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Journal articles on the topic 'American and Mexican'
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1
Guardino, Peter. "“In the Name of Civilization and with a Bible in Their Hands:” Religion and the 1846–48 Mexican-American War." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 30, no. 2 (2014): 342–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2014.30.2.342.
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Religion was crucial to how Americans and Mexicans saw their enemies and motivated themselves to contribute to the 1846–1848 war. The very strength of religious attitudes made controlling their effects difficult. Some U.S. troops attacked Mexican Catholicism, inspiring Mexican resistance. Conversely, Mexican authorities sometimes sought to limit religiously inspired resistance. Furthermore, at a key moment some Mexicans felt their religious concerns required them to violently oppose their own government. Mexican negotiators gained protections for Catholics in the territory transferred by the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, but anti-Catholic politicians in the U.S. Senate eliminated these protections before ratifying the treaty. La religión constituyó un factor crucial en la manera de concebir al enemigo y de animarse a participar en la guerra de 1846–1848 entre estadounidenses y mexicanos. La misma fuerza de las actitudes religiosas dificultaba el control de sus efectos. Algunas tropas estadounidenses atacaban el catolicismo mexicano e inspiraban así la resistencia. A su vez, las autoridades mexicanas a veces buscaban limitar la resistencia inspirada por la religión. Además, en un momento clave, algunos mexicanos sintieron que sus preocupaciones religiosas les exigían oponerse violentamente a su propio gobierno. Los negociadores mexicanos obtuvieron protección para los católicos en el territorio transferido mediante el Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo, pero los políticos anticatólicos del Senado de Estados Unidos suprimieron esta protección antes de ratificar el tratado.
2
Calderón-Zaks, Michael. "Debated Whiteness amid World Events: Mexican and Mexican American Subjectivity and the U.S.' Relationship with the Americas, 1924–1936." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 27, no. 2 (2011): 325–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2011.27.2.325.
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By the 1920s, anti-Mexican campaigns in the United States had become a major liability for US interests in the Americas, as rival imperial powers attempted to exploit growing anti-American sentiments in Mexico and Latin America against American imperialism. The U.S. State Department sought to curtail animosity in Latin America by contesting discriminatory domestic practices that angered elite Mexicans and Mexican-American leaders who identified as white. After blocking eastern and southern European and Japanese immigration in the 1924 National Origins Act, the eugenics movement turned its attention to excluding Mexicans from entering the US. When legislative attempts at restriction failed because they conflicted with national and international commercial interests, non-legislative avenues were sought, including the Census and the courts. The 1930 Census was the only census that categorized Mexicans as a separate “race.” In the context of a changing racial formation in the United States, this unique category was reversed in 1936 due to Mexican-American leaders leveraging the fragility of the “Good Neighbor Policy” to force the Federal government into action.
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del Castillo, Richard Griswold. "The Los Angeles "Zoot Suit Riots" Revisited: Mexican and Latin American Perspectives." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 16, no. 2 (2000): 367–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1052202.
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The so-called Zoot Suit riots in Los Angeles in June of 1943 made Latin Americans more aware of the negative racial attitudes within the United States toward Mexicans. Through the publicity surrounding the riots, they also first learned of the existence of a large ethnic group of Mexican origin. This knowledge, however, often came with an additional message that the Mexican American culture was not worthy of esteem by respectable people. / Los disturbios llamados "Zoot-Suit" que ocurrieron en Los Angeles en Junio 1943 hizo saber a los latino americanos que las actitudes de los norteamericanos hacia los mexicanos no eran muy positivas. A través de la publicidad durante los disturbios, aprendieron por la primera vez de la existencia de un gran grupo étnico de origen mexicano en los Estados Unidos. Desgraciadamente esta información vino con otro mensaje que la cultura de los mexicoamericanos no era digna de honor por la supuesta gente decente.
4
de la Garza, Rodolfo O., and Muserref Yetim. "The Impact of Ethnicity and Socialization on Definitions of Democracy: The Case of Mexican Americans and Mexicans." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 19, no. 1 (2003): 81–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2003.19.1.81.
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This paper argues that Mexican American views of democracy differ significantly from those of Mexicans because of their exposure to the political institutions and culture of the United States. Our results vindicate Diamond's claim that there is no better way of developing the values, skills, and commitments of democratic citizenship than through direct experience with democracy (Diamond 1999). Equally significant is that the study demonstrates that ethnic ties do not determine political attitudes. That is, despite a shared historical background and contemporary cultural commonalities, Mexican views of democracy differ from those of Mexican Americans. Este artíículo arguye que las visiones de la democracia de los mexicano-americanos difieren significativamente de las de los mexicanos debido a su exposicióón a las instituciones de políítica y cultura de los Estados Unidos. Nuestros resultados justifican la idea de Diamond de que no hay mejor manera de desarrollar los valores, habilidades y el compromiso con una ciudadaníía democráática qua a travéés de la experiencia directa con la democracia (Diamond 1999). De igual importancia, el estudio demuestra que los lazos éétnicos no determinan las actitudes polííticas. Esto es, a pesar de compartir un trasfondo históórico y de las concordancias culturales contemporááneas, las visiones de la democracia de los mexicanos difieren de las de los mexicano-americanos.
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Fought, Carmen. "Language as a representation of Mexican American identity." English Today 26, no. 3 (August 24, 2010): 44–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078410000131.
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Demographic data indicate that the English of Mexican Americans is destined to play a key role in the sociolinguistic study of language variation in the United States. In fact, Mexican American speakers are reported to account for more than 12.5% of the U.S. population. In 2003, the U.S. Census released data showing that Latinos and Latinas had replaced African Americans as the largest minority ethnic group in the U.S., and by 2007, 29.2 million Americans listed their ancestry as Mexican (Pew Hispanic Center, 2009). Moreover, in addition to the large numbers of Mexicans (first generation) and Mexican Americans (second generation) living in the Southwest, we are now seeing a new representation of these ethnic groups in other areas, such as the South. For example, between 1990 and 2000, North Carolina experienced a higher percentage of growth in its Mexican American population than any other state (Wolfram, Carter & Moriello, 2004).These statistics are important with respect to language because they reveal that a large and increasing population of English speakers in the U.S. are Latinos and Latinas of Mexican origin. Our notion of American English, then, must be extended to include the variety traditionally spoken by the children of Mexican immigrants in the U.S., generally referred to in the literature as Chicano English. In addition, if we look at the Mexican American population as a whole, we will find a number of other varieties of English spoken.
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Kosack, Edward, and Zachary Ward. "El Sueño Americano? The Generational Progress of Mexican Americans Prior to World War II." Journal of Economic History 80, no. 4 (September 28, 2020): 961–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050720000480.
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We present new estimates of the outcomes of first-generation Mexicans and their descendants between 1880 and 1940. We find zero convergence of the economic gap between Mexicans and non-Mexican whites across three generations. The great-grandchildren of immigrants also had fewer years of education. Slow convergence is not simply due to an inheritance of poverty; rather, Mexican Americans had worse outcomes conditional on the father’s economic status. However, the gap between third-generation Mexican Americans and non-Mexican whites is about half the size today as it was in 1940, suggesting that barriers to Mexican American progress have significantly decreased over time.
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Silva, Angela J., and Aurelia Lorena Murga. "Racializing American Authenticity: Mexican Americans’ Perceptions of the Foreign Other." Humanity & Society 45, no. 2 (February 22, 2021): 202–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0160597621993408.
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Anti-Mexican sentiment in the United States has long plagued the lives of people of Mexican descent. Since their incorporation, Mexican Americans have experienced processes of racialization as second-class citizens while a continuous anti-immigrant climate continues to impact them. This has influenced their use of a white racial frame resulting in their distancing of themselves from perceived foreign-ness. Drawing on 15 in-depth interviews with self-identified Mexican Americans along the U.S.-Mexico border, we find that divisions between the two nations have become embedded in the lived experiences of those residing in the borderland region. The themes raised by our respondents illustrate how Mexican Americans use notions of illegality, belonging to a nation, and the dangerous other to differentiate themselves from foreign-born Mexicans and the ways they address immigration. We argue that Mexican Americans living in a transnational border space navigate their everyday lives as racialized beings, resulting in their search for ways to situate themselves apart from the foreign other. We argue that the larger implications for understanding how Mexican Americans use the white racial frame is significant since their embedded ideas and beliefs are founded upon racist nativist differences that are used to create and support policies that target racialized others.
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Martynuska, Małgorzata. "Cultural Hybridity in the USA exemplified by Tex-Mex cuisine." International Review of Social Research 7, no. 2 (November 27, 2017): 90–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/irsr-2017-0011.
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AbstractThe article concerns the hybrid phenomenon of Tex-Mex cuisine which evolved in the U.S.-Mexico borderland. The history of the U.S.-Mexican border area makes it one of the world’s great culinary regions where different migrations have created an area of rich cultural exchange between Native Americans and Spanish, and then Mexicans and Anglos. The term ‘Tex-Mex’ was previously used to describe anything that was half-Texan and half-Mexican and implied a long-term family presence within the current boundaries of Texas. Nowadays, the term designates the Texan variety of something Mexican; it can apply to music, fashion, language or cuisine. Tex-Mex foods are Americanised versions of Mexican cuisine describing a spicy combination of Spanish, Mexican and Native American cuisines that are mixed together and adapted to American tastes. Tex-Mex cuisine is an example of Mexicanidad that has entered American culture and is continually evolving.
9
Colcleugh, Malcolm Bruce. "War-Time Portraits of the Gringo: American Invaders and the Manufacture of Mexican Nationalism." Montréal 1995 6, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 81–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031089ar.
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Abstract The 1846 American invasion of Mexico sparked an intensely nationalist response among members of Mexico's Liberal and Conservative intelligentsia. This paper documents and analyzes that nationalist reaction. To rally the nation to the cause, Mexican intellectuals constructed and presented to the Mexican masses frightful, negative caricatures and stereotypes of the invading Americans. An abject race of vile and perfidious usurpers, Anglo-Saxon invaders were, the intelligentsia warned, intent upon the spoliation of Mexico and the enslavement of her people. If not stopped by a vigorous prosecution of the war, they warned, the greedy and cruel heretics from the north would soon descend over the whole nation, raping Mexico's daughters along the way and desecrating her holy shrines. Disseminated through newspapers, political pamphlets and broadsides, it was against such caricatures that the allegedly positive features of the Mexican identity were defined and delineated. Against the dark and fiendish stereotypes of the Americans stood, in stark and powerful contrast, the moral and benevolent Mexicans. Where the American caricature evoked the dreadful image of a marauding, degenerate infidel, the Mexican portraiture called forth the equally evocative image of an upright, generous defender. While the Americans fought because of their greed, the Mexicans, it was maintained, resisted for the honour of their families, their Church and their motherland.
10
Noel, Linda C. ""I am an American": Anglos, Mexicans, Nativos, and the National Debate over Arizona and New Mexico Statehood." Pacific Historical Review 80, no. 3 (August 1, 2011): 430–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2011.80.3.430.
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This article focuses on how people of Mexican descent fit within the definition of "American" during the early twentieth century. It argues that during the final years of debate over Arizona and New Mexico statehood, nativos (U.S.-born people of Mexican descent), Mexicans (immigrants from Mexico), and Anglos developed and promoted strategies of pluralism and marginalization for incorporating people of Mexican descent into the nation. Pluralists worked to ensure that nativos in New Mexico would become full members of the United States as Spanish Americans, while Anglos promoting marginalization strove to limit people of Mexican descent in Arizona to second-class citizenship. Although both territories became states in 1912, the two strategies resulted in very different consequences for people of Mexican descent and provided two very different models for how they could be considered American.
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Dwyer, Angelique K. "Gringos Mexicanos." PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies 16, no. 1-2 (November 13, 2019): 160–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/pjmis.v16i1-2.6475.
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This creative non-fiction piece written in Spanglish called “Gringos Mexicanos" stems from feelings of nostalgia and unrest within biculturalism and national identity. The piece centers around the degrees of belonging that two Americans siblings raised in Mexico have when contrasted to each other and to (Mexican or American) peer groups. The narrative voice in this piece provides a unique perspective broadening dialogue(s) on Mexican American identity.
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Cuéllar Moreno, José Manuel. "Las Meditaciones suramericanas del Conde de Keyserling. Su impronta en la filosofía de lo mexicano." Latinoamérica. Revista de Estudios Latinoamericanos, no. 73 (September 13, 2021): 189. http://dx.doi.org/10.22201/cialc.24486914e.2022.73.57267.
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el objetivo es revisar las principales tesis del Conde de Keyserling en las Meditaciones suramericanas (1933) y demostrar su influencia en dos pensadores mexicanos: Samuel Ramos y Emilio Uranga. Tiene la doble originalidad de reivindicar a Keyserling como pieza clave para comprenderel proceso de “germanización” de la filosofía mexicana durante los años veinte y treinta del siglo pasado, y de rastrear por primera vez la influencia de nociones keyserlinguianas como “hombre telúrico”, “mundo abisal” y “gana” en los análisis sobre la finura y la desgana del mexicano.Se concluye que esta influencia no fue accesoria, sino decisiva, y que no se limitó a México. Por décadas, Keyserling alimentó el imaginario de filósofos y novelistas de toda Latinoamérica. El artículo adopta el presupuesto metodológico del historicismo: “una idea no viene a ser sino la forma de reacción de un determinado hombre frente a sus circunstancias”.Palabras clave: Keyserling; Meditaciones suramericanas; Filosofía de lo mexicano; Samuel Ramos; Emilio Uranga.Abstract: The purpose of this article is to review Keyserling’s main philosophical ideas and categories in his South American Meditations (published in German in 1932), and show the major influence they had on Mexican thinkers such as Samuel Ramos and Emilio Uranga. This articlesvindicates the important role of Keyserling in the “Germanization” of Mexican Philosophy in the first half of the past century, and traces for the first time the presence of some Keyserling’s notions(“hombre telúrico”, “mundo abisal”, “gana”) in the characterization of the Mexican as delicate and unwilling. This influence was decisive and spread throughout Latin America. Historicism provides the methodological assumption that an idea (even a philosophical one) is nothing but a way a concrete human being deals with her circumstances.Key words: Keyserling; South American Meditations; Mexican Philosophy; Samuel Ramos; Emilio Uranga.
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Colburn, Forrest D. "Liberalism Takes Root in Central America." Current History 103, no. 670 (February 1, 2004): 74–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2004.103.670.74.
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Central America's unlikely route to liberal democracy may not have been perceived as leading to durable regimes. However, democracy has been resilient and even stable in Central America. Indeed, Central Americans, accustomed to being perceived as poor and unstable by their Mexican and South American brethren, have been smug about the locus of Latin America's ills being shifted to South America.
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Christensen, Catherine. "Mujeres Públicas." Pacific Historical Review 82, no. 2 (November 2012): 215–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2013.82.2.215.
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This article explores the circuits of migration among American prostitutes in Mexican border towns between the years 1910 and 1930. After California’s Progressive movement shut down the state’s red light districts, American prostitutes found that the vice districts of Mexicali and Tijuana offered opportunities for economic and social advancement not available to them in the United States. As transnational subjects, these U.S. women exploited the ethno-cultural complexities of the border to claim “whiteness” as “Americans” and yet also relied on the Mexican state to guarantee their rights and liberties. Their story contributes to scholarly debates about prostitution and speaks to the absence of research on American women in the historiography of the twentieth-century U.S.-Mexican border.
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Sugihara, Yoko, and Judith A. Warner. "Endorsements by Mexican-Americans of the Bem Sex-Role Inventory: Cross-Ethnic Comparison." Psychological Reports 85, no. 1 (August 1999): 201–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1999.85.1.201.
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Gender-related personality traits among Mexican-American men and women were examined. The sample consisted of 307 Mexican-Americans (150 women, 157 men) in a predominantly Mexican and Mexican-American community in South Texas. Mexican-American men scored significantly higher than the women on eight masculine items, whereas Mexican-American women scored higher than the men on four feminine items. A comparison between the scores of Mexican-Americans on the Bern Sex-Role Inventory with those of the original sample in the inventory's manual showed that the scores for the Masculinity and Femininity subscales for both Mexican-American men and women were not significantly different from those of the original sample. A significant difference, however, was found on some of the items of the inventory. Analysis also indicated that more Mexican-American men were categorized as Feminine and Androgynous than were non-Hispanic Euro-American males in the original sample. Among Mexican-American women there were more individuals classified as Masculine and Undifferentiated and a lower percentage as Feminine than among the original sample. Implications and recommendations based on the results are discussed.
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Donato, Rubén, and Jarrod Hanson. "Legally White, Socially “Mexican”: The Politics of De Jure and De Facto School Segregation in the American Southwest." Harvard Educational Review 82, no. 2 (June 1, 2012): 202–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.82.2.a562315u72355106.
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The history of Mexican American school segregation is complex, often misunderstood, and currently unresolved. The literature suggests that Mexican Americans experienced de facto segregation because it was local custom and never sanctioned at the state level in the American Southwest. However, the same literature suggests that Mexican Americans experienced de jure segregation because school officials implemented various policies that had the intended effect of segregating Mexican Americans. Rubén Donato and Jarrod S. Hanson argue in this article that although Mexican Americans were legally categorized as “White,” the American public did not recognize the category and treated Mexican Americans as socially “colored” in their schools and communities. Second, although there were no state statutes that sanctioned the segregation of Mexican Americans, it was a widespread trend in the American Southwest. Finally, policies and practices historically implemented by school officials and boards of education should retroactively be considered de jure segregation.
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Alarcón, Rafael. "U.S. Expansionism, Mexican Undocumented Migration, and American Obligations." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 563–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002763.
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In his compelling piece, “Living in a Promiseland? Mexican Immigration and American Obligations,” Rogers Smith argues that the greater the degree to which the U.S. has coercively constituted the identities of non-citizens in ways that have made having certain relationships to America fundamental to their capacities to lead free and meaningful lives, the greater the obligations the U.S. has to facilitate those relationships. Over the last hundred years, many rural communities in Mexico have been constituted more by U.S. immigration policy and the labor demands of U.S. employers than by similar policies and economic factors in Mexico. According to Smith, this means that Mexicans may be owed “special access” to American residency and citizenship, ahead of the residents of countries less affected by U.S. policies, and in ways that should justify leniency toward undocumented Mexican immigrants.
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Sellen, Adam T. "Giving shape to the past: Pre-columbia in nineteenth-century Mexican literary journals." Boletim do Museu Paraense Emílio Goeldi. Ciências Humanas 12, no. 2 (August 2017): 359–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/1981.81222017000200006.
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Abstract The literary journal “El Museo Mexicano” (1843-1845) marked a watershed in Mexican nationalism, and sought to shape aspirations of an elite segment of nineteenth-century Mexican society eager to claim a post-colonial identity by exploring the cultural and historical strands that were combined in the young Republic. The editors solicited contributions from Mexican authors on a wide range of subjects, from descriptions of contemporary provincial life to accounts of recent discoveries of pre-Hispanic monuments and artifacts. The aim was to provide a more complete and up-to-date image of Mexico, rich in anecdotal detail and lavishly illustrated. In this paper I will explore how this new literary platform argued for the validity of archaeological investigation in the American context, and ultimately shaped how Mexicans perceived their past. Though my focus is primarily on the articles in “El Museo Mexicano” I will also analyze some of the visual tropes and traditions, from the picturesque to the grotesque that inspired illustration in other Mexican journals of the same genre.
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Salgado, Casandra D. "Mexican American Identity: Regional Differentiation in New Mexico." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 6, no. 2 (September 11, 2018): 179–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218795193.
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Existing research inadequately addresses the variation in Mexican Americans’ patterns of ethnic identification. Drawing on 78 interviews, I address this question by exploring how conceptions of ancestry and nationality shape ethnic identification among New Mexico’s long-standing Mexican American population, Nuevomexicanos. I find that Nuevomexicanos emphasized their ties to Spanish heritage within the history of New Mexico to explain their ethnicity and to construct their identity in opposition to Mexican immigrants. Although Nuevomexicanos varied in their claims to Mexican ancestry, they generally prioritized their roots in the original Spanish settlement of New Mexico to emphasize distinctions in ancestry, nationality, and regionality from Mexican immigrants. Moreover, despite Nuevomexicanos’ persistent claims to Spanish ancestry, they did not perceive themselves as racially White. Instead, Spanish ancestry was integral to Nuevomexicano identity because it enabled them to highlight their regional ties to New Mexico and long-time American identities. Thus, I argue that Nuevomexicanos’ enduring claims to Spanish ancestry represent a defensive strategy to enact dissociation from stigmatized Mexican immigrants. Overall, these findings show that Mexican Americans’ dissociation strategies are contingent on how they define themselves as members of an ethnic and national community. These findings also indicate that “Mexican American” as an identity term is a loosely maintained membership category among “Mexican Americans” because of their intragroup heterogeneity.
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Katz, Michael B., Mark J. Stern, and Jamie J. Fader. "The Mexican Immigration Debate." Social Science History 31, no. 2 (2007): 157–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013717.
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This article uses census microdata to address key issues in the Mexican immigration debate. First, we find striking parallels in the experiences of older and newer immigrant groups with substantial progress among second- and subsequent-generation immigrants from southern and eastern Europe and Mexican Americans. Second, we contradict a view of immigrant history that contends that early–twentieth–century immigrants from southern and eastern Europe found well–paying jobs in manufacturing that facilitated their ascent into the middle class. Both first and second generations remained predominantly working class until after World War II. Third, the erosion of the institutions that advanced earlier immigrant generations is harming the prospects of Mexican Americans. Fourth, the mobility experience of earlier immigrants and of Mexicans and Mexican Americans differed by gender, with a gender gap opening among Mexican Americans as women pioneered the path to white–collar and professional work. Fifth, public–sector and publicly funded employment has proved crucial to upward mobility, especially among women. The reliance on public employment, as contrasted to entrepreneurship, has been one factor setting the Mexican and African American experience apart from the economic history of most southern and eastern European groups as well as from the experiences of some other immigrant groups today.
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Zhang, Jiayi. "Mexican Retrogrades in the Wave of American Film Culture." BCP Education & Psychology 7 (November 7, 2022): 151–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.54691/bcpep.v7i.2628.
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As one of the most penetrating media, film is an important expression of national cultural soft power. From the beginning of the 20th century to the present, American film culture has swept the world, directly or indirectly dominating the global screen entertainment. Relying on its mature film industry, the United States has rapidly penetrated its culture and values to the world, affecting the cultural identities of other countries. (Under the long-term hegemony of "Hollywood" values, the Mexican film culture as its neighbor has been seriously affected. In Hollywood films, Mexico seems to be synonymous with "chaos", "poverty" and "violence". For Mexican filmmakers, how to keep the Mexican style in the film in the "encirclement and suppression" of American films is the first problem, and then the goal is to show the real Mexico to the world. In response to this situation, some Mexican filmmakers have successively tried a genre-based creative path, transplanting the Hollywood genre film model into the local narrative, in order to achieve a balance between commerciality and artistry. This is also the goal that a group of Mexican filmmakers of the new genre have always pursued. They reject the domineering "cultural fusion" of Hollywood, but take the initiative to choose the "wall" that crosses national borders, galloping into the global film industry with Mexican concepts and creativity. One of the worthiest of exploration is the Mexican director Alessandro Gonzalez Inarito, because he has lived in the United States for a long time, so he has witnessed the situation of Mexicans in the United States, in his film The two perspectives of the United States and Mexico have appeared many times, intuitively revealing Mexico in the eyes of Americans. And almost all the films he shoots contain Mexican elements, trying to break the world's stereotypes about Mexico through the perspective of Mexicans. In the past ten years, Mexican films have made good news on the international stage and become one of the most active countries in the film industry in the world. Therefore, through the study of Alessandro's films, it is necessary to break the Mexico established by the United States and to re-establish the understanding of Mexico and its films.
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Kaplowitz, Craig A. "A Distinct Minority: LULAC, Mexican American Identity, and Presidential Policymaking, 1965–1972." Journal of Policy History 15, no. 2 (April 2003): 192–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jph.2003.0012.
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During the presidencies of Lyndon Johnson and Richard Nixon, Mexican American civil rights went from being an addendum to civil rights for African Americans to a stand-alone policy with a bureaucracy, federal programs, and an independent rationale. Ever since President Harry Truman accepted civil rights in the Democratic platform in 1948, federal policymakers and politicians tried to fit Mexican Americans, and other minority groups, into the civil rights mold they had carved out for blacks in the South. While subject to severe discrimination and disadvantage, Mexican Americans did not face the consistent statutory segregation and discrimination faced by blacks. Federal civil rights policy for Mexican Americans through the mid-1960s consisted of New Frontier and Great Society funding programs to which Mexican American organizations could apply for money to develop and carry out projects in their communities. By the end of Richard Nixon's first term, a federal bilingual education program was established, agencies and committees existed whose sole function was to coordinate Mexican American programs, and Mexican Americans were recognized by policymakers as a distinct minority group with unique needs that required particular federal remedies.
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Guendelman, Sylvia, Miranda Lucia Ritterman-Weintraub, Lia C. Haskin-Fernald, and Martha Kaufer-Horwitz. "A population-based comparison of weight and weight perceptions among overweight and obese Mexican and Mexican-American men." Salud Pública de México 55, Supl.4 (August 6, 2013): 451. http://dx.doi.org/10.21149/spm.v55s4.5149.
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Objective. To examine actual and perceived weight in national cohorts of Mexican-origin adult men in Mexico and the United States (US). Materials and methods. We used the 2001-06 National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey and the 2006 Mexican National Health and Nutrition Survey. Results. The prevalence of overweight or obesity (OO) in Mexicans was 65% and in Mexican-Americans was 72%. OO Mexican-American men were more likely than OO Mexican men (56 vs. 49%) to perceive themselves as “overweight”. Among OO men from both populations, those who had been screened for OO by a health provider were almost seven times more likely to have accurate weight perceptions. Only 9% of OO men in Mexico and 25% in the US recalled having been screened for weight. Conclusion. Weight misperceptions were common in both populations but more prevalent in Mexico; low screening by providers may contribute to poor weight control in both countries
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Hooft, Andreu van. "A Comparison of Mexican and US American Students’ Perceptions of High-Low Context Business Communication Style." Languages in Business Education: Introduction 161 (January 1, 2011): 68–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/itl.161.05hoo.
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Abstract Cross-cultural studies (Hofstede, 1984, 1991, 2001; Hall, 1959, 1976) posit that Mexico is a more collectivistic and high context culture than the United States of America and therefore it could be claimed that Mexicans will communicate and perceive professional communication in a different way than US Americans. In contrast, professional communication and social (psychology) studies argue that in order to communicate in a truly intercultural way it is necessary to go beyond the frame of cultural dimensions, since shared professional and educational frameworks could override the impact of cultural differences in professional settings. While empirical evidence so far has shown mixed results, the results of this article provide additional evidence to support the view that the two cited cultural dimensions have been overridden, since the Mexican (N=280) and US American (N=300) student samples showed a rather similar perception of professional dialogues in a monocultural as well as in an intercultural communication setting. A shared framework of knowledge and skills, the impact of the new media and technologies, the virtual and real intercultural encounters between Mexicans and US Americans, their shared educational level, and the fact that nearly all of the Mexican participants reported to speak English as a foreign language and that a majority of the US American participants reported to speak Spanish as a foreign language, could explain, at least for the studied samples, the observed convergence.
25
Lopez, Linda C. "Smokeless Tobacco Consumption by Mexican-American University Students." Psychological Reports 75, no. 1 (August 1994): 279–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1994.75.1.279.
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A modified version of the Illinois Department of Public Health Smokeless Tobacco Survey was administered to 220 women and 134 men attending a state university in New Mexico. The respondents included 65 male and 83 female Mexican-Americans as well as 118 female and 59 male Anglo-Americans. All Mexican-American women identified themselves as nonusers of smokeless tobacco. Of the Anglo-American women, one indicated that she used snuff, and 3 disclosed that they chewed tobacco. 33% of the Anglo-American men and 18% of the Mexican-American men stated that they used smokeless tobacco products. A chi-squared analysis showed this difference was significant. Implications are discussed.
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Pedraza, Silvia. "Beyond Black and White." Social Science History 24, no. 4 (2000): 697–726. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200012049.
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Research on immigrants and the eventual outcomes of immigration processes was at the very foundation of American sociology. But with the exception of a couple of studies on the Mexicans in the United States, such as Paul Taylor' (1932, 1934) monumental work on the life story of Mexican immigrant laborers in the Chicago and Calumet region during the late 1920s and early 1930s, Manuel Gamio' (1971 [1930], 1971 [1931]) anthropological studies of Mexican immigrants in the United States, and Edith Abbott'The Tenements of Chicago, 1908–1935(1936), Latinos were remarkably absent from such studies. Instead, these studies focused on the European immigrant experience and the experience of black Americans as newcomers to America' cities. Scholarship on Latinos (much lessbyLatinos) simply did not put down roots as early as scholarship on Afro-Americans. Perhaps this was partly due to the smaller size of the population back then, coupled with its being largely immigrant—composed of people who thought they would one day return to where they came from.
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Miguel, Jr., Guadalupe San, and Richard Valencia. "From the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo to Hopwood: The Educational Plight and Struggle of Mexican Americans in the Southwest." Harvard Educational Review 68, no. 3 (September 1, 1998): 353–413. http://dx.doi.org/10.17763/haer.68.3.k01tu242340242u1.
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The Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, which brought an end to the Mexican American War of 1846–1848, marked its sesquicentennial on February 2, 1998. The signing of the Treaty and the U.S. annexation, by conquest, of the current Southwest signaled the beginning of decades of persistent, pervasive prejudice and discrimination against people of Mexican origin who reside in the United States. In this article, Guadalupe San Miguel and Richard Valencia provide a sweep through 150 years of Mexican American schooling in the Southwest. They focus on the educational "plight" (e.g., forced school segregation, curricular tracking), as well as the "struggle" (e.g., litigation) mounted by the Mexican American people in their quest for educational equality. The authors cover four major historical eras: 1) the origins of schooling for Mexican children in the "American" Southwest, 1848–1890s; 2) the expansion of Mexican American education, 1890–1930; 3) the changing character of public education, 1930–1960; and 4) the contemporary period. In their discussion they identify a number of major themes that characterize the education of Mexican Americans in the Southwest from the time of the Treaty up to the Hopwood decision in Texas—the landmark case that gutted affirmative action in higher education. These include the exclusion and removal of the Mexican-origin community and its cultural heritage from the schools; the formation of the template (segregated, inferior schooling) for Mexican American education; the quest for educational equality; the continuing academic gap between Mexican American and Anglo or White students; and the impact of nativism on educational opportunity, as reflected most recently in the regressive and oppressive voter-initiated propositions in California and in the legal decisions in Texas. As such, Mexican Americans face an educational crisis of an unprecedented magnitude in the history of racial/ethnic minority education.
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LeBlanc, Sandra, and Julie F. Smart. "Power, Perception, and Privilege: White Privilege and the Rehabilitation of Mexican Americans." Journal of Applied Rehabilitation Counseling 36, no. 2 (June 1, 2005): 12–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1891/0047-2220.36.2.12.
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Rehabilitation counselors are gatekeepers to services in the state/federal vocational rehabilitation agency. Further, it is safe to state that the majority of these counselors are white, non-Hispanic Americans. Juxtaposed with these twin realities is the growing number of Hispanic/Latino Americans with disabilities, the greatest number of whom are of Mexican origin. Therefore, it becomes necessary for rehabilitation counselors to examine the concepts, history, and results of white privilege. In rehabilitation, white privilege may affect the higher rates of disabilities experienced by Mexican Americans and the fact that once Mexican Americans acquire these disabilities, they experience more secondary conditions and complications (than white, non-Hispanics). Acceptance for services in the state/federal VR system can be influenced by white privilege. Once accepted for services, white privilege can create distance and a power differential between the rehabilitation counselor and the Mexican American client. In addition, biases and inaccurate (and unconscious) perceptions of the counselor may lead to inaccurate assessments and underestimation of the Mexican American client's potential for rehabilitation. Practice recommendations which empower the Mexican American client are presented.
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Guendelman, Sylvia, and Barbara Abrams. "Dietary, Alcohol, and Tobacco Intake among Mexican-American Women of Childbearing Age: Results from HANES Data." American Journal of Health Promotion 8, no. 5 (May 1994): 363–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.4278/0890-1171-8.5.363.
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Purpose. Dietary intake and substance abuse are important predictors of pregnancy outcome yet little is known about these behaviors in Mexican Americans. Dietary, tobacco, and alcohol intake of Mexican-American and non-Hispanic white women were compared across the reproductive cycle. Design. Four cross-sectional groups—interconceptional, pregnant, lactating, and postpartum non-lactating—were compared within and between ethnic groups. Subjects. A stratified sample of 682 women, 16 to 44 years old, of Mexican birth or origin from the Hispanic HANES was contrasted with a similarly stratified sample of 1,396 white non-Hispanic women from the NHANES. Measures. Demographic, behavioral and health characteristics, food practices, and fluid intake were examined. Data on food servings were combined into five major food groups. Results. Compared with white non-Hispanics, Mexican-American women had lower socioeconomic status and worse perceived health. However, Mexican Americans reported lower consumption of tobacco, alcohol, diet soda, and caffeine, particularly during pregnancy and lactation. Although portion sizes for the foods consumed were not assessed, frequency of consumption of fruits and vegetables and milk was lower and meat higher among Mexican Americans. Conclusions. Despite socioeconomic disadvantages, Mexican-American women have better health habits than white non-Hispanic women. From these data it is unclear how diet affects pregnancy outcomes in Mexican Americans.
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Rivera, Victor M., and Samuel Landero. "Multiple Sclerosis in Mexican American Population." International Journal of MS Care 7, no. 4 (January 1, 2005): 143–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.7224/1537-2073-7.4.143.
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Multiple sclerosis (MS) prevalence has notably increased in Latin America. Although people of Mexican ancestry make up most of the Hispanic population in the United States, studies addressing MS in US- or foreign-born Latin Americans are scarce. Of the first 3000 consecutive individuals diagnosed with clinically definite MS at a specialized MS clinic in southeast Texas, 128 were identified as Mexican or Mexican American and are discussed in this article. The sample had a wide age distribution (6–71 years), with most patients diagnosed between the third and fifth decades. Of the patients studied, 68.2% had relapsing-remitting MS, 28.9% had secondary progressive MS, and 2.3% had primary progressive MS. The female-to-male ratio was 4.6:1.0; 60.9% of the patients were US born and 28.9% Mexican born. Sixteen patients commuted between countries. The study suggests that increasing frequency of MS among Hispanic people may augment the prevalence of MS in certain areas of the United States. Epidemiological observations, clinical characterizations, and possible genotypic therapeutic responses may derive from further studies.
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Fernández. "MEXICAN IMMIGRATION AND MEXICAN AMERICAN IDENTITIES." Journal of American Ethnic History 32, no. 3 (2013): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jamerethnhist.32.3.0078.
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Hall, Ronald E. "They Lynched Mexican-Americans Too: A Question of Anglo Colorism." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 42, no. 1 (January 20, 2020): 62–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986319899737.
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The act of lynching in the United States was in fact a form of domestic terrorism perpetrated against darker-skinned Americans. Historians have been pressed to acknowledge the lynching of African-Americans particularly in the Bible-belt South in such states as Mississippi and Alabama. The history of Mexican-Americans lynched by Anglo mobs has been for the most part, ignored by Western historians. Said ignored transgressions occurred frequently in border-states including Texas. Approximately 40 years before the lynching of 14-year-old African-American Emmett Till was the lynching of 14-year-old Mexican-American Antonio Gómez. Both were boys accused of Anglo disrespect. Buried in historical archives, the lynching of Gómez was a Mexican-American manifestation of Anglo colorism. Once informed, social scientists and the U.S. society at-large must then readily admit they lynched Mexican-Americans too!
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Davis, Rachel E., Sunghee Lee, Timothy P. Johnson, and Steven K. Rothschild. "Measuring the Elusive Construct of Personalismo Among Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban American Adults." Hispanic Journal of Behavioral Sciences 41, no. 1 (January 10, 2019): 103–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0739986318822535.
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Personalismo may have a broad influence on the well-being of U.S. Latinos by shaping social networks and, in turn, access to information and resources. However, research on personalismo is currently constrained by the lack of a psychometrically sound measure of this cultural construct. This research used a mixed-methods approach to develop a personalismo scale across three studies: a cognitive interviewing study with Mexican American adults ( n = 33); a cognitive interviewing study with non-Latino White, Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban American adults ( n = 61); and a psychometric telephone survey with Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban American adults ( n = 1,296). The final, 12-item scale had high internal consistency reliability and appears to be appropriate for use with Mexican American, Puerto Rican, and Cuban American adults. Significant differences emerged across Latino subgroups, with higher personalismo observed among Cuban Americans and female respondents, providing empirical evidence of cultural heterogeneity among U.S. Latino populations.
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Gwin, Catherine Christensen. "“The Selling of American Girls”." California History 99, no. 1 (2022): 30–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/ch.2022.99.1.30.
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This article examines how white slave narratives in California helped inscribe social, cultural, and institutional divides at the U.S.-Mexico border during the Progressive Era. The predicament of American prostitution in Mexicali and Tijuana amplified fears of interracial sex, which readily translated into hysteria over white slavery throughout California. Consequently, concerned citizens decried the so-called trafficking of American girls at the border and contributed to growing demands for a more rigid international boundary. As such, this panic over white slavery and the “protection of white womanhood” helped construct both figurative and literal borders between the United States and Mexico between 1910 and 1930, an era recognized by scholars as a critical moment in the social reordering of California’s nonwhite inhabitants. Analysis of local newspapers, club records, vice reports, reformers’ correspondence, and government documents reveal that the ascription of racial difference rested upon lurid portrayals of sexual deviance in border towns—particularly among African Americans and the Chinese. Such representations colored the Mexican border, and perhaps Mexicans themselves, as menacing to both American women and the nation itself. These stories galvanized support for closing and fortifying the U.S.-Mexico line early in the century.
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Murillo, Luis E. "Tamales on the Fourth of July: The Transnational Parish of Coeneo, Michoacán." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 19, no. 2 (2009): 137–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2009.19.2.137.
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AbstractThis article traces the significant yet largely unexplored experience of transnationalism in the lived religious experiences of Mexican and Mexican American Catholics by focusing on the parish as a central unit of analysis. Within this analysis, the parish unit is rethought as an analytical unit in two important regards. First, the way in which parish life in rural Mexico has been predominately conceptualized as one whose rhythm revolves around a traditional ritual calendar centered on community celebrations of particular religious holidays and localized votive devotions needs to be replaced. Based on research from an ongoing historical case study (1890-present) of a central Mexican parish, Nuestra Señora del Rosario in Coeneo, Michoacán, and on other parishes, the rhythm of parish life has clearly shifted to celebrations of marriages and baptisms. These religious celebrations of marriages and baptisms in Mexico have become the focal point of identity and community in this transnational Mexican and Mexican American experience. These sacraments of baptism and marriage have multiple meanings that not only include universal Catholic doctrines but also notions of family, community, and a particular appreciation for the sacralized landscape of their Mexican parish. Second, notions of parish boundaries as fixed and parish affiliation as singular must be reconsidered because many Mexicans and Mexican Americans living in the United States consider themselves to be active members in at least two parishes: one in Mexico and one or more in the United States.
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Criado, José R., David A. Gilder, Mary A. Kalafut, and Cindy L. Ehlers. "Obesity in American Indian and Mexican American Men and Women: Associations with Blood Pressure and Cardiovascular Autonomic Control." Cardiovascular Psychiatry and Neurology 2013 (August 19, 2013): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2013/680687.
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Obesity is a serious public health problem, especially in some minority communities, and it has been associated with an increased risk of cardiovascular diseases. While obesity is a serious health concern in both American Indian and Mexican American populations, the relationship between obesity and cardiac autonomic control in these two populations is not well understood. The present study in a selected sample of American Indians and Mexican Americans assessed associations between obesity, blood pressure (BP), and cardiovascular autonomic control. Cardiovascular autonomic control, systolic and diastolic mean BP, and body mass index were obtained from one hundred thirty-two American Indian and Mexican American men and women who are literate in English and are residing legally in San Diego County. Men had a significant greater systolic and diastolic BP and were more likely to develop systolic prehypertension and hypertension than women. Obese participants showed greater mean heart rate (HR) and systolic and diastolic BP than nonobese participants. Obese men also exhibited greater cardiac sympathetic activity and lower cardiovagal control than obese women. These results suggest that obesity and gender differences in cardiovascular autonomic control may contribute to risk for cardiovascular disorders in this sample of American Indians and Mexican Americans.
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Scheianu, Marius Adrian. "“The Good Neighbor’’ Policy and the Beginnings of Its Use in the Cinema of the ’30." Acta Marisiensis. Seria Historia 3, no. 1 (December 1, 2021): 55–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amsh-2021-0006.
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Abstract Cinema, the youngest of the arts, has been energetic and has quickly gained public attention and became soon, after its appearance in the last years of the 19th century, the most popular of the arts, introducing the audiences to images of the world around them. From the first years of the 20th century silent films with plots came into vogue, substituting the documentary style of filming presented to the viewers. In the United States of America, many of these films introduced American viewers to their nearby Mexican neighbors. Usually, the Mexican image, in film, was dominated by stereotypes deeply rooted in American culture. This habit of portraying the Mexicans as bandits or as displaying every vice that could be shown on the screen, by the American film industry began to change by the middle of the 1930s. One of the reasons for this change is the new approach to the foreign policy implemented by the administration of US President Roosevelt, against the background of overcoming challenges caused by The Great Depression. The first beneficiary of this benevolent attitude towards Latin America, was US’s closest neighbor, Mexico. Two American movies are relevant, during this period, for illustrating this policy in cinematography: Viva Villa (1934) and Juarez (1939). The two movies deal with aspects of Mexican history in a different way than in the past, the use of Mexico and Mexican history as a background for political comments on contemporary events, also demonstrating the role that the film industry has played as a vessel for carrying various messages from the political authorities to the public.
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Koegel, John, Ramiro Burr, Lalo Guerrero, Sherilyn Meece Mentes, David Reyes, Tom Waldman, Broyles-Gonzalez, et al. "Mexican American Music." American Music 23, no. 2 (2005): 257. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4153034.
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Cohen, Norm. "Mexican-American Music." Journal of American Folklore 102, no. 405 (July 1989): 335. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/540648.
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Arredondo, Isabel. ""Teníía brííos y, aúún vieja, los sigo teniendo": entrevista a Matilde Landeta." Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 18, no. 1 (2002): 189–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/msem.2002.18.1.189.
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The interview with filmmaker Matilde Landeta (1910––1999) shows that moving up within the film union was conditioned by gender, and that such advancement was contingent upon the alliance or competition between the Mexican and North-American film industries. The interview also shows that in her films Landeta interpreted the Mexican meta-narratives, such as the Conquest, the Mexican Revolution and the Life of the Modern City, from a feminine point of view. Thus both Landeta's career and her filmic perspectives reflected her gendered position in the industry. La entrevista con la cineasta mexicana Matilde Landeta (1910-1999) muestra que, durante los añños cuarenta en Mééxico, el ser hombre o mujer afectaba la políítica de ascenso dentro del sindicato de cine y que dicha políítica dependíía, a su vez, de la alianza o competencia entre las industrias de cine mexicana y norteamericana. La entrevista tambiéén prueba que, en sus pelíículas, Landeta interpretóó las metanarrativas mexicanas de la Conquista, la Revolucióón mexicana y la vida urbana moderna desde una perspectiva femenina. Por consiguiente, tanto su carrera como sus perspectivas fíílmicas revelan su posicióón de mujer dentro de la industria.
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Sosa-Provencio, Mia Angélica. "A Revolucionista Ethic of Care: Four Mexicana Educators’ Subterraneous Social Justice Revolution of Fighting and Feeding." American Educational Research Journal 56, no. 4 (December 25, 2018): 1113–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831218814168.
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This qualitative Testimonio study reveals an ethic of care particular to Mexican/Mexican American youth through pedagogy and Testimonios of four Mexican/Mexican American female educators along the U.S./Mexico border. Using a Chicana feminist epistemology, findings reveal a reframed social justice revolution I term Revolucionista Ethic of Care, which bears an identity rooted in land, corn, and ancestral lines; urgency to resist oppression alongside knowledge that doing so is dangerous; fluid, protective Mexicana/Mestiza consciousness; and undetectable weapons of Body, Spirit, Tongue. Amid growing human rights abuses and a U.S. administration hostile to dissent, findings are increasingly relevant. Findings may inform dialogue regarding sociopolitical issues shaping schooling for marginalized youth and may advance theoretical and curricular understanding of social justice education and ethic(s) of care.
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Hollenhorst, Cecilia N., River Gibbs, Sehee Kim, Charles Agyemang, Lynda Lisabeth, and Lewis B. Morgenstern. "Mexican American Immigrants Demonstrate Better Functional Stroke Outcomes Compared With Mexican American Nonimmigrants." Stroke 51, no. 10 (October 2020): 3129–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/strokeaha.120.030915.
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Background and Purpose: We analyzed differences in 90-day poststroke outcomes between Mexican Americans born in the United States (nonimmigrant) compared with those born outside the United States (immigrant). Methods: We performed a retrospective analysis of prospective data from the population-based Brain Attack Surveillance in Corpus Christi project. We identified stroke cases from 2008 to 2016 and quantified functional, cognitive, and neurological outcomes. Associations between outcome scores and immigration status were analyzed using weighted linear regression models. Results: Eighty-three Mexican American stroke cases (n=935) were immigrants, and 852 stroke cases were nonimmigrants. Average length of stay in the United States for immigrants was 47 years. Immigrants were older (69 versus 66 years), more likely men (60% versus 49%), had less education on average, and were more likely to have atrial fibrillation compared with nonimmigrants. No differences in other comorbidities existed between groups. After adjustment for confounders, immigrants had better functional outcomes (activities of daily living/instrumental activities of daily living; mean difference, −0.22; P =0.02; 1–4, higher scores worse) and no difference in neurological outcomes (log-National Institutes of Health Stroke Scale; mean difference, −0.15; P =0.15; 0–44, higher scores worse) or cognitive outcomes (3 Mini-Mental State Examination; mean difference, −0.79; P =0.64; 0–100, lower scores worse). Conclusions: Long-term Mexican American immigrants in this community display better stroke functional outcomes than nonimmigrant Mexican Americans and comparable neurological and cognitive outcomes.
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Fuller-Thomson, Esme, and Meredith Minkler. "Mexican American Grandparents Raising Grandchildren: Findings from the Census 2000 American Community Survey." Families in Society: The Journal of Contemporary Social Services 88, no. 4 (October 2007): 567–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1606/1044-3894.3679.
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Using nationally representative data from the Census 2000 Supplementary Survey/ American Community Survey, this article documents the profile of the estimated 177,000 Mexican American grandparents aged 45 and older who were raising their grandchildren in 2000. One in 20 Mexican Americans was raising a grandchild, a proportion four times higher than that of non-Hispanic Whites. When compared with their non-caregiving Mexican American peers, grandparent caregivers had higher rates of poverty (30% vs. 15%) and overcrowding (38% vs. 19%). Only a small minority of grandparent caregivers living in poverty used public assistance or food stamps. Further, our hypothesis that grandparents raising grandchildren were less acculturated than noncaregivers was not supported by the data. Implications for social work practice, policy, and research are presented.
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Donato, Rubén, and Jarrod Hanson. "“In These Towns, Mexicans Are Classified as Negroes”." American Educational Research Journal 54, no. 1_suppl (April 2017): 53S—74S. http://dx.doi.org/10.3102/0002831216669781.
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This article examines the emergence of Mexican American school segregation from 1915 to 1935 in Kansas, the state that gave rise to Brown v. Board of Education in 1954. Even though Mexicans were not referenced in Kansas’s school segregation laws, they were seen and treated as a racially distinct group. White parents and civic organizations pushed school officials to establish separate facilities for Mexican children. We argue that the contradictory and enigmatic responses to school segregation from high-ranking U.S. and Mexican government officials pointed to a degree of uncertainty about whether Mexican children could be segregated. That ambiguity, however, did not prevent local school officials from placing Mexican children in separate facilities. As the American Educational Research Association continues to pursue education research that promotes the public good, the segregation and resegregation of Mexican children in the United States must be framed as a critical issue moving forward into the “next 100 years.”
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Garcia, David G., and Tara J. Yosso. "“Strictly in the Capacity of Servant”: The Interconnection Between Residential and School Segregation in Oxnard, California, 1934–1954." History of Education Quarterly 53, no. 1 (February 2013): 64–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/hoeq.12003.
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About two years ago, Haydock Grammar School was taken away from the use of the American children and given bodily over to the use of Mexicans… This leaves all of Oxnard, from fourth Street… to Hill Street, without a school for American children; and the children from the south part of town have to pass the Mexicans coming from the northerly parts of town on their ways to school… We resent the implication that the Acre Tract is a Mexican district… If there is an urgent need to care for the Mexican Children, a school should be built in Colonia Gardens, or somewhere else in close proximity to their homes.
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Martorell, Reynaldo, Fernando S. Mendoza, and Ricardo O. Castillo. "Genetic and Environmental Determinants of Growth in Mexican-Americans." Pediatrics 84, no. 5 (November 1, 1989): 864–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1542/peds.84.5.864.
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Height and weight data from the Mexican-American portion of the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (HHANES) are shown for children of ages 2 to 17 years and compared with data for non-Hispanic white children from the second National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey and with the National Center for Health Statistics (NCHS) reference curves. Differences in stature between the Hispanic Health and Nutrition Examination Survey and the reference populations were minor prior to adolescence and could be entirely attributed to the greater poverty of Mexican-Americans. However, differences increased during adolescence (ie, median stature was less than the 25th percentile of the NCHS reference population at 17 years of age) and, in contrast with earlier ages, were independent of poverty. Similar growth patterns were observed in samples of upper-class subjects from Mexico and Guatemala. Nonetheless, the extent to which the short stature of Mexican-American adolescents is genetic is unclear because there is an apparent time trend toward greater stature in the Mexican-American population. In conclusion, the NCHS reference curves are appropriate growth standards for preadolescent Mexican-American children. Whether they are valid for Mexican-American adolescents remains unclear.
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Jensen, Bryant, and Mónica Jacobo-Suárez. "Integrating American–Mexican Students in Mexican Classrooms." Kappa Delta Pi Record 55, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 36–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00228958.2019.1549439.
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Gamboa, Erasmo, and John Mason Hart. "Border Crossings: Mexican and Mexican-American Workers." American Historical Review 105, no. 3 (June 2000): 975. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651922.
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Lessenger, Leslie H. "Acculturation and MMPI-2 Scale Scores of Mexican American Substance Abuse Patients." Psychological Reports 80, no. 3_suppl (June 1997): 1181–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1997.80.3c.1181.
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No significant correlation was found between a linear acculturation score derived from the Acculturation Rating Scale for Mexican Americans-II and the scale scores of the MMPI-2, for 100 Mexican American men.
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Quiben, Myla U., and Helen P. Hazuda. "Factors Contributing to 50-ft Walking Speed and Observed Ethnic Differences in Older Community-Dwelling Mexican Americans and European Americans." Physical Therapy 95, no. 6 (June 1, 2015): 871–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2522/ptj.20140152.
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Background Mexican Americans comprise the most rapidly growing segment of the older US population and are reported to have poorer functional health than European Americans, but few studies have examined factors contributing to ethnic differences in walking speed between Mexican Americans and European Americans. Objective The purpose of this study was to examine factors that contribute to walking speed and observed ethnic differences in walking speed in older Mexican Americans and European Americans using the disablement process model (DPM) as a guide. Design This was an observational, cross-sectional study. Methods Participants were 703 Mexican American and European American older adults (aged 65 years and older) who completed the baseline examination of the San Antonio Longitudinal Study of Aging (SALSA). Hierarchical regression models were performed to identify the contribution of contextual, lifestyle/anthropometric, disease, and impairment variables to walking speed and to ethnic differences in walking speed. Results The ethic difference in unadjusted mean walking speed (Mexican Americans=1.17 m/s, European Americans=1.29 m/s) was fully explained by adjustment for contextual (ie, age, sex, education, income) and lifestyle/anthropometric (ie, body mass index, height, physical activity) variables; adjusted mean walking speed in both ethnic groups was 1.23 m/s. Contextual variables explained 20.3% of the variance in walking speed, and lifestyle/anthropometric variables explained an additional 8.4%. Diseases (ie, diabetes, stroke, chronic obstructive pulmonary disease) explained an additional 1.9% of the variance in walking speed; impairments (ie, FEV1, upper leg pain, and lower extremity strength and range of motion) contributed an additional 5.5%. Thus, both nonmodifiable (ie, contextual, height) and modifiable (ie, impairments, body mass index, physical activity) factors contributed to walking speed in older Mexican Americans and European Americans. Limitations The study was conducted in a single geographic area and included only Mexican American Hispanic individuals. Conclusions Walking speed in older Mexican Americans and European Americans is influenced by modifiable and nonmodifiable factors, underscoring the importance of the DPM framework, which incorporates both factors into the physical therapist patient/client management process.