Academic literature on the topic 'American Figure painting'

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Journal articles on the topic "American Figure painting"

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Webster, Susan V. "Of Signatures and Status: Andrés Sánchez Gallque and Contemporary Painters in Early Colonial Quito." Americas 70, no. 04 (2014): 603–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500003588.

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The 1599 portrait Don Francisco de Arobe and His Sons, Pedro and Domingo by Andean artist Andres Sanchez Gallque (Figure 1) is one of the most frequently cited and reproduced paintings in the modern literature on colonial South America. The painting has been extensively praised, parsed, and interpreted by twentieth- and twenty-first-century authors, and heralded as the first signed South American portrait. “Remarkable” is the adjective most frequently employed to describe this work: modern authors express surprise and delight not only with the persuasive illusionistic power of the painting, the mesmerizing appearance of its subjects, and the artist's impressive mastery of the genre, but with the fact that the artist chose to sign and date his work, including a specific reference to his Andean identity.
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Webster, Susan V. "Of Signatures and Status: Andrés Sánchez Gallque and Contemporary Painters in Early Colonial Quito." Americas 70, no. 4 (2014): 603–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/tam.2014.0074.

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The 1599 portrait Don Francisco de Arobe and His Sons, Pedro and Domingo by Andean artist Andres Sanchez Gallque (Figure 1) is one of the most frequently cited and reproduced paintings in the modern literature on colonial South America. The painting has been extensively praised, parsed, and interpreted by twentieth- and twenty-first-century authors, and heralded as the first signed South American portrait. “Remarkable” is the adjective most frequently employed to describe this work: modern authors express surprise and delight not only with the persuasive illusionistic power of the painting, the mesmerizing appearance of its subjects, and the artist's impressive mastery of the genre, but with the fact that the artist chose to sign and date his work, including a specific reference to his Andean identity.
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Coco, Janice M. "Inscribing Boundaries in John Sloan's Hairdresser's Window: Privacy and the Politics of Vision." Prospects 24 (October 1999): 393–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300000430.

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The Public Reception Of An Image stands as a testament to its cultural 1 and social meanings. Nevertheless, the painting Hairdresser's Window (Figure 1) by the American Realist John Sloan (1871–1951) has yet to be considered in light of its contemporary criticism. The response of Sloan's early-20th-century audience was ambivalent and thus raises questions concerning the social issues embodied in this painting. Because Hairdresser's Window contains the major motifs recurring throughout Sloan's oeuvre (for example, windows, stereotyped figures, working-class women, and the inclusion of spectators within the picture), it will be used as paradigm to explore the social relevance of his personal mode of spectatorship, a practice that had its counterpart in the public sphere and was paralleled in other works of American Realist painting.
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Rosen, Deborah A. "Acoma v. Laguna and the Transition from Spanish Colonial Law to American Civil Procedure in New Mexico." Law and History Review 19, no. 3 (2001): 513–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/744272.

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Less than two years after the United States occupied New Mexico, Acoma Pueblo accused its neighbors in Laguna Pueblo of misappropriating a painting of Saint Joseph. The Indians of Acoma claimed that they had loaned the picture to the pueblo of Laguna for the purpose of celebrating Holy Week, but Laguna had subsequently refused to return it. The large oil painting on canvas, which portrayed the standing figure of Joseph holding the baby Jesus, was said to have been sent to New Mexico by Carlos II, king of Spain from 1665 to 1700. Both pueblos claimed rightful ownership of the picture, both said that missionaries with the early Spanish conquerors had brought them the oil painting from Spain, and both asserted that the painting was necessary for their religious worship. It was believed that the painting of Saint Joseph, or San José, as he was referred to throughout the legal documents, worked miracles for its possessor. Most important to the pueblos was the belief that the painting brought life-sustaining rain to the parched agricultural lands that provided their main source of food.
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Mathur, Manisha. "WILLIAM BLAKE- AN ENLIGHTENED VISIONARY." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 2, no. 3SE (2014): 1–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v2.i3se.2014.3538.

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William Blake an English painter poet and printmaker is considered as a seminal figure in the history of poetry and visual arts of the Romantic age. In the realm of imaginative painting Blake stands quite alone, and to find any real parallel to this extraordinary man of genius one must go back to the illuminators and sculptors of the twelfth century. Born out of time, with no tradition of imaginative painting to guide him, the intense flame if his genius burns fitfully blazing with an unbearable brilliance. Blake, for his idiosyncratic views is held in high regard by critics for his expressiveness and creativity, and for the philosophical and mystical undercurrents within his work. His paintings and poetry have been characterized as part of the Romantic movement are Pre-Romantic for its large appearance in the 18th C. Reverent of the bible but hostile to the Church of England, Blake was influenced by the ideals and ambitions of the French and American Revolutions.
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Roark, Elisabeth L. "Paint for the Many? Rereading William Sidney Mount's The Painter's Triumph." Prospects 28 (October 2004): 155–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001460.

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The Painter's Triumph, created by William Sidney Mount in 1838, has long been interpreted as an icon of the democratization of American art (Figure 1). Nearly every scholarly analysis of the painting frames it in the context of Mount's well-known charge to himself, “Paint pictures that will take with the public, in other words, never paint for the few, but for the many.” The farmer's enthusiastic involvement in the artist's work is viewed as emblematic of Mount's commitment to promoting the visual arts among ordinary folk. The painter's “triumph,” most assert, is his ability to reach the common man. This is certainly an appealing message and consistent with the desire to see mid-19th-century American artists as resolute democrats in tune with Jacksonian cultural reforms. Yet, Mount never called it The Painter's Triumph, referring to it only as “artist showing his work,” and there is no evidence that viewers in the late 1830s and early 1840s recognized a particularly democratic message. The current title first appeared in a catalogue in 1847, long after Mount sold the painting and two years after the death of Edward L. Carey, the man who commissioned it. Despite the 1847 title change, in his later autobiographical sketch Mount referred to the painting as “Artist showing his own work.”
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Schriber, Abbe. "Mapping a New Humanism in the 1940s: Thelma Johnson Streat between Dance and Painting." Arts 9, no. 1 (2020): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/arts9010007.

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Thelma Johnson Streat is perhaps best known as the first African American woman to have work acquired by the Museum of Modern Art. However, in the 1940s–1950s she inhabited multiple coinciding roles: painter, performer, choreographer, cultural ethnographer, and folklore collector. As part of this expansive practice, her canvases display a peculiar movement and animacy while her dances transmit the restraint of the two-dimensional figure. Drawing from black feminist theoretical redefinitions of the human, this paper argues that Streat’s exploration of muralism, African American spirituals, Native Northwest Coast cultural production, and Yaqui Mexican-Indigenous folk music established a diasporic mapping forged through the coxtension of gesture and brushstroke. This transmedial work disorients colonial cartographies which were the products of displacement, conquest, and dispossession, aiding notions of a new humanism at mid-century.
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Armand, Barton Levi St. "Fine Fitnesses: Dickinson, Higginson, and Literary Luminism." Prospects 14 (October 1989): 141–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300005731.

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As American Studies extends its interdisciplinary mandate to the pictorial arts, a manifest destiny that might be seen by some as but a new form of cultural imperialism, it behooves us to stop this juggernaut for a moment and consider the increasingly important question of historicism. An historicism strictly applied can provide us with a rubric rooted in fact rather than in speculation, chastening a self-reflexive presentism with documentary and contextual integrity. Nowhere is this discipline of the interdisciplinary more needed than in considering the application of a problematical term like “Luminism,” itself an ex-post-facto construct of American art history that, like a typical Baby Boomer, was born in the mid-fifties, came of age in the seventies, and now is an establishment figure of the late eighties. First conceived by John I.H. Baur, Luminism was nurtured by Barbara Novak in her magisterial American Painting of the Nineteenth Century, and all but beatified in the post-Bicentennial extravaganza of John Wilmerding's American Light exhibit at the National Gallery. With the acceptance of Luminism as a viable aesthetic category, American Romantic painting itself, so long international Modernism's stepchild and poor relation, came of age and was invested with the Toga Virilis of academic respectability. In looking backwards, Americanists once anxious about vindicating their attraction to a supposedly secondhand and second-rate pictorial tradition could proudly point out that the nation had always possessed a legitimate school of artists who responded in a unified yet creative way to the idiomatic qualities of the American scene.
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Hemingway, Andrew. "To “Personalize the Rainpipe”: The Critical Mythology of Edward Hopper." Prospects 17 (October 1992): 379–404. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300004774.

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By the early 1930s Edward Hopper was a major figure in the American art scene. As is well known, Hopper made no significant sales of paintings until the exhibition of his watercolors at the Rehn Gallery in 1924, by which time he was forty-four years old. However, his career takeoff in the late 1920s and early 1930s was certainly dramatic, and in 1933 Forbes Watson could describe him as a “collector's favorite.” In 1924 the standard price of Hopper's watercolors was $150, by 1925 it had risen to $200, and in 1928–29, $300–400 was the norm. In 1929 alone he sold at least fourteen drawings. Between 1924 and 1930 he also sold sixteen oils at prices ranging between $400 and $2,500 dollars. In the 1930s he was getting between $1,500 and $3,000 for an oil painting, and from 1934 to 1939 he sold several watercolors at $750 each. If, asLifereported in 1937, his receipts from sales did not usually come near $10,000 per year, he was still doing a lot better than most other artists in the Depression years.
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Whiting, Cécile. "More Than Meets the Eye: Archibald Motley and Debates on Race in Art." Prospects 26 (October 2001): 449–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001009.

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In 1933, Archibald J. Motley Jr., an African-American artist from Chicago who enjoyed a moderate level of national and international renown, issued his only formal public statement concerning the relationship he perceived between his art and race. His words, resonating with confidence, assert his conviction that painting could capture the truth of race through pigment. Reproduced opposite this declaration,Bluesof 1929 (Figure 1), which depicts well-coiffed men and women dancing in the Petite Cafe in Paris to tunes played by musicians seated in the foreground, would seem to reinforce Motley's point: paint transcribes the gradations of skin pigment incarnated by the various African, West Indian, and perhaps even African-American patrons of this nightspot. The color of skin, transmuted into the color of paint, identifies and catalogs race.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "American Figure painting"

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Cecil, Joseph S. "The figure as an exploration of cultural/self identity." Virtual Press, 2007. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1371197.

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The primary objective of this creative project was the exploration of cultural and self identity and the painting techniques used for their creation. The paintings are an attempt to portray through the use of the human figure and symbolic elements to communicate my personal struggle relating to events in my past, present, and future. In these three large paintings I have explored an approach reminiscent to German Expressionism style along with more contemporary motifs which are derived from my research and past experiences in painting at Ball State University. It was very important for me to spend time researching artist involved in the German expressionist movement, because they have been an integral part of reshaping the way I approach art. This body of work required a variety of traditional oil painting techniques including: canvas construction, under painting, stumbling, and glazing.<br>Department of Art
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Books on the topic "American Figure painting"

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Robinson, Theodore. The figural images of Theodore Robinson: American impressionist. Paine Art Center and Arboretum, 1987.

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Sylvia, Yount, High Museum of Art, Tacoma Art Museum, and Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts., eds. Cecilia Beaux: American figure painter. High Museum of Art, 2007.

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Brown, Theophilus. Theophilus Brown: Portraits, January 4-February 12, 2000. Campbell-Thiebaud Gallery, 2000.

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Mangold, Robert. Robert Mangold: Curved plane/figure paintings. PaceWildenstein, 1995.

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1924-, Danto Arthur Coleman, and PaceWildenstein (Firm), eds. Robert Mangold: Curled figure and column paintings. PaceWildenstein, 2003.

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Eckart, Charles. Charles Eckart paintings 1978-1999: Exhibition of New York March 28-April 29, 2000. Campbell-Thiebaud Gallery, 2000.

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S, Anastasiadis Olivia, and California State University, Fullerton. Art Gallery., eds. Contemporary humanism: Reconfirmation of the figure, Randall Lavender, John Nava, David Ligare, Jon Swihart : November 7-December 10, 1987, Main Art Gallery, California State University, Fullerton. The Gallery, 1987.

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Grillo. Provincetown Art Association and Museum, 2011.

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1927-, Katz Alex, ed. Alex Katz. Rizzoli, 1992.

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Hayes, Randy. The World reveiled. Oglethorpe University Museum, 1999.

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Book chapters on the topic "American Figure painting"

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"Chapter 7. Figure Painting in the 1870s: Homer and Eakins." In American Watercolor in the Age of Homer and Sargent. Philadelphia Museum of Art, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37862/aaeportal.00253.008.

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Popenhagen, Ron J. "Facing Change and Changing Masks." In Modernist Disguise. Edinburgh University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474470056.003.0002.

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The primary focus of this chapter is the fixed-form mask in its many manifestations, beginning with ‘Death Masks Re-membered’. The difference between performance masks and death masks is theorised, including a discussion of photographs of the death masks of notable figures. The fascination of modernist painters with African masks in British, French and German museums is discussed with reference to the Picasso Primitif exhibition (2017) and to the history of anthropological exhibitions of the ‘savage’ during the early years of Modernism. Indigenous masquerade is further explored by commentary on photographic portraits of the ‘other’, with consideration of the rapport between subject and photographer. Painted images of the mask object and disguised individuals by Paul Cézanne, James Ensor, Émil Nolde and Pablo Picasso are contrasted with Edward Sheriff Curtis’s photos of Native American masking. Modernist innovations in masquerade, like the dance scenography of Loïe Fuller, highlight alternative methods of changing the body image, as well as transforming the human figure into a part-object form (an aspect exhibited also in a painting by Margaret Macdonald Mackinstosh). Modernist Pierrots in Berlin, Copenhagen and St Petersburg, for example, suggest that playful disguise was an almost-universal impulse in Modernism across Europe and the United Kingdom.
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Junior, Nyasha, and Jeremy Schipper. "Visual Representations of Black Samson." In Black Samson. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190689780.003.0008.

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Since the mid-nineteenth century, visual images of Black Samson have developed in editorial cartoons, film, paintings, comic books, graphic novels, and television alongside traditions about him in American literature and music. Similar to his literary representations, some artists from different racial backgrounds have created Black Samson figures that address various social and political controversies in the United States. From his nineteenth-century appearance in Harper’s Weekly to his twenty-first-century appearance on the History Channel, visual representations of Black Samson in popular culture have continued to shape Black Samson into a racially polarizing American icon. In this chapter, we trace the use of Black Samson figures in the visual arts from the mid-nineteenth century to the present.
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Van Horn, Jennifer. "The Power of Paint." In Power of Objects in Eighteenth-Century British America. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629568.003.0003.

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Chapter 2 focuses on mid-century Philadelphia’s burgeoning art community through the figure of travelling English portrait painter John Wollaston, who visited the city in 1752 and 1758/9. Wollaston’s presence encouraged the young student Francis Hopkinson to write a poem about the artist in the new periodical the American Magazine. By tracing the aesthetic responses that Hopkinson and the fellow students in his circle (including Benjamin West) had to Wollaston’s portraits the chapter charts Philadelphians’ engagement with the aesthetic debates raging in London over the role of the artist and the power of the portrait to civilize. Hopkinson embraced the new model of connoisseurship being popularized in the British art capital of London but recast it to argue that the portrait could civilize the sitter. Reading Wollaston’s portraits through the model of physiognomy reveals how viewers understood his paintings to improve sitters’ civility and how his paintings forged social connections between sitters.
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Moore, Sean D. "“Whatever Is, Is Right”." In Slavery and the Making of Early American Libraries. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198836377.003.0002.

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Beginning with an analysis of a painting of the slaveholding founder of the Redwood Library of Newport, Rhode Island, that shows him holding a copy of Alexander Pope’s Essay on Man, this chapter documents the reading of Alexander Pope’s works in colonial America in relation to the Atlantic slavery economy. In doing so, it provides a theory that portraiture featuring books should count as evidence of the reception of them. It shows how slavery philanthropy fueled the Rhode Island book trade and endowed its libraries, and how patriot thought and activity emerged from these libraries. In examining the fragmentary remaining circulation receipt books of the Redwood, it shows patterns of reading that suggest that members of the library were more concerned about their own political “slavery” to Britain than with the condition of the Africans they were enslaving. It also investigates Rhode Island abolitionism in figures like Samuel Hopkins.
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Hernández, Robb. "Viral Delay/Viral Display." In Archiving an Epidemic. NYU Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479845309.003.0005.

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No person better defined the collaborative gestalt of queer Chicano art practices than Joey Terrill. As a principal figure in the Escandalosa Circle, he bore witness to his friends’ HIV infection and eventual demise. This chapter examines the queer visual testimonios engendered by his scene paintings and portraits. As it follows his excursions between coasts, it shows him rendering sights of contagion, whether on a Fire Island beach in New York or a hazardous garden in Beverly Hills. Terrill’s retrospectively eyes his HIV transmission in self-analytical portraits tempered by a pathogenic time stamp, creating what is arguably the most consistent visual account of AIDS in American art. The implications of his queer visual testimonios on canvas and paper have profound meaning for collectors rearticulating their domestic environments with traces of Terrill’s retrospective examinations of HIV infection and terminal illness.
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Ferraro, Thomas J. "Our Lady of Art." In Transgression and Redemption in American Fiction. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198863052.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 examines Willa Cather’s neglected story, “Coming, Aphrodite” in light of her fascination with the bodily presentation that Camille Paglia would later call “sexual personae”—for which Cather develops her own Marian interpretive sensibility, half Roman Catholic and half Pagan, as a deliberate counterforce to the Puritan heritage deflating U.S. artistic and expressive culture. In her twenties, Cather was a prodigious journalist fascinated by the radiant figurae of statuary, painting, drama, poetry, and fiction both home and abroad—which she interrogated in explicitly religious terms, with a particular affinity for both Marian-Catholic dissent from the Puritan denial of the senses and its alternative of graced intercession. Cather learns to invite readers to the redemptive power of forbidden love: sex for its own sake, adultery whether intermittent or sustained or only imagined, same-sex beatings of the heart and meetings of the mind. Then, in “Coming, Aphrodite!,” in a way more literal that her readers could possibly have expected, Cather stages the male gaze of an avant-garde, sexually disciplined and romantically impervious, young painter in Washington Square, Don Hedger, who finds himself in thrall—through a closet peephole!—to the artful exhibitionism in body and song of an equally ambitious, alternatively brilliant ingénue, Eden Bower. Their pas de deux produces a profound, profoundly mutual, yet never-to-be domesticated, sexual intimacy, non-reproductive but dually procreative—all of it conducted under signs of Roman Latinate and Indo-Latino Catholicism, including a story within the story entitled “The Forty Lovers of the Princess.”
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Rusert, Britt. "Sarah’s Cabinet." In Fugitive Science. NYU Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.18574/nyu/9781479885688.003.0006.

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Chapter 5 moves from the scientific experiments of the black public sphere to the production of science by black women in semi-private spaces like the parlor, the garden, and the classroom. It focuses specifically on Sarah Mapps Douglass, who taught both literature and science at the Institute for Colored Youth in Philadelphia, contributed natural history discourses and paintings to the friendship albums of her friends and students, and lectured on anatomy and physiology to audiences composed of black women. In addition to surveying African American science in antebellum Philadelphia, the chapter places Douglass in a more Atlantic context, connecting her work, and body in performance, to figures like Joice Heth, Sarah Baartman, and other women who were subjected to the violent experiments and spectacles of nineteenth-century race science.
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Wolfskill, Phoebe. "The New Negro and Racial Reinvention." In Archibald Motley Jr. and Racial Reinvention. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252041143.003.0001.

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Chapter 1 considers the ideologies surrounding the Negro Renaissance, and establishes the historical question that structures the project: how does an artist construct a “New” Negro detached from the authority of past constructions? The chapter introduces the reader to Motley’s background and history, while addressing key paintings that establish the foundation of the concerns elaborated in the manuscript. The chapter further frames the book’s approach to Motley’s work by sifting through art historical discourses regarding the evolution of African American art history and the treatment of the black artist within this history. It posits that the difficulties of devising a New Negro stems not just from the task of revising black identity but rather from the suggestion that black identity can somehow be reduced or codified into a coherent idea or form of representation. Furthermore, there were as many perspectives on how to represent the New Negro as there were artists and writers seeking to redefine this figure.
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Fiore, Dánae, and Angélica Tivoli. "Is the ‘Environment’ Good to Eat or Good to Paint? Faunal Consumption and Avoidance among Hunter-Gatherer-Fishers in the Beagle Channel Region (Tierra del Fuego, South America)." In Humans and the Environment. Oxford University Press, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199590292.003.0013.

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This chapter discusses some aspects of the multi-dimensional nature of human–environment relationships. It focuses on the interaction established between people and animals in the Beagle Channel region (Tierra del Fuego, South America; Figure 5.1) through an analysis of taxon selection or avoidance in two inter-related spheres: subsistence and ceremonial art. The selection or avoidance of a particular species can be related to environmental, economic, political, and ideological factors, and our aim is to point out which of these factors influenced the high exploitation of certain taxa and the low representation of others. We achieve this by comparing archaeological data with spatially and temporally contemporaneous ethnographic information about the representation of animal species in ceremonial body paintings. Thus, we seek to explain whether the selection of some species and the avoidance of others in the subsistence sphere was being reinforced by or forbidden according to symbolic values that stemmed from the ceremonial sphere. Such questions derive from a theoretical premise that dismisses the notion of absolute optimality in human practices. It proposes instead that people’s actions and decisions are not guided only by rational principles and cost-minimizing aims: they can also be non-rational and non-optimal, and yet can make a socio-economic system function and reproduce efficiently through time and space without collapse. We argue that archaeological techniques and data have much to contribute to an understanding of the complexity of human–environment relations—particularly the ability to critique the overly simplistic economic models that often feed into popular and bureaucratic approaches to human environments. During the last fifteen years, one of the most popular approaches to subsistence in prehistoric and non-industrial societies has been the application of optimality models (e.g. Broughton 1994; Grayson and Delpech 1998; Nagaoka 2002, among others). In principle, these models were conceived as methodological tools through which the researcher lays out a hypothetical scenario of how resources should be consumed if people were trying to minimize costs and maximize benefits towards reaching an optimal result.
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