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1
Longmore, Paul K. "“Good English without Idiom or Tone”: The Colonial Origins of American Speech." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 37, no. 4 (April 2007): 513–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jinh.2007.37.4.513.
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The interplay between modes of speech and the demographical, geographical, social, and political history of Britain's North American colonies of settlement influenced the linguistic evolution of colonial English speech. By the early to mid-eighteenth century, regional varieties of English emerged that were not only regionally comprehensible but perceived by many observers as homogeneous in contrast to the deep dialectical differences in Britain. Many commentators also declared that Anglophone colonial speech matched metropolitan standard English. As a result, British colonials in North America possessed a national language well before they became “Americans.” This shared manner of speech inadvertently helped to prepare them for independent American nation-hood.
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Walker, Timothy. "Atlantic Dimensions of the American Revolution: Imperial Priorities and the Portuguese Reaction to the North American Bid for Independence (1775-83)." Journal of Early American History 2, no. 3 (2012): 247–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00203003.
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This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.
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Henretta, James A., and Alan Taylor. "American Colonies." Journal of American History 89, no. 3 (December 2002): 1019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3092359.
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O'Reilly, William. "Working for the Crown: German Migrants and Britain's Commercial Success in the Early Eighteenth-Century American Colonies." Journal of Modern European History 15, no. 1 (February 2017): 130–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.17104/1611-8944-2017-1-130.
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Working for the Crown: German Migrants and Britain's Commercial Success in the Early Eighteenth-century American Colonies Relaxation in the movement of foreigners into Britain and the origins of the Foreign Protestants Naturalization Act of 1708 (7 Ann c 5) have been seen to lie in the arrival of religious refugees in England and the unsuitability of existing legislation to accommodate large numbers of foreigners. This paper proposes that trade and commercial interests in the American colonies promoted the cause of naturalisation by inciting German migration, causing Parliament to relax access to the domestic labour market and crucially allow German labour to be trafficked to the colonies. Reform was dictated by the needs of commerce and colonial enterprise, not just by politicians, courtiers and bureaucrats in London. The passing of the Naturalization Act (1708) and the subsequent General Naturalization Act (1709) both took advantage of European warfare and economic destruction, and were a direct response to the colonial needs to source continental labour. The Acts owed much to colonial Americans like Carolina Governor John Archdale who, like his co-religionist neighbour William Penn, acted in the interest of commerce and the colonial classes, broadening the base of non-Anglican access to the colonies. Opportunities afforded to German migrants in the American colonies, in particular, grew from this signal legislative change.
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Stanley Weintraub. "The American Colonies." Dissent 56, no. 1 (2009): 33–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dss.0.0029.
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Solomon, Richard. "Sexual Practice and Fantasy in Colonial America and the Early Republic." IU Journal of Undergraduate Research 3, no. 1 (September 5, 2017): 24–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.14434/iujur.v3i1.23364.
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The sexual practices of European colonists, Native Americans, and African-American slaves of the American colonies and early republic reflected economic and religious disparities, providing specific cultural phenomena in which power relations are established and reaffirmed. These hierarchies not only prescribed the role of sex in quotidian American life; they created lasting traditions in sexual practices that continue to the present day. For this thesis, I rely on contemporary and classic historiography, religious studies, and gender scholarship to make claims about the role of women in colonial society and the treatment and fantasy-construction of marginalized peoples: namely, African-American slaves and Native Americans. Specifically, I will show how colonial women leveraged their scarcity and sexual desirability to secure their gender’s procreative role and social utility in Puritan and Southern colonies. I will show how the formation and subjugation of the Black slave class acquired distinct and lasting sexual fault lines, how political pressures and economic incentives to justify and nurture slavery shaped whites’ sexual attitudes and behavior, and finally how national myths of manifest destiny and the fecundity of the land came dominate whites experience of native American sexuality.
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Wrobel, David M. "Global West, American Frontier." Pacific Historical Review 78, no. 1 (February 1, 2009): 1–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2009.78.1.1.
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This article questions the common assumption that nineteenth-century audiences in America and around the world viewed the American western frontier as an exceptional place, like no other place on earth. Through examination of travel writings by Americans and Europeans who placed the West into a broader global context of developing regions and conquered colonies, we see that nineteenth-century audiences were commonly presented with a globally contextualized West. The article also seeks to broaden the emphasis in post-colonial scholarship on travel writers as agents of empire who commodified, exoticized, and objectified the colonized peoples and places they visited, by suggesting that travel writers were also often among the most virulent critics of empire and its consequences for the colonized.
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Mancke, Elizabeth. "Early Modern Imperial Governance and the Origins of Canadian Political Culture." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010076.
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AbstractFor the last three decades, scholars of Canadian political culture have favoured ideological explanations for state formation with the starting point being the American Revolution and Loyalist resettlement in British North America. This article challenges both the ideological bias and the late eighteenth-century chronology through a reassessment of early modern developments in the British imperial state. It shows that many of the institutional features associated with the state in British North America and later Canada—strong executives and weak assemblies, Crown control of land and natural resources, parliamentary funding of colonial development and accommodation of non-British subjects—were all institutionalized in the imperial state before the American Revolution and before the arrival of significant numbers of ethnically British settlers to Newfoundland, Nova Scotia and Quebec. Ideological discourses in the British North American colonies that became Canada, unlike those that became the United States, traditionally acknowledged the presence of a strong state in its imperial and colonial manifestations. Rather than challenging its legitimacy, as had Americans, British North Americans, whether liberals, republicans or tories, debated the function of the state and the distribution of power within it.
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Liszka, Paulina. "MARRIAGE AND THE NOTION OF CONSENT IN EARLY AMERICAN LAW." Review of European and Comparative Law 2627, no. 34 (December 31, 2016): 39–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/recl.4977.
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Marriage and family relations have been in the focus of law since the beginnings of American legal history. Many legal historians underline that during the colonial period the family played very important role and therefore the growth ofstable families was generally a top priority for early colonial governments. This was one of the ways to help the development of colony and the creation of stable society. Besides, differences in origin and evolution of colonies influenced the shape of law and that is why many institutions were not uniformly regulated. Therefore the research on the development of law in British colonies in North America deserves special interest.The author’s intention was to answer the question whether the early colonial laws contained the requirement to obtain the consent before marriage, and if so – how it was regulated. In the first part, the article is focused on the analysis of thelegal regulations from colonial British America, dealing with the relation of the notion of consent and marriage. In the second part, there were presented issues like the consent for slave marriages, groundless lack of parental consent and theconsequences of marriage without consent as well as withdrawal of given consent.
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Goheen, Peter G. "Communications and Urban Systems in Mid-Nineteenth Century Canada." Articles 14, no. 3 (August 21, 2013): 234–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1018081ar.
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In presenting the results of an analysis of the non-local economic content of the major newspapers published in British North America in 1845 and 1855, this paper offers support for the contention that public communications in the colonies were organized principally so as to secure privileged access to international sources of information, especially from Britain and the United States. The ties linking major colonial cities with international networks were well established by 1845 and preceded the effective organization of communications within the colonies. In 1855, by which time the telegraph was widely available, the importance of American sources of information had increased. By this date there was evidence that at least in Canada West regional communications and markets were becoming better organized. The paper argues that nineteenth-century British American urban communications be approached from the viewpoint of their participation in international rather than exclusively colonial or regional systems.
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Deagan, Kathleen. "Colonial Transformation: Euro-American Cultural Genesis in the Early Spanish-American Colonies." Journal of Anthropological Research 52, no. 2 (July 1996): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jar.52.2.3630198.
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Leitner, Jonathan. "Classical World-Systems Analysis, the Historical Geography of British North America, and the Regional Politics of Colonial/Revolutionary New York." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 2 (August 14, 2018): 404–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.693.
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A less-appreciated aspect of earlier or “classical” works of world-systems analysis (WSA), in particular that of Braudel, Frank, and Wallerstein in the 1970s-80s is the examination of why the thirteen North American colonies that became the United States split from Great Britain. Specifically, why did some of Britain’s North American colonies revolt in the mid-1770s, but not others? Why were some colonists pro-independence while others preferred remaining within the empire? Classical WSA suggested regional differentiation among colonists, and later works in the WSA tradition have examined these divisions in British North America, particularly within individual colonies, based on both larger divisions in the world-economy and localized core-periphery structures. Yet classical WSA’s analytical questions about British North America’s independence movement have been more directly addressed by historical geographers. This paper synthesizes classical WSA with works on the historical geography of British North America, and then examines the synthesis in light of colonial New York and its political-economic geography of several distinct regions, each with varying economic and political interests vis à vis the British Empire and the question of independence.
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COGLIANO, FRANCIS D. "“We All Hoisted the American Flag:” National identity among American Prisoners in Britain during the American Revolution." Journal of American Studies 32, no. 1 (April 1998): 19–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875898005787.
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“What is an American?” asked the French émigré Hector St. John Crèvecoeur in 1782. In so doing, Crèvecoeur posed one of the fundamental questions of the revolutionary era. When the colonists overthrew imperial authority; declared independence; formed an independent confederation of states; and waged war for its existence; they created a new nation and a new nationality. To be sure, colonists and Britons alike had long used the term “American,” none the less, a complete sense of American national identity was largely inchoate before the American Revolution. Before the Revolution, most Americans identified more with their individual colonies than with an abstract geographic concept like “America.” While the Revolution did not completely supplant regional loyalties, it introduced a new, compelling loyalty: to the United States of America. The Revolution forced Americans to choose between loyalty to Britain or the United States. Ultimately, the majority opted for the United States. Those who did, helped define what it meant to be American by their words and actions. The purpose of this article is to examine the development of loyalty to the United States and the development of an American national identity among one group of Americans: sailors imprisoned in Britain during the Revolution.
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Olson, Alison G. "The Eighteenth Century Empire: The London Dissenters' Lobbies and the American Colonies." Journal of American Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1992): 41–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800030206.
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In the eighteenth century England had virtually no army and only a handful of administrators in its American colonies: the empire was held together by voluntary compliance, not coercion. One of the reasons the American colonists acquiesced in imperial decisions was that they had an effective way to influence them through London lobbies working on the Americans' behalf. London interest groups spoke and acted on behalf of their colonial correspondents before the ministry, the Privy Council, the Board of Trade and, less often, Parliament; in so doing they gave the colonists an input into imperial decision-making and provided vital information to the government.
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Rao, R. Rama. "Developing Countries: Threats to Their Security." India Quarterly: A Journal of International Affairs 42, no. 1 (January 1986): 27–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/097492848604200102.
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Most developing countries in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean were, until recently, colonies of one or other Western power. The nations of Central and South America too were under the colonial rule of Spain and Portugal. But these Western powers had to vacate their Latin American colonies partly because of pressures by United States and partly because of indigenous freedom movements. In contrast, Asian and African people enslaved by European powers regained their freedom only when the latter had to retreat to their home countries after the Second World War. The United States had then also played its part in facilitating this retreat by Western powers. Colonial rule extending over centuries had effectively reduced the local inhabitants of colonial Asia and Africa to the status of serfs in their own countries impoverishing them and stifling their initiative. This was inevitable considering that the objectives of colonial rulers were to exploit the natural resources of their colonies and utilise the latter's geo-strategic locations to serve their own imperial interests.
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COATSWORTH, JOHN H. "Inequality, Institutions and Economic Growth in Latin America." Journal of Latin American Studies 40, no. 3 (July 17, 2008): 545–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022216x08004689.
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AbstractThis essay examines three recent historical approaches to the political economy of Latin America's relative economic backwardness. All three locate the origins of contemporary underdevelopment in defective colonial institutions linked to inequality. The contrasting view offered here affirms the significance of institutional constraints, but argues that they did not arise from colonial inequalities, but from the adaptation of Iberian practices to the American colonies under conditions of imperial weakness. Colonial inequality varied across the Americas; while it was not correlated with colonial economic performance, it mattered because it determined the extent of elite resistance to institutional modernisation after independence. The onset of economic growth in the mid to late nineteenth century brought economic elites to political power, but excluding majorities as inequality increased restrained the region's twentieth-century growth rates and prevented convergence.
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Grubb, Farley. "Colonial American Paper Money and the Quantity Theory of Money: An Extension." Social Science History 43, no. 1 (November 23, 2018): 185–207. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2018.30.
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The quantity theory of money is applied to the paper money regimes of seven of the nine British North American colonies south of New England. Individual colonies, and regional groupings of contiguous colonies treated as one monetary unit, are tested. Little to no statistical relationship, and little to no magnitude of influence, between the quantities of paper money in circulation and prices are found. The quantity theory of money does not explain the value and performance of colonial paper monies well. This is a general and widespread result, and not a rare and isolated phenomenon.
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Desbarats, Catherine, and Allan Greer. "North America from the Top Down." Journal of Early American History 5, no. 2 (September 10, 2015): 109–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00502008.
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This paper re-examines the spatial foundations of North American historiography concerning the early modern period. By focusing on the history of New France in its broader context, it argues that the hegemony of a United States-centric approach to pre-national America has distorted our understanding of the basic spatial dynamics of the period. More visibly than in other zones of empire formation, but not uniquely, New France displays a variety of spaces. We discuss three of these: imperial space, indigenous space and colonial space. We call into question the entrenched tendency, derived we think, from near-exclusive attention to the history of the Thirteen Colonies, to characterize this as “colonial history” and to assume that “colonies” were the only significant vessel of this history.
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Gray, Shirley B., and C. Edward Sandifer. "The Sumario Compendioso: The New World's First Mathematics Book." Mathematics Teacher 94, no. 2 (February 2001): 98–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.5951/mt.94.2.0098.
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When were mathematics books first written in North America? Some students who are asked that question will suggest that the settlers in Jamestown began writing mathematics books after they arrived in 1607. Others will think that North Americans started writing mathematics books right after signing the Declaration of Independence in 1776. A rare student indeed remembers that the Spanish American colonies were established much earlier than the English or French colonies. Few will guess anything close to the correct answer: the New World's first mathematics book, the Sumario Compendioso, was published in 1556 in Mexico City by Brother Juan Diez.
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Khruleva, Irina Yur'evna. "The Theological Polemics of Jonathan Edwards and George Whitefield: Differences in Their Understanding of the "Great Awakening" of the 1740s in New England." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2020): 162–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2020.1.30503.
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The first "Great Awakening" took hold of all British colonies in North America in the 1730s-1750s and developed contemporaneously with the Enlightenment movement, which had a significant impact on all aspects of life in the colonies, influencing religion, politics and ideology. The inhabitants of the colonies, professing different religious views, for the first time experienced a general spiritual upsurge. The colonies had never seen anything like the Great Awakening in scale and degree of influence on society. This was the first movement in American history that was truly intercolonial in nature, contributing to the formation of a single religious and partially ideological space in British America. The beginning of the Great Awakening in British America was instigated by both the colonial traditions of religious renewal (the so-called "revivals") and new ideas coming from Europe, hence this religious movement cannot be understood without considering its European roots nor not taking into account its transatlantic nature. The development of pietism in Holland and Germany and the unfolding of Methodism on the British Isles greatly influenced Protestant theology on both sides of the Atlantic. This article explores the differences in understanding the nature of the Great Awakening by its two leaders - J. Edwards and J. Whitefield.
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GAILMARD, SEAN. "Building a New Imperial State: The Strategic Foundations of Separation of Powers in America." American Political Science Review 111, no. 4 (July 11, 2017): 668–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055417000235.
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Separation of powers existed in the British Empire of North America long before the U.S. Constitution of 1789, yet little is known about the strategic foundations of this institutional choice. In this article, I argue that separation of powers helps an imperial crown mitigate an agency problem with its colonial governor. Governors may extract more rents from colonial settlers than the imperial crown prefers. This lowers the Crown’s rents and inhibits economic development by settlers. Separation of powers within colonies allows settlers to restrain the governor’s rent extraction. If returns to settler investment are moderately high, this restraint is necessary for colonial economic development and ultimately benefits the Crown. Historical evidence from the American colonies and the first British Empire is consistent with the model. This article highlights the role of agency problems as a distinct factor in New World institutional development, and in a sovereign’s incentives to create liberal institutions.
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Moore, Colin D. "State Building Through Partnership: Delegation, Public-Private Partnerships, and the Political Development of American Imperialism, 1898–1916." Studies in American Political Development 25, no. 1 (April 2011): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x11000034.
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In the first decades of the twentieth century, the United States transformed itself from a commercial republic into a major international actor and acquired its first overseas colonies and dependencies. This article investigates the role of public-private partnerships between American state officials and American financiers in the management and expansion of American empire. Confronted with tepid support from Congress for further imperial expansion and development, colonial bureaucrats looked to investment bankers to accomplish goals for which they lacked the financial capacity and political support to achieve independently. These partnerships were soon formalized as “Dollar Diplomacy,” an arrangement that would govern America's imperial strategy in the Caribbean. This article highlights two theoretical processes: (1) the downstream effects of congressional delegation decisions and their role in motivating institutional adaptations, and (2) the formation of public-private partnerships as an alternative means of state development, and the unique pitfalls of this approach. To illustrate these mechanisms, this article presents historical narratives, based largely on archival research, on the emergence of this Dollar Diplomacy partnership in the formal American colonies, the spread of this system of imperialism to the Caribbean, and its partial collapse during the early Wilson administration.
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Bliss, Robert M. "Paradigms Lost? British-American Colonial History and the Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies." Journal of American Studies 29, no. 3 (December 1995): 441–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875800022465.
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Sparrow, Bartholomew H. "The Other Point of Departure: Tocqueville, the South, Equality, and the Lessons of Democracy." Studies in American Political Development 33, no. 02 (September 10, 2019): 178–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x19000099.
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Democracy in America has greatly influenced not only how political scientists think of democratic government, political equality, and liberalism in general, but also how we think of the United States as a whole. This article questions Tocqueville's interpretations of Americans’ habits and beliefs, given how little time Tocqueville actually spent in the South and the near West and given that he all but ignored the founding of Virginia and the other colonies not settled by the Puritans and for religious reasons. Contrary to Tocqueville's emphasis on the Puritan “point of departure,” I use historical evidence from the U.S. Census, state constitutions, and historical scholarship on slave ownership, tenant farming, political participation, and the American colonies and the early United States to show the existence of hierarchy among white Americans, rather than the ubiquitous social and political equality among European Americans described by Tocqueville. His writings actually indicate an awareness of another American culture in the South and near West—one that disregards education, condones coarse manners, tolerates aggressive behavior, and exhibits unrestrained greed—but Tocqueville does not integrate these observations into his larger conclusions about Americans’ mœurs and institutions. Because of the existence of these important, non-Puritan habits, the political institutions Tocqueville sees as facilitating democracy in America and hopes to apply to France and Europe may not have the effects he believes they will have.
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Clayton, T. R. "Sophistry, Security, and Socio-Political Structures in the American Revolution; or, Why Jamaica did not Rebel." Historical Journal 29, no. 2 (June 1986): 319–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x00018768.
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Britain's most important American colonies did not rebel in 1776. Thirteen provinces did declare their independence; but no fewer than nineteen colonies in the western hemisphere remained loyal to the mother country. Massachusetts and Virginia may have led the American revolution, but they had never been the leading colonies of the British empire. From the imperial standpoint, the significance of any of the thirteen provinces which rebelled was pale in comparison with that of Jamaica or Barbados. In the century before 1763 the recalcitrance of these two colonies had been more notorious than that of any mainland province and had actually inspired many of the imperial policies cited as long-term grievances by North American patriots in 1774. Real Whig ideology, which some historians have seen as the key to understanding the American revolution, was equally understood by Caribbean elites who, like the continental, had often proved extremely sensitive on questions of constitutional principle. Attacks of ‘frenzied rhetoric’ broke out in Jamaica in 1766 and Barbados in 1776. But these had nothing whatsoever to do with the Stamp Act or events in North America.
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Geloso, Vincent. "Predation, Seigneurial Tenure, and Development in French Colonial America." Social Science History 44, no. 4 (2020): 747–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ssh.2020.24.
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AbstractThere is substantial debate over the colonial origins of divergence within the Americas. In this debate, the French Empire has been largely ignored even though, until 1760, it included Canada. This article uses recent empirical advances in our knowledge of the colonial Canadian economy to introduce the role of French institutions—most notably the institution of seigneurial tenure—into the debate on the colonial origins of divergence. It argues that the institution of seigneurial tenure in Canada when it was under French rule (up to 1760) had predatory features that help to explain why Canada was the poorest of the North American colonies.
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Premo, Bianca. "Meticulous Imprecision: Calculating Age in Colonial Spanish American Law." American Historical Review 125, no. 2 (April 1, 2020): 396–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhaa169.
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Abstract It is easy to presume that age’s legal value rests in the autonomy and rights that accrue to the liberal (male, propertied) citizen who has reached the age of majority. But this is not universally so. In Spain’s American colonies, legal age talk involved multiplying privileges rather than exclusionary subtraction. Few indigenous peoples, enslaved people of African descent, or members of the free casta poor tallied the years they had lived in a manner that meets modern standards of precision. Instead, the ages that Spanish American officials set down on paper in criminal trials, censuses, and freedom suits derived from complicated cultural equations, including reconciling local ethno-numeracies with European counting systems. For all its seeming imprecision, age was of critical importance to colonial Spanish Americans, since rather than guaranteeing access to rights, age was a language that colonial subjects used to turn legal incapacities into beneficial protections.
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Bartos, Alisa J., Marsha A. Sovada, Lawrence D. Igl, and Pamela J. Pietz. "Indirect Cannibalism by Crèche-aged American White Pelican (Pelecanus erythrorhynchos) Chicks." Canadian Field-Naturalist 127, no. 1 (July 15, 2013): 72. http://dx.doi.org/10.22621/cfn.v127i1.1413.
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At nesting colonies of American White Pelicans (Pelecanus erythrorhynchos), many chicks die from siblicide, severe weather, and disease; this results in carcasses available for scavenging by conspecifics (i.e., indirect cannibalism). Indirect cannibalism has not been reported previously for this species. We describe five cases of crèche-aged American White Pelican chicks consuming or attempting to consume dead younger chicks at two nesting colonies in the northern plains of North America. Cannibalism in the American White Pelican appears to be rare and likely plays no role in the species’ population ecology or dynamics; however, it might be an important survival strategy of individual chicks when food resources are limited.
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Doll, Peter M. "American High Churchmanship and the Establishment of the First Colonial Episcopate in the Church of England: Nova Scotia, 1787." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 43, no. 1 (January 1992): 35–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900009659.
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The creation in North America of the first overseas diocese of the Church of England was undoubtedly one of the most remarkable and unlikely of the changes in British colonial policy which resulted from the American Revolution. Before the war, the Anglican campaign for the appointment of colonial bishops had been a major reason for the colonial fear of British tyranny; many Americans, particularly Nonconformists, vigorously protested against a scheme which they saw as a bid to recreate a Laudian ecclesiastical tyranny. But the post-war colonial policy envisaged the colonial bishop as a focus of political stability and loyalty. The new prestige and political responsibility accorded by the government to the Church was equally remarkable in view of the government's Erastian suppression of Convocation since 1715 and its politic responsiveness to Dissenting sensibilities. Despite occasional outbreaks of clerical frustration at the Church's inability to act independently, the Church of England had been unable to escape this political domination. This paper will attempt to explain why, given the government's prior hostility to the design, ministries in the 1780s should have decided to extend the church hierarchy to the colonies.
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Phillips, Gervase, and Laura Sandy. "Slavery and the “American Way of War,” 1607–1861." Comparative Studies in Society and History 63, no. 4 (October 2021): 825–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417521000268.
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AbstractSlavery and warfare were inextricably intertwined in the history of Britain’s North American colonies and, subsequently, the early republic. Yet this deep connection has not been acknowledged in the historiography. In particular, the debate about an “American way of war” has neglected the profound significance of slavery as a formative factor in America’s “first way of war.” Here, these two forms of organized, systemic violence are considered not merely within a comparative framework but as phenomena whose relationship is so deeply enmeshed that they cannot be meaningfully understood in isolation. Slavery is thus placed centrally in an examination of American war making, from the colonial to the antebellum period. Three main areas are highlighted: slave raiding against Native Americans, slavery as a factor in imperial and national strategy-making and diplomacy, and slavery as an “internal war.”
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Pauw, Linda Grant De, Jacob Ernest Cooke, W. J. Eccles, Ramon Gutierrez, Milton M. Klein, Gloria Lund Main, Jackson Turner Main, and Alden Vaughan. "Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies." Journal of American History 81, no. 4 (March 1995): 1869. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2081884.
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Nicholls, Michael L., and Jacob Ernest Cooke. "Encyclopedia of the North American Colonies." Western Historical Quarterly 26, no. 1 (1995): 78. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/971286.
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Norton, M. B. "Witchcraft in the Anglo-American Colonies." OAH Magazine of History 17, no. 4 (July 1, 2003): 5–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/17.4.5.
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Andrew Johnson, D. "Displacing Captives in Colonial South Carolina: Native American Enslavement and the Rise of the Colonial State after the Yamasee War." Journal of Early American History 7, no. 2 (July 21, 2017): 115–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-00702001.
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The Yamasee War was a watershed moment in the history of colonial South Carolina. The trade in captive Native Americans through Charles Town was much lower after the war, but did not stop. Continuities across this rupture included captives coming into possession of the colony through the same mechanisms as before the war: as diplomatic gifts, as captives taken in warfare, or as traded commodities. While the liberalized and chaotic trade in captive Native Americans was a concern for colonial officials before the Yamasee War, after the outbreak of war, planters, who controlled of the assembly, made it official policy to remove all Native American captives coming into the colony from the continent, with a few notable exceptions. The main change in how the captive trade worked came with the colonial government’s moves to stand as arbiter over what captives could come into the colony and then force colonists to sell the captives to other colonies. The Native American captive trade therefore became an important site of colonial state-building in the period between 1715 and 1735.
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Wells-Oghoghomeh, Alexis. "Race and Religion in the Afterlife of Protestant Supremacy." Church History 88, no. 3 (September 2019): 767–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640719001902.
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In her book Christian Slavery: Conversion and Race in the Protestant Atlantic World, Katharine Gerbner offers a rich history of Protestant planters’ efforts to tether Christian identity to free status and European descent in the American colonies, and missionaries’ answering attempts to reconcile African and indigenous conversion with enslavement. Gerbner's concept of Protestant Supremacy names the sociopolitical function and economic utility of “religious belonging,” specifically how Christian institutional, discursive, and ritual spaces demarcated boundaries between the enslaved and their enslavers, prefiguring race in the process. In this history of Atlantic slavery, religion is not subsidiary to the punitive, legal, sexual, and economic systems that enabled the enslavement of African and indigenous peoples in the Americas. Rather, Gerbner argues that Protestant Christianity provided a metastructure for the race-based caste systems that emerged in Barbados and other British colonies in the Americas. Through an intense and extensive interrogation of correspondence, missionary accounts, and institutional records from across the Atlantic, she traces how Protestant emissaries established “Christian” as a “protoracial” term and hastened the legal and discursive codification of lineage-based American caste systems in the process. The linkage of Christian identity and nascent whiteness not only exposes the Protestant architecture of American racial logics, but also sparks nuanced questions about how African, indigenous, and creole people oriented themselves toward Protestantism in early America. In this way, Gerbner definitively situates religion at the center of ongoing conversations about racial formation in the Americas, while opening up avenues for fresh speculation and imaginative intellectual trajectories in studies of American religion and Atlantic slavery.
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Kosykh, T. A. "«Любить все человечество, кроме американцев»: североамериканские колонии Британии в сочинениях Сэмюэла Джонсона." Вестник Рязанского государственного университета имени С.А. Есенина, no. 4(69) (February 16, 2021): 42–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.37724/rsu.2020.69.4.005.
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The article focuses on a British intellectual and lexicographer Samuel Johnson’s (1709–1784) views on the rights and freedoms of people living in Britain’s North American colonies. It accounts for the reasons of Johnson’s negative attitude to colonial people’s attempts to repeal taxes and seek representation in the English parliament. The writer despised American colonists, for he believed them to descend from the first settlers who had oppressed and enslaved the indigenous population. Moreover, the lexicographer believed that the majority of American colonists belonged to the lower classes, were descendants of criminals and paupers who had disturbed the peace in the Old World and had fled to the New World to escape their just punishment. The unrest in the American colonies in the 1770s only aggravated Johnson’s prejudices. His worldview prevented the lexicographer from understanding why American colonists weren’t satisfied with the position of British subjects and wanted to be represented in the British Parliament. Johnson believed that American colonists were anarchists wishing to shatter the British rule. В центре внимания статьи — взгляды английского интеллектуала и лексикографа Сэмюэла Джонсона (1709–1784) на права и свободы жителей североамериканских колоний Британии. Объясняются причины негативного восприятия Джонсоном попыток колонистов добиться отмены налоговых сборов и получения представительства в английском парламенте. Литератор относился к американским колонистам с презрением, поскольку считал их либо потомками первых колонистов, угнетавших и порабощавших аборигенное население, либо «надсмотрщиками» рабов. Более того, антипатия лексикографа основывалась на представлении о том, что большинство американских колонис-тов являлись выходцами из социальных низов, преступниками и нищими, нарушавшими спокойствие в Англии и часто бежавшими от правосудия в Новый свет. Волнения в американских колониях в 1770-е годы лишь усугубили эти представления Джонсона. Мировоззренческие установки не позволяли лексикографу понять, почему американским колонистам недостаточно быть подданными британской короны без права выбирать своих представителей в парламент, поэтому колонисты казались ему сторонниками анархии, желающими поколебать устоявшийся в Британии порядок.
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Túnez, Juan I., Humberto L. Cappozzo, and Marcelo H. Cassini. "Regional factors associated with the distribution of South American fur seals along the Atlantic coast of South America." ICES Journal of Marine Science 65, no. 9 (October 20, 2008): 1733–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icesjms/fsn168.
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Abstract Túnez, J. I., Cappozzo, H. L., and Cassini, M. H. 2008. Regional factors associated with the distribution of South American fur seals along the Atlantic coast of South America. – ICES Journal of Marine Science, 65: 1733–1738. Breeding colonies of the South American fur seal (Arctocephalus australis) are not homogeneously distributed along the coast of the Atlantic Ocean, but show an unusual patchiness, with colonies located only at the northern and southern extremities of the breeding range. We used bibliographic data of censuses carried out in the mid- and late 20th century, along with a Geographic Information System, to compare the pattern of distribution of colonies during these two periods, and to identify the anthropogenic and natural factors associated with the present pattern at a regional scale, using principal components analysis. The distribution of colonies did not vary in the period analysed even when the population abundance increased tenfold. The distribution was associated with the distance to the continental shelf break, and the availability of island and protected areas. We conclude that A. australis colonies are located in places where the continental shelf is narrow and there is no human disturbance.
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Shires, David. "Australian/Cairns Group Perspective: Southern Agriculture and the World Economy: The Multilateral Trade Negotiations." Journal of Agricultural and Applied Economics 20, no. 1 (July 1988): 69–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0081305200025656.
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Last week was Australia's 200th birthday. When the rebels in America won what they called their war of independence, Britain lost her penal colonies in the Carolinas and looked around for replacements. The first colonial fleet arrived in Australia on January 26,1788, and included, along with 700 convicts, 44 sheep and 6 cattle. If Britain had defeated her American colonists, then the history of both Australia and Louisiana would likely have been very different. The French flag might be flying today over both Sydney and New Orleans.
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Jeppesen, Jennie. "Great Grievance: Benjamin Franklin and Anti-Convict Sentiment." Journal of Early American History 11, no. 1 (April 28, 2021): 26–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18770703-11010007.
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Abstract Perhaps the best known argument that the early American colonies despised convict labour was the Rattlesnake newspaper article penned by Benjamin Franklin. And yet, was there actually a wide-spread anti-convict sentiment? Or was Franklin a lone voice railing against perceived British insults? Framed around the claims made by Franklin, this article is an investigation of primary evidence from the colonies of Virginia, Maryland, and Pennsylvania, in an attempt to better contextualize Franklins writing against colonial law and other colonial writers and correct the prevailing historical narrative that there was an anti-convict movement.
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GUETTEL, JENS-UWE. "FROM THE FRONTIER TO GERMAN SOUTH-WEST AFRICA: GERMAN COLONIALISM, INDIANS, AND AMERICAN WESTWARD EXPANSION." Modern Intellectual History 7, no. 3 (September 30, 2010): 523–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244310000223.
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This article argues that positive perceptions of American westward expansion played a major (and so far overlooked) role both for the domestic German debate about the necessity of overseas expansion and for concrete German colonial policies during the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. During and after the uprising against colonial rule (1904–7) of the two main indigenous peoples, the Herero and the Nama, of German South-West Africa (Germany's only settler colony), colonial administrators actively researched the history of the American frontier and American Indian policies in order to learn how best to “handle” the colony's peoples. There exists a substantial literature on the allegedly exceptional enchantment of Germans with American Indians. Yet this article shows that negative views of Amerindians also influenced and shaped the opinions and actions of German colonizers. Because of its focus on the importance of the United States for German discussions about colonial expansion, this article also explores the role German liberals played in the German colonial project. Ultimately, the United States as a “model empire” was especially attractive for Germans with liberal and progressive political convictions. The westward advancement of the American frontier went hand in hand with a variety of policies towards Native Americans, including measures of expulsion and extinction. German liberals accepted American expansionism as normative and were therefore willing to advocate, or at least tolerate, similar policies in the German colonies.
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Calomiris, Charles W. "Institutional Failure, Monetary Scarcity, and the Depreciation of the Continental." Journal of Economic History 48, no. 1 (March 1988): 47–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022050700004149.
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The efforts of some American colonials, who complained of monetary scarcity and advocated increased government involvement in supplying paper money, were valid attempts to improve economic welfare and facilitate transactions. The potential for improvement depended crucially on the fiscal and monetary policies of colonial governments. This approach to monetary scarcity is useful for explaining variation in the real supply of money across colonies and over time. The role of fiscal and monetary policies in determining the changing value of the continental, and the consequences for real currency supply during and after the Revolution, are examined in detail.
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Makarov, Egor P. "The Historical Meaning of the Molasses Act 1733 in the Political and Economic Life of Virginia in the XVIII Century." History of state and law 5 (May 20, 2021): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18572/1812-3805-2021-5-61-67.
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The article is devoted to the study of the Molasses Act, adopted by the British government in 1733. Analysis of the political and economic context of the adoption of this normative act makes it possible to study the features of the formation and development of the economy of the American colonies of Great Britain. Historical example of Virginia in the middle of the 18th century helps in studying the characteristics of the region and examining the practice of enforcement of British law in the colonies. The study of historical events related to the reaction of the American colonial community to the adoption of the designated law allows us to detail the organizational and legal forms of British government policy at the local level. This issue is also important from the point of view of studying the growth of radical sentiments in the colonies, strengthening the tendencies of separatism and joining the struggle for independence.
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Clark, Emily. "MOVING FROM PERIPHERY TO CENTRE: THE NON-BRITISH IN COLONIAL NORTH AMERICA." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 903–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008687.
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Life and religion at Louisbourg, 1713–1758. By A. J. B. Johnston. London: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1984, paperback edition, 1996. Pp. xxxii+227. ISBN 0-7735-1525-9. £12.95.The New Orleans Cabildo: Colonial Louisiana's first city government, 1769–1803. By Gilbert C. Din and John E. Harkins. London: Louisiana State University Press, 1996. Pp. xvii+330. ISBN 0-8071-2042-1. £42.75.Revolution, romanticism, and the Afro-Creole protest tradition in Louisiana, 1718–1868. By Caryn Cossé Bell. London: Louisiana State University Press, 1997. Pp. xv+325. ISBN 0-8071-2096-0. £32.95.Hopeful journeys: German immigration, settlement and political culture in colonial America, 1717–1775. By Aaron Spencer Fogleman. Pennsylvania: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1996. Pp. xii+257. ISBN 0-8122-1548-6. £15.95.Britannia lost the war of American independence but still reigns over the historiography of colonial North America. This is a problem now that historians of early America have embarked on an attempt to apply an Atlantic world perspective to colonial development. The complex web of human, cultural, economic, and political encounters and exchanges among Europe, Africa, and the Americas spreads well beyond the familiar terrain of Britain and its thirteen mainland colonies. While the histories of Indians and enslaved Africans are beginning to find their way into the historical narrative of early America to challenge the British hegemony, non-British Europeans remain virtually invisible, except as opponents in the imperial wars that punctuated the colonial era. These four books illustrate obstacles that must be overcome to remedy this gap and offer glimpses of the rewards to be gained by drawing the history of continental Europeans previously treated as peripheral into the centre of the major debates currently shaping early American history.
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Plavša, Nada, Igor Stojanov, Dubravka Milanov, and Jelena Petrović. "AMERICAN FOULBROOD – EPIZOOTILOGICAL SITUATION AND THE IMPORTANCE OF EARLY DETECTING." Archives of Veterinary Medicine 1, no. 2 (December 29, 2008): 43–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.46784/e-avm.v1i2.230.
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American foulbrood is a contagious disease and reports on the cases are obligatory according to the Directive on Animal Health Protective Measures for 2009. On the area of Southern Bačka and Srem district in the period between 2002 and 2007 this diseases was detected in 50 bee colonies in 5 municipalities. The prevalence of American foulbrood in contaminated area was monitored with the intention to detect its spreading. There were 613 colonies clinically examined. In 82 colonies the samples of honey were analyzed on Paenibacillusa larvae spora. The examined colonies were without clinical signs, but in 28 colonies (34.5%) the spores were detected. In the same samples an examination on residua presence was carried out and it was present in 26 samples (31.70%).
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Pepinsky, Thomas B. "Trade Competition and American Decolonization." World Politics 67, no. 3 (May 27, 2015): 387–422. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s004388711500012x.
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This article proposes a political economy approach to decolonization. Focusing on the industrial organization of agriculture, it argues that competition between colonial and metropolitan producers creates demands for decolonization from within the metropole when colonies have broad export profiles and when export industries are controlled by colonial, as opposed to metropolitan, interests. The author applies this framework to the United States in the early 1900s, showing that different structures of the colonial sugar industries in the Philippines, Hawaii, and Puerto Rico–diverse exports with dispersed local ownership versus monocrop economies dominated by large US firms–explain why protectionist continental-agriculture interests agitated so effectively for independence for the Philippines, but not for Hawaii or Puerto Rico. A comparative historical analysis of the three colonial economies and the Philippine independence debates complemented by a statistical analysis of roll call votes in the Hare-Hawes-Cutting Act supports the argument. In providing a new perspective on economic relations in the late-colonial era, the argument highlights issues of trade and empire in US history that span the subfields of American political development, comparative politics, and international political economy.
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Котов, Сергей, and Sergey Kokotov. "Establishment of Canada as a sovereign state: from dominion to kingdom." Services in Russia and abroad 9, no. 1 (June 25, 2015): 134–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/11716.
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The history of the establisment of Canada as a sovereign state is inseparably linked with the history of the English (later British) colonial empire. Initially land amounting then to Canada, are peripheral areas of the continental possessions of the British Crown in North America. First of all, they include the possession of Hudson´s Bay, Nova Scotia peninsula and the island of Newfoundland. A stronghold of the British presence in the New World colonies were New England, which followed the metropolis actively at odds with the neighboring colonies of France. The long period of Anglo-French wars culminated in the defeat of France and inclusion of its holdings (Louisiana, New France) to the British colonial empire. The territory of the future of Canada became part of a vast political and legal space, which some researchers call the British-American colonial empire. On the socio-economic point of view nothing has changed - these lands were still underdeveloped periphery of the colonies of New England. There had no prerequisites to the formation here of their own institutions of statehood. In the course of the war for the independence of the inhabitants of the colony of Quebec (the former New France), the peninsula of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland, for various reasons did not support the rebellious colonies, so many supporters of the unity of the British Empire (the so-called loyalists) moved to these areas. This led to the formation of a number of new colonies, such as Upper Canada, Nyubransuik, Prince Edward Island. Together, they accounted for British North America - in contrast to the United States. It is important to emphasize that even in the middle of the XIX century British North America remained a conglomerate of disparate, sparsely populated, economically underdeveloped areas, both in the immediate possession of the British Crown, and under the control of private companies. Their transformation into a self-governing federation certainly reflected the interests of the nascent trade and economic elite of these colonies. However, this was no less exposed to "US factor" and the liberal-democratic changes that took place in the metropolis itself. Exploring the complex of concrete historical factors that determine the character of the process of establishing Canada as a sovereign state, the author of this article analyzes the formal and legal aspects of the system of power and administration, established under the British colonial empire, as well as the key points of the doctrine of English law, refers to the institution of the Crown, Parliament and the status of imperial colonial government. Emphasized is the idea that the evolution of Canada from the set of "royal" to the self-governing colonies of the federation in the status of dominion and then gaining the status of the kingdom carried out on the basis of gradual development of constitutional conventions of political practice that leaves open to interpretation the question of when exactly Canada acquired the status of a sovereign state.
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CONWAY, STEPHEN. "BRITISH GOVERNMENTS, COLONIAL CONSUMERS, AND CONTINENTAL EUROPEAN GOODS IN THE BRITISH ATLANTIC EMPIRE, 1763–1775." Historical Journal 58, no. 3 (July 24, 2015): 711–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x14000557.
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ABSTRACTThis article looks at the attempts made by British governments after the Seven Years War to reduce colonial consumption of continental European manufactures. It begins by sketching the pre-war background, focusing first on the availability of European goods in North America and the Caribbean and then on British debates about foreign commodity penetration of the Atlantic colonies. The next part charts the emergence after 1763 of a political consensus in London on the need to give British goods added advantage in American markets. The article goes on to suggest reasons for the forming of this consensus, and finally considers the success of the measures introduced by British governments to diminish colonial purchases of European products.
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Cochran, Thomas C. "The Culture of Technology: An Alternative View of the Industrial Revolution in the United States." Science in Context 8, no. 2 (1995): 325–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002040.
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The ArgumentThe purpose of this essay is revisionist on two counts: first, that the American colonies and early United States republic kept pace with Great Britain in reaching a relatively advanced stage of industrialization by the early nineteenth century and second, that the Middle Atlantic States shared equally with New England the innovative role in creating America's industrial revolution. In both cases the industrial leaders achieved their preeminence by different routes. By concentrating on the importance of the sources of machine power as the defining characteristic of industrialism, scholars have overlooked alternative paths to industrial change. In Britain steam power and the textile industry were the foundations of an industrial revolution. But in American colonies the use of water power and the growth of industries such as woodworking and building led to an equally revolutionary change in the production of machine-made products. Benign geography in colonial America provided abundant wood and water power and an excellent transportation system based on navigable rivers and a hospitable coastline. But the crucial factors were cultural: the compelling urge to do things with less human work, the open reception to new immigration, a younger and more venturesome population, a favorable legal and fiscal environment for enterpreneurs. In the American context the tendency of scholars to emphasize the leadership of New England was largely a result of the greater local availability of manufacturing records. But recent research has demonstrated that Philadelphia, the largest port of entry in the eighteenth century, was quite naturally a center of innovation in construction materials, woodworking machinery and shipbuilding to meet the needs of the expanding agricultural hinterland and the coastal trade. In sum, the values of an expanding, youthful, skilled population replenished by fresh and venturesome sources from abroad helped shape cultural values that were particularly favorable in the geographic environment of North America for alternative paths of rapid industrial growth.
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Grinëv, Andrei Val’terovich. "Finnish Ships in Russian America." Sibirica 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/sib.2018.170202.
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The annexation of the Grand Duchy of Finland by the Russian Empire after the war with Sweden in 1808–1809 sharply strengthened the Russian trading fleet. It is not surprising that Finnish ships, despite their small number, visited the Russian colonies in America over a rather long period—from 1816 to 1856—though at times with substantial temporal intervals. Some of them belonged to the Russian-American Company (RAC), some were chartered by it, and some were in joint possession with the Russian-Finnish Whaling Company. In addition, many Finnish sailors and skippers served on ships of the RAC’s colonial flotilla and on company ships that carried out charter trips between Baltic ports and Russian America and eastern Siberia.
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Dhillon, Taranjot. "The Prosperity of Liberal-Capitalism in the North Atlantic." General: Brock University Undergraduate Journal of History 4 (May 6, 2019): 31–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.26522/tg.v4i0.2131.
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Violence, colonial living and the shift in political ideologies explained the success of expansion and consolidation of liberal-capitalism in the north Atlantic world in the early modern period. Although, disease greatly decimated the Indigenous population, internal conflicts ultimately led to the reduction of Indigenous authority and paved the way for colonial expansion. Unlike the French, which colonized to solidify trading, the English strategy was to bring in as many settlers to plant colonies, therefore pressuring Indigenous communities into surrendering control and power in the New World.At the same time, although the war was marked as a British victory, the British government quickly learns that their ignorance towards their North American colonies would become costly.