-file members in US Congress stayed the course or shifted their positions during the ABM debates. The empirical findings suggest that representatives did not immediately abandon their national security preferences, but rather employed gradual position shifts in legislative processes. In addition, institutional conditions such as “in-party” and “party-out-of-power” hindered or helped legislators' position reversals. This case study of the “guns-or-butter” debates in 1969 and 1970 sheds light on how the representative system in America works in response to public discomfort, with lawmakers trying to fine-tune their individual policy positions and collective party reputations simultaneously.
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KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 77, no. 1-2 (January 1, 2003): 127–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002533.
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-Philip D. Morgan, Marcus Wood, Blind memory: Visual representations of slavery in England and America 1780-1865. New York: Routledge, 2000. xxi + 341 pp.-Rosemarijn Hoefte, Ron Ramdin, Arising from bondage: A history of the Indo-Caribbean people. New York: New York University Press, 2000. x + 387 pp.-Flávio dos Santos Gomes, David Eltis, The rise of African slavery in the Americas. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xvii + 353 pp.-Peter Redfield, D. Graham Burnett, Masters of all they surveyed: Exploration, geography, and a British El Dorado. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2000. xv + 298 pp.-Bernard Moitt, Eugenia O'Neal, From the field to the legislature: A history of women in the Virgin Islands. Westport CT: Greenwood Press, 2001. xiii + 150 pp.-Allen M. Howard, Nemata Amelia Blyden, West Indians in West Africa, 1808-1880: The African Diaspora in reverse. Rochester NY: University of Rochester Press, 2000. xi + 258 pp.-Michaeline A. Crichlow, Kari Levitt, The George Beckford papers. Kingston: Canoe Press, 2000. lxxi + 468 pp.-Michaeline A. Crichlow, Audley G. Reid, Community formation; A study of the 'village' in postemancipation Jamaica. Kingston: Canoe Press, 2000. xvi + 156 pp.-Linden Lewis, Brian Meeks, Narratives of resistance: Jamaica, Trinidad, the Caribbean. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2000. xviii + 240 pp.-Roderick A. McDonald, Bridget Brereton, Law, justice, and empire: The colonial career of John Gorrie, 1829-1892. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 1997. xx + 371 pp.-Karl Watson, Gary Lewis, White rebel: The life and times of TT Lewis. Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 1999. xxvii + 214 pp.-Mary Turner, Armando Lampe, Mission or submission? Moravian and Catholic missionaries in the Dutch Caribbean during the nineteenth century. Göttingen, FRG: Vandenburg & Ruprecht, 2001. 244 pp.-O. Nigel Bolland, Anton L. Allahar, Caribbean charisma: Reflections on leadership, legitimacy and populist politics. Kingston: Ian Randle; Boulder CO: Lynne Rienner, 2001. xvi + 264 pp.-Bill Maurer, Cynthia Weber, Faking it: U.S. Hegemony in a 'post-phallic' era. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1999. xvi + 151 pp.-Kelvin Santiago-Valles, Christina Duffy Burnett ,Foreign in a domestic sense: Puerto Rico, American expansion, and the constitution. Durham NC: Duke University Press, 2001. xv + 422 pp., Burke Marshall (eds)-Rubén Nazario, Efrén Rivera Ramos, The legal construction of identity: The judicial and social legacy of American colonialism in Puerto Rico. Washington DC: American Psychological Association, 2000. 275 pp.-Marc McLeod, Louis A. Pérez, Jr., Winds of change: Hurricanes and the transformation of nineteenth-century Cuba. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2001. x + 199 pp.-Jorge L. Giovannetti, Fernando Martínez Heredia ,Espacios, silencios y los sentidos de la libertad: Cuba entre 1878 y 1912. Havana: Ediciones Unión, 2001. 359 pp., Rebecca J. Scott, Orlando F. García Martínez (eds)-Reinaldo L. Román, Miguel Barnet, Afro-Cuban religions. Princeton NJ: Markus Wiener Publishers, 2001. 170 pp.-Philip W. Scher, Hollis 'Chalkdust' Liverpool, Rituals of power and rebellion: The carnival tradition in Trinidad and Tobago, 1763-1962. Chicago: Research Associates School Times Publications and Frontline distribution international, 2001. xviii + 518 pp.-Asmund Weltzien, David Griffith ,Fishers at work, workers at sea: A Puerto Rican journey through labor and refuge. Philadelphia PA: Temple University Press, 2002. xiv + 265 pp., Manuel Valdés Pizzini (eds)-Riva Berleant-Schiller, Eudine Barriteau, The political economy of gender in the twentieth-century Caribbean. New York: Palgrave, 2001. xvi + 214 pp.-Edward Dew, Rosemarijn Hoefte ,Twentieth-century Suriname: Continuities and discontinuities in a new world society. Kingston: Ian Randle; Leiden: KITLV Press, 2001. xvi + 365 pp., Peter Meel (eds)-Joseph L. Scarpaci, Jonathan Benjamin-Alvarado, Power to the people: Energy and the Cuban nuclear program. New York: Routledge, 2000. xiii + 178 pp.-Lynn M. Festa, Keith A. Sandiford, The cultural politics of sugar: Caribbean slavery and narratives of colonialism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. 221 pp.-Maria Christina Fumagalli, John Thieme, Derek Walcott. Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1999. xvii + 251 pp.-Laurence A. Breiner, Stewart Brown, All are involved: The art of Martin Carter. Leeds U.K.: Peepal Tree, 2000. 413 pp.-Mikael Parkvall, John Holm, An introduction to Pidgins and Creoles. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000. xxi + 282 pp.
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Lushchak, Viktor. "Soviet Union through the eyes of US vice president H.Wallace." American History & Politics Scientific edition, no. 6 (2018): 91–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2521-1706.2018.06.91-100.
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The perception of the Soviet Union in American public opinion wasn’t permanent and changed depending on a number of factors – ideological and allied, Soviet propaganda, the Red Army movement, breaking international agreements. Relations between the US and the USSR which was built within the anti-Hitler coalition was perceived by American society and liberal politicians as a model for cooperation in peacetime. Among the higher-level politicians who had a stable vision of the USSR as an ally and a partner, there was the vice-president of the United States H. Wallace. In the article, the author has attempted to identify the main causes of the distorted Wallace’s perception of the Soviet Union on the basis of which he made plans for the post-war US-Soviet cooperation. The reasons that influenced the aberration of the perception by H.Wallace of the Soviet Union include the informational isolation of the USSR, the effectiveness of Soviet propaganda, and an idealistic worldview. The deep differences in the value system of the Soviet dictatorship and Western democracy were falsely perceived by H.Wallace as insignificant differences. It is worth noting that a similar image of the USSR dominated during the period of Wallace’s vice-presidency in the minds of a significant part of Americans. After the presidential election of 1944, H.Wallace was removed by political methods from the possibility of influencing US foreign policy. He remained committed to the positive image of the USSR after the death of Roosevelt in conditions of growing US-Soviet tension. The author concluded that this was one of the main reasons for the collapse of his political career and the formation of a generally negative image of H.Wallace in American political history.
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Lapina, N. "The Perception of Russia in Europe in Context of Ukrainian Crisis." World Economy and International Relations, no. 9 (2015): 24–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-9-24-34.
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This article deals with the impact of various factors on the perception of Russia in different European countries. The focus is on the role of mass media, expert and political elites in forming of Russia's image, especially in the context of Ukrainian crisis. In this article, the reaction of different European counties to events in Ukraine, the polarization of European space is analyzed: some countries prefer to put a pressure on the Russian Federation, other – to find a way out of the critical situation and reach a compromise. Some political establishment representatives in France, Germany, Czech Republic support Russia and the reunification with Crimea, dispute sanctions against Russia. For such politicians, this support results from anti-American views and independent foreign policy aspirations. Other representatives of the European elite demand tougher approach and more pressure on Russia by any means whatsoever (including military ones). European business-communities reveal great interest in solving issues related to sanctions. Many entrepreneurs in Europe (in particular major corporations in France, UK, Germany, Italy), who profit from long and fruitful cooperation with Russia, are against anti-Russian sanctions. In view of the Ukrainian crisis, Russia has to face and solve various important issues. How can Russia implement a modernization project after burning all traditional bridges to the West and western friends and partners? What is the right way for Russian foreign policy to support and defend Russian-speaking people all over the world? Which European political forces can provide support to Russia? How can civil society affect and influence cooperation between Russia and Europe?
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Андрей, А. Ш. "The Amistad case." Historia provinciae - the journal of regional history 8, no. 1 (March 22, 2024): 247–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.23859/2587-8344-2024-8-1-7.
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Данная работа отражает результаты изучения одного из важнейших эпизодов в истории американского рабства и аболиционизма – дела «Соединенные Штаты против “Амистад”» 1839–1841 гг. История о восстании рабов на одноименном испанском судне буквально захватила американское общество, став предметом одного из самых длительных и резонансных судебных разбирательств. В этот процесс оказались вовлечены виднейшие представители американского аболиционистского движения и политического истеблишмента, включая бывшего и действующего президентов США, испанского консула, министра иностранных дел Великобритании и многих других. Итоговое же решение Верховного суда создало важнейший прецедент в американском праве, став еще одной ступенью в деле освобождения рабов. Указанная тема довольно хорошо освещена в англо-американской историографии, особенно в работах специалистов по направлению «афроамериканская история» (Black History), в то время как отечественные исследователи никогда не уделяли ей должного внимания. Представленная работа призвана восполнить данный пробел. Она опирается на широкую источниковую базу, основу которой составляют материалы судебного производства, многочисленные отчеты и журналистские публикации, а также на англо-американские исследования. Автор восстанавливает картину событий восстания и последующего судебного разбирательства, акцентируя внимание на выявлении каузальных связей и характеристике основных этапов развития событий 1839–1841 гг. В последней части им разъясняются последствия и значение дела «Амистад» в афроамериканской и американской истории. This article is devoted to the study of one of the most significant episodes in the history of American slavery and abolitionism – the United States v. the Amistad case of 1839–41. The story of the slave uprising on the Spanish ship of the same name literally captured American society and became the subject of one of the longest and most resonant court proceedings. The most prominent representatives of American abolitionist movement and political establishment were involved in this process, including former and current US presidents, the Spanish Consul, the British Foreign Minister, and many others. The final verdict of the Supreme Court created the most important precedent in American law, marking another milestone in the cause of emancipation. This topic is quite well covered in Anglo-American historiography, especially among specialists in the field of African American history (Black History), while Soviet and Russian researchers have almost never paid proper attention to it. The present work is meant to fill this gap. The study is built on a broad source base, which includes the materials of judicial proceedings, numerous reports and journalistic publications as well as on available Anglo-American research studies. The author reconstructs the picture of the events of the Amistad mutiny and the subsequent trial, focusing on the identification of causal connections and the characteristics of the main stages of the 1839–41 events. In the last part of the article, the author reflects on the consequences and significance of the Amistad case in African-American and American history.
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Danielson, Leilah. "“It Is a Day of Judgment”: The Peacemakers, Religion, and Radicalism in Cold War America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 18, no. 2 (2008): 215–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2008.18.2.215.
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AbstractThis article argues that Christian beliefs and concerns shaped the political culture of anti-nuclear activism in the early years of the Cold War. It focuses in particular on the origins of the Peacemakers, a group founded in 1948 by a mostly Protestant group of radical pacifists to oppose conscription and nuclear proliferation. Like others who came of age in the interwar years, the Peacemakers questioned the Enlightenment tradition, with its emphasis on reason and optimism about human progress, and believed that liberal Protestantism had accommodated itself too easily to the values of modern, secular society. But rather than adopt the “realist” framework of their contemporaries, who gave the United States critical support in its Cold War with the Soviet Union, radicals developed a politics of resistance rooted in a Christian framework in which repentance for dropping atomic bombs on Hiroshima and Nagasaki was the first step toward personal and national redemption. Although they had scant influence on American policymakers or the public in the early years of the Cold War, widespread opposition to nuclear testing and U.S. foreign policy in the late 1950s and 1960s launched them into leadership roles in campaigns for nuclear disarmament and peace.
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Choi, Heeyoung. "Multicultural Musicscape for National Pride: Performing Arts of East-Asian Diasporas in Hawai‘i before WWI." Asian Culture and History 12, no. 1 (February 28, 2020): 9. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/ach.v12n1p9.
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This study investigates stage performances of Asian immigrants in the U.S., focusing their cultural interactions in Hawai‘i prior to World War II. Previous studies of Asians in the U.S. during the early twentieth century have focused on their separate ways of preserving homeland culture or presentation of mainstream American culture to express a sense of belonging to the host society and relieve anti-Asian sentiments. Despite increasing cultural interactions in cities during this period, the discussion of cultural exchanges among immigrant communities have received limited attention. This study expands previous perspectives by examining the performing arts to demonstrate that diverse multicultural events in Hawai‘i were important tools to promote respective Asian ethnic groups’ cultural identities, foster interactions among young adults of Asian ancestry, and inspire their national pride. The Asian diasporas in Hawai‘i constituting a majority of the local population, despite foreign-born Asian immigrants’ limited access to U.S. citizenship, appreciated opportunities to curate their own ethnicity on stages and culturally interact with other ethnic groups. The multicultural experiences ultimately instilled the satisfaction and national pride into the young adults of Asian ancestry.
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Follett, Richard R. "The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956." History: Reviews of New Books 46, no. 2 (January 18, 2018): 55–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2018.1412763.
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Mishurovskaya, Maria. "“The case of photographs” in the archive of the All-Union Society of Cultural Communication with Abroad. On the history of the staging of M. A. Bulgakov’s play “The Days of the Turbins” (1938) in London." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2022): 248–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2022.1-2.3.03.
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The article examines the documents deposited in the folder “The All-Union Society of Cultural Communication with abroad. English Department. Correspondence with the VOKS commissioner in England about the staging of Bulgakov’s play The Days of the Turbins at the Phoenix Theater”, which is part of the 5283 foundation “The All-Union Society for Cultural Communication with Abroad (VOKS)” of the State Archive of the Russian Federation. The content of these archival sources is related to the so-called “case of photographs” of the performance “The Days of the Turbins” of the Moscow Art Academic Theater (Moscow Art Theater), requested in August 1938 by the director M. Saint-Denis for the production of a play about the Turbins at the Phoenix Theatre in London. M. Saint-Denis’s request was transmitted to the Anglo-American department of VOKS through J. Todd, Secretary of the Society for Cultural Relations between the Peoples of Great Britain and the USSR. A letter from J. Todd, reviewed by the head of the Anglo-American VOKS department M. V. Milikovsky, who received information that E. Lyons was allegedly involved in the production in London. E. Lyons, the author of the anti-Soviet book “The Moscow Carousel”, serves as the beginning of the “case of photographs”, which later became — especially after the premiere on October 6, 1938 of the play M. Saint-Denis “The White Guard” is a case of “perversion” of the text of a Soviet play. In this case, M. A. and E. S. Bulgakov took part, as well as their foreign acquaintances (K. Maril, G. Kelverley), VOKS employees: acting Chairman of the VOKS Board, cinema administrator and screenwriter V. F. Smirnov, head of the Anglo-American department M. V. Milikovsky, and then M. I. Grinev, who replaced him in his post, employees of the USSR Plenipotentiary Mission in London (M. V. Korzh, etc.), J. Todd, the Arts Committee at the USSR National Assembly and the Moscow Art Theater Administration. Photos requested by M. Saint-Denis, were never sent to London. In February 1939, Bulgakov was summoned to the Main Directorate of Theaters of the Committee for the Arts for explanations. However, the story with the photographs brought the author of the play not only unpleasant troubles, it helped him to get information about the stage text of the London “White Guard” and to deal with the problem of royalties. In the 1960s and 1970s, M. Saint-Denis’s performance was mentioned in Soviet publications as an example of the creative impact of K. S. Stanislavsky’s teaching on world stage art.
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Ré, Henrique Antonio. "Uma história da British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society: a instituição que internacionalizou o antiescravismo britânico." Revista de História, no. 176 (December 5, 2017): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2017.131762.
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Turley, David. "The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956: A History." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 48, no. 3 (November 2017): 404–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh_r_01173.
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Pilcher, Lauren. "Racial Ideology in Government Films: The Past and Present of the US Information Service’s Men of the Forest (1952)." Genealogy 6, no. 2 (May 7, 2022): 41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy6020041.
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Movies beyond the scope of Hollywood and entertainment have shaped notions of race in American culture since the early decades of cinema. A range of nontheatrical sponsors and creators in the US made films to serve practical functions in society—to inform, to organize, to persuade, to promote, etc. The US federal government was a major sponsor of many of these films, which provided American and foreign audiences depictions of race that differed considerably from popular commercial images. For example, Men of the Forest, a film made in 1952 by the United States Information Service focuses on the Hunters, a Black family who owns land and a forestry business in rural Georgia. A documentary of sorts, the film highlights Black life, work, and land ownership in the South in ways not seen in popular feature films of the day. Yet, in the film and others like it, histories of institutional racism are woven into cinematic form and content in ways that are distinct from the entertainment industry. The creators of Men of the Forest omit details of segregation in the South to emphasize the Hunter family as examples of American democracy, a choice suited to the film’s Cold War purpose: to counter the anti-American message of Soviet propaganda for foreign audiences. On one hand, by producing and distributing the film, the federal government acknowledged Black farmers and landowners in the Jim Crow South. On the other hand, it avoided the structural inequality surrounding the Hunters to frame their reality as an example of American democratic progress for international circulation. Today, government films like Men of the Forest prompt contemporary reflection on the institutional histories they represent and their evolution into the present. The film and many others are available online due to the digitization of collections from the National Archives, Library of Congress, and elsewhere. With this increase in access, contemporary scholars have the ability to investigate how the federal government and its various internal entities mediated racial ideologies with moving image technologies. As an example of such research, this essay examines Men of the Forest by focusing on the past and present contradictions that arise from its depiction of a Black family with land and an agricultural business in rural Georgia. Two recent events shed light on the histories reflected in the film and their contemporary significance. In 2018, Descendants of Men of the Forest, The Legacy Continues—a documentary created by family members of the film’s original participants—contextualized the original production as evidence of the Hunter family’s legacy in the community of Guyton, Georgia. Underlying this local effort, Men of the Forest serves as an important historical event and record of the family and the community. On a broader scale, in March 2021, Congress passed a large relief package for disadvantaged minority farmers, intended to help alleviate decades of systemic racism in government agricultural programs. Lawsuits from white farmers and conservative organizations followed quickly, challenging the provision of government aid based on race. In this federal context, Men of the Forest exposes an institutional image of individual success that downplays the structural racism facing people of color, especially those with agricultural livelihoods. Even as politics and legislation evolve, this vision of democracy once exported by the federal government has widespread currency and accumulating effects. The connections between Men of the Forest and these recent events reveal the racial politics at play in government films and the ways in which they take shape in the real world beyond the screen.
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Harling, Philip. "James Heartfield. The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956: A History." American Historical Review 123, no. 1 (February 1, 2018): 306. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/123.1.306.
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Samofatov, Mykhailo. "AN UNEXPECTED ALLIANCE: US POLICY REGARDING FORMATION OF THE CENTER-LEFT COALITION IN ITALY." Paper of Faculty of History, no. 33 (March 12, 2024): 115–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2312-6825.2022.33.270463.
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The Cold War became a significant factor influencing not only the foreign, but also the domestic politics of Italy. The main problem of Italy as a member of NATO in the middle of the 20th century left pro-Soviet parties became popular, and the ruling Christian Democratic Party may lose power. The alliance of Christian Democrats with the Socialists became an unexpected means of solving the current problems, and the US, by supporting this alliance, demonstrated the ability to be flexible in conducting foreign policy towards its allies. The main thesis of the article is that such unexpected alliance between the Christian Democracy Party and the Socialist Party was not an improvised action, but a long-term strategy. The formation of the first center-left government in First Republic of Italy is referred to 1962. However, the idea of such alliance had emerged a few years before, in 1958, and it was discussed between Italian and American governments on numerous occasions. The main shift towards an adoption of coalition between Christian Democrats and Socialists was the failure of Fernando Tambroni’s government in 1960, the last government with the center-right and far-right parties at the power. From this moment for many, and for U.S. government as well, become evident the impossibility of sticking to the old strictly anti-left policy. The Socialist Party itself had gone through a long evolution process. Being a pro-Soviet party immediately after the WW2, it later cut off its ties to the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of Italy, and even rejected revolution as the way to reform society, preferring the long way of step-by-step changes. A new Socialist approach to the parliamentary democracy allowed it to become a part of ruling coalition soon after the inner reforms of the Socialist Party. It was hard to imagine in the beginning of the Cold War that the U.S. government would ever seek the support from the Socialist Party of Italy. But in the beginning of 1960’s, considering the changes in electoral preferences, the question of Italian Socialists become the focal point in the U.S. policy towards the Italy.
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Watts, James W. "The Historical Role of Leviticus 25 in Naturalizing Anti-Black Racism." Religions 12, no. 8 (July 23, 2021): 570. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel12080570.
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Leviticus 25:39–46 describes a two-tier model of slavery that distinguishes Israelites from foreign slaves. It requires that Israelites be indentured only temporarily while foreigners can be enslaved as chattel (permanent property). This model resembles the distinction between White indentured slaves and Black chattel slaves in the American colonies. However, the biblical influence on these early modern practices has been obscured by the rarity of citations of Lev. 25:39–46 in sixteenth- and seventeenth-century sources about slavery. This article reviews the history of slavery from ancient Middle Eastern antiquity through the seventeenth century to show the unique degree to which early modern institutions resembled the biblical model. It then exposes widespread knowledge of Leviticus 25 in early modern political and economic debates. Demonstrating this awareness shows with high probability that colonial cultures presupposed the two-tier model of slavery in Leviticus 25:39–46 to naturalize and justify their different treatment of White indentured slaves and Black chattel slaves.
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Ré, Henrique Antonio. ""Missão nos Brasis": a BFASS e a organização de uma missão abolicionista secreta ao Brasil no início da década de 1840." Revista de História, no. 174 (June 30, 2016): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2016.115377.
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Em 1839, a British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) organizou veladamente uma missão para visitar o Brasil e, para realizá-la, contratou um casal britânico – George e Charlotte C. Pilkington – que deveria permanecer no país durante mais de um ano para coletar informações sobre o tráfico e a escravidão e fazer propaganda abolicionista. A partir de 1841, uma parte das informações obtidas por esta missão foi publicada pelo Anti-Slavery Reporter, o periódico oficial da Sociedade. No entanto, a BFASS ocultou por aproximadamente meio século seu envolvimento nesse empreendimento, que só se torna claro a partir do cruzamento de informações de várias fontes históricas.
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Middleton, Alex. "The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956: A History, by James Heartfield." English Historical Review 133, no. 563 (June 14, 2018): 984–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cey187.
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RÉ, Henrique Antonio. "Os esforços dos abolicionistas britânicos contra a imigração de chineses para o Brasil no final do século XIX." Varia Historia 34, no. 66 (December 2018): 817–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0104-87752018000300010.
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Resumo O artigo explora a atuação da British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, entre as décadas de 1870 e 1880, contra o “esquema” do governo brasileiro para introduzir trabalhadores chineses no país. Essa atuação indica que a questão escravista extrapolava os limites nacionais e confirma que a Grã-Bretanha agiu diretamente contra escravidão brasileira até seus últimos momentos.
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Sherwood, Marika. "Britain, the slave trade and slavery, 1808-1843." Race & Class 46, no. 2 (October 2004): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0306396804047726.
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Britain congratulated itself on having made trading in slaves illegal with the 1807 Act. While later legislation ostensibly strengthened the original Act’s provisions, there were persistent allegations, supported by evidence from the British Foreign and Anti-Slavery society among others, that British companies still profited from it. One of the few prosecutions against the owner of one such company, Pedro Zulueta, ended in his acquittal despite evidence to the contrary. The exploration of the economic, political and social factors underlying both trial and acquittal sheds light on the nineteenth-century British economy’s continuing semi-covert involvement in the trade.
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GRANT, KEVIN. "THE BRITISH AND FOREIGN ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY - The British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society, 1838–1956: A History. By James Heartfield. New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2016. Pp. v + 486. $65.00, hardback (ISBN 9780190491673)." Journal of African History 59, no. 3 (November 2018): 532–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853718001068.
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QUINAULT, ROLAND. "GLADSTONE AND SLAVERY." Historical Journal 52, no. 2 (May 15, 2009): 363–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x0900750x.
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ABSTRACTWilliam Gladstone's views on slavery and the slave trade have received little attention from historians, although he spent much of his early years in parliament dealing with issues related to that subject. His stance on slavery echoed that of his father, who was one of the largest slave owners in the British West Indies, and on whom he was dependent for financial support. Gladstone opposed the slave trade but he wanted to improve the condition of the slaves before they were liberated. In 1833, he accepted emancipation because it was accompanied by a period of apprenticeship for the ex-slaves and by financial compensation for the planters. In the 1840s, his defence of the economic interests of the British planters was again evident in his opposition to the foreign slave trade and slave-grown sugar. By the 1850s, however, he believed that the best way to end the slave trade was by persuasion, rather than by force, and that conviction influenced his attitude to the American Civil War and to British colonial policy. As leader of the Liberal party, Gladstone, unlike many of his supporters, showed no enthusiasm for an anti-slavery crusade in Africa. His passionate commitment to liberty for oppressed peoples was seldom evident in his attitude to slavery.
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Matusevich, Maxim. "Journeys of Hope: African Diaspora and the Soviet Society Voyages d'espoir : la diaspora africaine et la société soviétique,." African Diaspora 1, no. 1-2 (2008): 53–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254608x346033.
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Abstract African presence in Russia predated the Bolshevik takeover in 1917. The arrival of the new Communist rule with its attendant vociferous anti-racist and anti-colonial propaganda campaigns enhanced the earlier perceptions of Russia as a society relatively free of racial bias, a place of multiethnic coexistence. As a result dozens of black, mostly Afro-Caribbean and African-American, travellers flocked to the "Red Mecca" during the first two decades of its existence. Some of those arrivals were driven by the ideology; however, the majority of them were simply searching for a place of racial equality, free of Western racism. To an extent their euphoric expectations would be realized as the black visitors to Soviet Russia were usually accorded a warm welcome and granted the opportunities for professional and personal fulfillment that were manifestly absent in their countries of origin. The second wave of black migration to the Soviet Union was quantitatively and qualitatively different from the early pre-war arrivals. It also took place in the context of the new geopolitical reality of the Cold War. After the 1957 Youth Festival in Moscow, the Soviet Union under Khrushchev opened its doors to hundreds, and eventually to thousands, of students from the Third World, many of them from Africa. By extending generous educational scholarships to young Africans, the Soviet Union sought to reaffirm its internationalist credentials and also curry favor with the newly independent African states. The members of this new diasporic community hailed predominantly from the African continent. If the Soviets had hoped for a major propaganda coup, their hopes were not entirely realised. As a propaganda weapon African students tended to jam and even to backfire. Instead of becoming the symbols of Soviet internationalist effort, they came to symbolise Westernization and "foreign influences." La présence africaine en Russie a précédé la prise de pouvoir bolchévique en 1917. L'arrivée du nouveau pouvoir communiste, avec son aille antiraciste active et ses campagnes de propagande anticoloniale, ont mis en valeur les premières perceptions de la Russie comme une société relativement libre de parti pris racial, un lieu de coexistence multiethnique. En conséquence, des douzaines de Noirs, principalement des Afro-Caribéens et des Afro-Américains, se sont rassemblés à la « Mecque Rouge » durant les deux premières décennies de son existence. Quelques-unes de ces arrivées étaient motivées par l'idéologie ; cependant, la majorité d'entre eux étaient simplement à la recherche d'un lieu d'égalité raciale, libéré du racisme occidental. Leurs attentes euphoriques allaient en partie être satisfaites étant donné que les visiteurs noirs en Russie soviétique avaient droit à un accueil chaleureux et se voyaient offrir des opportunités d'épanouissement professionnel et personnel manifestement absentes dans leurs pays d'origine. La deuxième vague de migration noire vers l'Union soviétique était quantitativement et qualitativement différente des premières arrivées d'avant guerre. Elle se produisait aussi dans le contexte de la nouvelle réalité géopolitique de la Guerre froide. Après le Festival de la Jeunesse en 1957 à Moscou, l'Union soviétique sous Khrushchev ouvrit ses portes à des centaines, puis finalement à des milliers, d'étudiants du Tiers-Monde, beaucoup venant d'Afrique. En accordant de généreuses bourses d'études à des jeunes Africains, l'Union soviétique voulait réaffirmer ses références internationalistes et cherchait aussi les faveurs des Etats africains nouvellement indépendants. Les membres de cette nouvelle diaspora venaient principalement du continent africain. Si les Soviétiques avaient espéré un coup de propagande majeur, leurs espoirs ne furent pas totalement réalisés. Les étudiants africains eurent tendance à bloquer et à se retourner contre cette arme de propagande. Au lieu de devenir les symboles de l'effort internationaliste soviétique, ils vinrent symboliser l'occidentalisation et les « influences étrangères ».
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Ré, Henrique Antonio. "A revogação do Bill Aberdeen e a Lei do Ventre Livre." Revista de História, no. 178 (July 11, 2019): 1–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.11606/issn.2316-9141.rh.2019.142682.
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Na década de 1860, agentes do governo brasileiro fizeram um acordo com a British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society. Esta organização atuaria pela revogação da Lei Aberdeen e pelo restabelecimento das relações diplomáticas entre o Brasil e a Grã-Bretanha. Em contrapartida, o governo brasileiro adotaria medidas emancipacionistas. Esse acordo mostra que a Lei do Ventre Livre (1871) não foi uma decisão de caráter exclusivamente nacional e esteve relacionada a outros eventos políticos.
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RITCHIE, DANIEL. "Transatlantic Delusions and Pro-slavery Religion: Isaac Nelson's Evangelical Abolitionist Critique of Revivalism in America and Ulster." Journal of American Studies 48, no. 3 (February 14, 2014): 757–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875814000036.
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This article considers the arguments of one evangelical anti-slavery advocate in order to freshly examine the relationship between abolitionism and religious revivalism. Although it has often been thought that evangelicals were wholly supportive of revivals, the Reverend Isaac Nelson rejected the 1857–58 revival in the United States and the 1859 revival in Ulster partly owing to the link between these movements and pro-slavery religion. Nelson was no insignificant figure in Irish abolitionism, as his earlier efforts to promote emancipation through the Belfast Anti-Slavery Society, and in opposition to compromise in the Free Church of Scotland and at the Evangelical Alliance, received the approbation of various high-profile American abolitionists. Unlike other opponents of revivals, Nelson was not attacking them from a perspective which was heterodox or anti-evangelical. Hence his critique of revivalism is highly significant from both an evangelical and an abolitionist point of view. The article surveys Nelson's assessment of the link between revivalism and pro-slavery religion in America, before considering his specific complaints against the revival which occurred in 1857–58 and its Ulster counterpart the following year.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islamic Social Sciences 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajiss.v22i3.463.
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The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Cohen, Ariel. "Power or Ideology." American Journal of Islam and Society 22, no. 3 (July 1, 2005): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.35632/ajis.v22i3.463.
Full textAbstract:
The DebateQuestion 1: Various commentators have frequently invoked the importance of moderate Muslims and the role that they can play in fighting extremism in the Muslim world. But it is not clear who is a moderate Muslim. The recent cancellation of Tariq Ramadan’s visa to the United States, the raids on several American Muslim organizations, and the near marginalization of mainstream American Muslims in North America pose the following question: If moderate Muslims are critical to an American victory in the war on terror, then why does the American government frequently take steps that undermine moderate Muslims? Perhaps there is a lack of clarity about who the moderate Muslims are. In your view, who are these moderate Muslims and what are their beliefs and politics?
AC: I would like to say from the outset that I am neither a Muslim nor a sociologist. Therefore, my remarks should be taken as those of an interested and sympathetic outsider. I do not believe at all that the American government “undermines” moderate Muslims. The problem is more complicated. Many American officials abhor engagement in religion or the politics of religion. They believe that the American Constitution separates religion and state and does not allow them to make distinctions when it comes to different interpretations of Islam. For some of them, Salafiya Islam is as good as Sufi Islam. Others do not have a sufficient knowledge base to sort out the moderates from the radicals, identify the retrograde fundamentalists, or recognize modernizers who want political Islam to dominate. This is wrong. Radical ideologies have to do more with politics and warfare than religion, and, in some extreme cases, should not enjoy the constitutional protections of freedom of religion or free speech. There is a difference between propagating a faith and disseminating hatred, violence, or murder. The latter is an abuse and exploitation of faith for political ends, and should be treated as such. For example, the racist Aryan Nation churches were prosecuted and bankrupted by American NGOs and the American government. One of the problems is that the American government allows radical Muslims who support terrorism to operate with impunity in the United States and around the world, and does very little to support moderate Muslims, especially in the conflict zones. To me, moderate Muslims are those who do not view the “greater jihad” either as a pillar of faith or as a predominant dimension thereof. A moderate is one who is searching for a dialogue and a compromise with people who adhere to other interpretations of the Qur’an, and with those who are not Muslim. Amoderate Sunni, for example, will not support terror attacks on Shi`ahs or Sufis, or on Christians, Jews, or Hindus. Moderate Muslims respect the right of individuals to disagree, to worship Allah the way they chose, or not to worship – and even not to believe. Amoderate Muslim is one who is willing to bring his or her brother or sister to faith by love and logic, not by mortal threats or force of arms. Amoderate Muslim decries suicide bombings and terrorist “operations,” and abhors those clerics who indoctrinate toward, bless, and support such atrocities. The list of moderate Muslims is too long to give all or even a part of it here. Shaykh Muhammad Hisham Kabbani (chairman of the Islamic Supreme Council of America) and Sheikh Abdul Hadi Palazzi (secretarygeneral of the Rome-based Italian Muslim Association) come to mind. Ayatollah Ali Sistani may be a moderate, but I need to read more of his teachings. As the Wahhabi attacks against the Shi`ah escalate, Shi`i clerics and leaders are beginning to speak up. Examples include Sheikh Agha Jafri, a Westchester-based Pakistani Shi`ah who heads an organization called the Society for Humanity and Islam in America, and Tashbih Sayyed, a California-based Pakistani who serves as president of the Council for Democracy and Tolerance. I admire the bravery of Amina Wadud, a female professor of Islamic studies at Virginia Commonwealth University who led a mixed-gender Friday Islamic prayer service, according to Mona Eltahawy’s op-ed piece in The Washington Post on Friday, March 18, 2005 (“A Prayer Toward Equality”). Another brave woman is the co-founder of the Progressive Muslim Union of America, Sarah Eltantawi. And the whole world is proud of the achievements of Judge Shirin Ebadi, the Iranian human rights lawyer who was awarded the Nobel peace prize in 2003. There is a problem with the first question, however. It contains several assumptions that are debatable, to say the least, if not outright false. First, it assumes that Tariq Ramadan is a “moderate.” Nevertheless, there is a near-consensus that Ramadan, while calling for ijtihad, is a supporter of the Egyptian Ikhwan al-Muslimin [the Muslim Brotherhood] and comes from that tradition [he is the grandson of its founder, Hasan al-Banna]. He also expressed support for Yusuf al-Qaradawi (and all he stands for) on a BBC TVprogram, and is viewed as an anti-Semite. He also rationalizes the murder of children, though apparently that does not preclude the European Social Forum from inviting him to be a member. He and Hasan al-Turabi, the founder of the Islamic state in Sudan, have exchanged compliments. There are numerous reports in the media, quoting intelligence sources and ex-terrorists, that Ramadan associates with the most radical circles, including terrorists. In its decision to ban Ramadan, the United States Department of Homeland Security was guided by a number of issues, some of them reported in the media and others classified. This is sufficient for me to believe that Ramadan may be a security risk who, in the post-9/11 environment, could reasonably be banned from entering the United States.1 Second, the raids on “American Muslim organizations” are, in fact, a part of law enforcement operations. Some of these steps have had to do with investigations of terrorist activities, such as the alleged Libyan conspiracy to assassinate Crown Prince Abdullah of Saudi Arabia. Others focused on American Islamist organizations that were funding the terrorist activities of groups on the State Department’s terrorism watch list, such as Hamas. To say that these criminal investigations are targeting moderate Islam is like saying that investigating pedophile priests undermines freedom of religion in the United States. Finally, American Muslims are hardly marginalized. They enjoy unencumbered religious life and support numerous non-governmental organizations that often take positions highly critical of domestic and foreign policy – something that is often not the case in their countries of origin. There is no job discrimination – some senior Bush Administration officials, such as Elias A. Zerhouni, head of the National Institutes of Health (NIH), are Muslims. American presidents have congratulated Muslims on religious holidays and often invite Muslim clergymen to important state functions, such as the funeral of former president Ronald Reagan.
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Bogaevskaya, O., A. Bunina, A. Davydov, E. Desyatsky, S. Dmitriev, V. Zhuravleva, S. Kislitsyn, et al. "Joe Biden’s First Year in the White House." Analysis and Forecasting. IMEMO Journal, no. 1 (2022): 54–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/afij-2022-1-54-77.
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The article analyzes major trends in domestic, social, economic, trade and foreign policy of the USA in 2021. The past year turned out to be unexpectedly successful for the Democratic administration of Joseph Biden, who managed to use his party's almost maximum control over the federal government to lay the legislative foundation for the implementation of one of the priority items on the election agenda and began the transformation of the foreign policy strategy of the US global leadership. His first year was really eventful — in the difficult conditions of the ongoing pandemic, he opened a new stage of social and foreign policy transformations. The current US President came to the White House with a large-scale social agenda, on which the Democratic Party has been working all 4 years of Trump's presidency in anticipation of revenge. The ambitious plans, in addition to fighting the pandemic, included the subsequent reform of the healthcare system launched by Barack Obama, ensuring racial equality and social justice, updating the country's long and seriously worn out infrastructure, launching a ‘green transition’ and reforming the country's immigration system. All these reforms are long overdue and really needed. However, since the beginning of the XXI century the reform efforts of presidents traditionally produce very little results — an average of one large-scale reform for each president. The list of changes required by the country is growing, but the speed of its implementation is only falling. The reason for this slowdown lies in partisan polarization and radicalization, which grew rapidly during the same period, shrinking the space for compromise, a key condition for reform efforts under the American separation of powers. The Democrats with J. Biden won their chance for a blitz in 2020, however, not only the Republicans, whose numerical minority made it possible to worry less about their resistance, but also the unity of the Democratic Party itself, were on the way to its implementation. Over the past four years, the left wing of the party has expanded its membership in Congress and has become a powerful force, ready to resist even its own president. The large-scale social agenda proposed by J. Biden during the election campaign, which implies the expansion of the social responsibility of the state, eventually caused serious objections from both left-wing Democrats and Republicans. The first considered it insufficient, for the second it offered too revolutionary changes. Biden's centrist position in the face of radicalization proved to be more of an obstacle to pushing forward reforms than an opportunity to implement them. As a result, all participants had to compromise. Paradoxically, radicalization, which destroyed opportunities and room for compromise, itself became a compromise factor in a situation where changes could be too drastic for both the government itself and society. Finally, the Biden administration was able to seize a unique moment of democratic control over federal power to implement an important part of its social agenda. Biden's original plan to reform the country's infrastructure has seriously changed over this year of cross-party agreements, but in general, the adopted ‘Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act’ launches large-scale changes in several areas at once, on which the further development and competitiveness of the United States depend. Despite a relatively quick recovery, the US economy continues to face major challenges from the COVID-19 pandemic: high inflation and disruption in production chains. The new model for maintaining and expanding US global leadership, formulated and gradually implemented by Joe Biden’s administration, is based on the creation of a single ideological and technological space of allies in opposition to China and other authoritarian states challenging the US. The anti-Chinese vector determines the main directions of the US foreign policy strategy: returning to traditional allied relations, expanding alliances, ending protracted military campaigns, minimal strategic involvement in long-term conflicts, targeted interaction with competitors and adversaries, and controlled confrontation. This article is a result of a collective multi-aspect research of transformations taking place in the US on a real-time basis. The analysis is built methodologically on the systemic approach to studying American political, social and economic trends, both domestically and on an international level.
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Vasil'ev, V. "New Aspects of Discourse about the Berlin’s Realpolitik." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 12 (2015): 30–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-12-30-40.
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The article investigates approaches taken by major political parties and civil society in the FRG toward the Transatlantic partnership. It reveals the tendencies of the prospective promotion of Berlin’s cooperation with Washington; the article also gives a forecast of further interaction between the EU and the USA, indicates the direction of discourse regarding the future Russia–Germany relations model in the context of the Ukrainian crisis and in reference to the increased transatlantic solidarity. Disputes in German socio-political circles on the issue of the FRG’s policy toward the U.S. are emerging all the time, but they have to be considered within a concrete historical and political context. Being of primary significance for all German chancellors, the Trans-Atlantic factor has been shaping itself in a controversial way as to the nation’s public opinion. This has been confirmed by many opinion polls, including the survey on the signing of the EU–U.S. Agreement on the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Chancellor A. Merkel is playing an important role: she is either ascribed full compliancy with Washington, or is being tentatively shown as a consistent government figure in advancing and upholding of Germany's and the EU's interests. A. Merkel has implemented her peace-seeking drive in undoing the Ukrainian tangle by setting up the “Normandy format” involving the leaders of Germany, France, Russia and Ukraine while having cleared it through with the U.S. President B. Obama well in advance. Despite the increasing criticism of Washington’s policy among some part of Germans, for the majority of German voters, the USA remains a country of implementable hopes, the only power in the world possessing a high education level and the most advanced technologies. Americans, for their part, are confident of the important role that Berlin plays in world politics, particularly in what concerns the maintenance of unity within the EU. Berlin aims at further constructive interaction with the USA in the frame of NATO as well as within other Trans-Atlantic formats. Notwithstanding the steady tendency toward increasing of the Washington policy’s critical perception degree in German society, officially Berlin continues as Washington’s true ally, partner and friend. There is every reason to believe that after the 2017 Bundestag elections, the new (the former) Chancellor will have to face a modernized Trans-Atlantic partnership philosophy, with a paradigm also devised in the spirit of the bloc discipline and commitments to allies. The main concern for Berlin is not to lose its sovereign right of decision-making, including the one that deals with problems of European security and relations with Moscow. Regrettably, Germany is not putting forward any innovative ideas on aligning a new architecture of European security with Russia’s participation. Meanwhile, German scholars and experts are trying to work out a tentative algorithm of a gradual return to the West’s full-fledged dialogue with Russia, which, unfortunately, is qualified as an opponent by many politicians. Predictably, the Crimea issue will remain a long-lasting political irritant in relations between Russia and Germany. Although not every aspect of Berlin’s activation in its foreign policy finds support of the German public, and the outburst of anti-American feeling is obvious, experts believe that the government of the FRG is “merely taking stock of these phenomena and ignores them”. Evident is the gap between the government's line and the feeling of the German parties’ basis – the public. It is noteworthy that the FRG has not yet adopted the Law on Holding General Federal Referendums on key issues of the domestic and foreign policy. There is every indication to assume that the real causes of abandoning the nationwide referendums are the reluctance of the German ruling bureaucracy and even its apprehensions of the negative voting returns on sensitive problems, – such as basic documents and decisions of the EU, the export of German arms, relations with the U.S., etc. The harmony between Berlin’s "Realpolitik" and German public opinion is not yet discernible within the system of Trans-Atlantic axes.
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Chamberlain, Adam. "Group Presence, Population, and Interest Group Theory: A Case Study of the American Anti‐Slavery Society." Social Science Quarterly 101, no. 2 (March 2020): 989–1003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ssqu.12781.
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Khalil, Zeenat, and Mursalin Jahan. "Slavery and Racism: Portrayal of Huck as a White Slave in Mark Twain’s Novel T he Adventures of Huckleberry Finn." ECS Transactions 107, no. 1 (April 24, 2022): 5317–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1149/10701.5317ecst.
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Slavery and racism are complicated, contentious issues that have been intimately interwoven elements of American society. Slaves have suffered a wide range of wounds and afflictions at the hands of others, including members of their own community and family. Slavery and racism in Mark Twain’s The Adventures of Huckleberry Finn is a fundamental concern for Huck, a white boy of thirteen who observes the pinnacle of injustice and cruelty, which is ethically repugnant and blatantly anti-human. In the novel, Huck Finn’s struggle with his inner conscience due to the heinous practice of slavery, the harsh realities of white culture, and their cold-hearted attitude have horrible implications on his heart and mind. This research emphasizes the necessity for deliberate moral reflection on how a white person’s honesty and kindness became a justification for his enslavement among the white community and also how he fights against the atrocities of the whites.
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Ré, Henrique Antonio. "“A abolição da escravidão não significa o estabelecimento da liberdade”: os abolicionistas britânicos e os africanos libertados do tráfico, 1840-1854." CLIO: Revista de Pesquisa Histórica 39, no. 2 (January 21, 2022): 463. http://dx.doi.org/10.22264/clio.issn2525-5649.2021.39.2.20.
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O artigo explora como os abolicionistas da British and Foreign Anti-Slavery Society (BFASS) incentivaram o “esquema de imigração africana”, implantado a partir do início da década de 1840, para transferir os “africanos libertados” dos navios negreiros, capturados pelos cruzadores britânicos, para as colônias das Índias Ocidentais. Apesar do apoio ao esquema, os abolicionistas criticaram de forma sistemática e insistente todas as iniciativas das assembleias coloniais e do governo britânico para alterar as condições de trabalho desses imigrantes. Essa posição indica que a BFASS concedeu primazia aos aspectos humanitários dessa imigração frente aos interesses econômicos e políticos coloniais.