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Journal articles on the topic 'American Methodist Episcopal Church'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 4 February 2022

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1

Carwardine, Richard. "Methodists, Politics, and the Coming of the American Civil War." Church History 69, no. 3 (September 2000): 578–609. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169398.

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In 1868 Ulysses S. Grant remarked that there were three great parties in the United States: the Republican, the Democratic, and the Methodist Church. This was an understandable tribute, given the active role of leading Methodists in his presidential campaign, but it was also a realistic judgment, when set in the context of the denomination's growing political authority over the previous half century. As early as 1819, when, with a quarter of a million members, “the Methodists were becoming quite numerous in the country,” the young exhorter Alfred Branson noted that “politicians… from policy favoured us, though they might be skeptical as to religion,” and gathered at county seats to listen to the preachers of a denomination whose “votes counted as fast at an election as any others.” Ten years later, the newly elected Andrew Jackson stopped at Washington, Pennsylvania, en route from Tennessee to his presidential inauguration. When both Presbyterians and Methodists invited him to attend their services, Old Hickory sought to avoid the political embarrassment of seeming to favor his own church over the fastest-growing religious movement in the country by attending both—the Presbyterians in the morning and the Methodists at night. In Indiana in the early 1840s the church's growing power led the Democrats to nominate for governor a known Methodist, while tarring their Whig opponents with the brush of sectarian bigotry. Nationally, as the combined membership of the Methodist Episcopal Church [MEC] and Methodist Episcopal Church, South [MECS] grew to over one and a half million by the mid-1850s, denominational leaders could be found complaining that the church was so strong that each political party was “eager to make her its tool.” Thus Elijah H. Pilcher, the influential Michigan preacher, found himself in 1856 nominated simultaneously by state Democratic, Republican, and Abolition conventions.

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2

Harris, Paul W. "Dancing with Jim Crow: The Chattanooga Embarrassment of the Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 155–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000695.

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AbstractAfter the Civil War, northern Methodists undertook a successful mission to recruit a biracial membership in the South. Their Freedmen's Aid Society played a key role in outreach to African Americans, but when the denomination decided to use Society funds in aid of schools for Southern whites, a national controversy erupted over the refusal of Chattanooga University to admit African Americans. Caught between a principled commitment to racial brotherhood and the pressures of expediency to accommodate a growing white supremacist commitment to segregation, Methodists engaged in an agonized and heated debate over whether schools intended for whites should be allowed to exclude blacks. Divisions within the leadership of the Methodist Episcopal Church caught the attention of the national press and revealed the limits of even the most well-intentioned efforts to advance racial equality in the years after Reconstruction.

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3

Guenther, Alan M. "Ghazals, Bhajans and Hymns: Hindustani Christian Music in Nineteenth-Century North India." Studies in World Christianity 25, no. 2 (August 2019): 145–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2019.0254.

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When American missionaries from the Methodist Episcopal Church arrived in India in the middle of the nineteenth century, they very soon published hymn-books to aid the Christian church in worship. But these publications were not solely the product of American Methodists nor simply the collection of foreign songs and music translated into Urdu. Rather, successive editions demonstrate the increasing participation of both foreigners and Indians, of missionaries from various denominations, of both men and women, and of even those not yet baptised as Christians. The tunes and poetry included were in both European and Indian forms. This hybrid nature is particularly apparent by the end of the century when the Methodist press published a hymn-book containing ghazals and bhajans in addition to hymns and Sunday school songs. The inclusion of a separate section of ghazals was evidence of the influence of the Muslim culture on the worship of Christians in North India. This mixing of cultures was an essential characteristic of the hymnody produced by the emerging church in the region and was used in both evangelism and worship. Indian and foreign evangelists relied on indigenous music to draw hearers and to communicate the Christian gospel.

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4

Wilde, Melissa, and Hajer Al-Faham. "Believing in Women? Examining Early Views of Women among America’s Most Progressive Religious Groups." Religions 9, no. 10 (October 20, 2018): 321. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/rel9100321.

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This paper examines views of women among the most prominent “progressive” American religious groups (as defined by those that liberalized early on the issue of birth control, circa 1929). We focus on the years between the first and second waves of the feminist movement (1929–1965) in order to examine these views during a time of relative quiescence. We find that some groups indeed have a history of outspoken support for women’s equality. Using their modern-day names, these groups—the United Church of Christ, the Unitarian Universalist Association, and to a lesser extent, the Society of Friends, or Quakers—professed strong support for women’s issues, early and often. However, we also find that prominent progressive groups—the Protestant Episcopal Church, the Methodist Episcopal Church, and the United Presbyterian Church—were virtually silent on the issue of women’s rights. Thus, we conclude that birth control activism within the American religious field was not clearly correlated with an overall feminist orientation.

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5

Kwon, Andrea. "The Legacy of Mary Scranton." International Bulletin of Mission Research 42, no. 2 (April 11, 2017): 162–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2396939317698778.

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Mary Scranton was an American missionary to Korea, the first missionary sent there by the Woman’s Foreign Missionary Society (WFMS) of the Methodist Episcopal Church. During her more than two decades of service, Scranton laid the foundations for the WFMS mission in Seoul and helped to establish the wider Protestant missionary endeavor on the Korean peninsula. Her pioneering evangelistic and educational work, including the opening of Korea’s first modern school for girls, reflected Scranton’s commitment to ministering to and with Korean women.

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6

Takao, Kawanishi. "Wesley in Oxford and the Legend of Holy Grail’s Knight: The Study about the Root of Methodism to the World, and the Foundation of Kwansei-Gakuin in Japan." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 6, no. 1 (March 28, 2017): 9–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.5901/ajis.2017.v6n1p9.

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Abstract John Wesley (1703-91）is known as the founder of Methodism in his time of Oxford University’s Scholar. However, about his Methodical religious theory, he got more spiritual and important influence from other continents not only Oxford in Great Britain but also Europe and America. Through Wesley’s experience and awakening in those continents, Methodism became the new religion with Revival by the spiritual power of “Holy Grail”. By this research using Multidisciplinary approach about the study of Legend of Holy Grail’s Knight, - from King Arthur and Knights of the Round Table in the Medieval Period, and in 18th century Wesley, who went to America in the way on ship where he met the Moravian Church group also called Herrnhut having root of Pietisms, got important impression in his life. After this awakening, he went to meet Herrnhut supervisor Zinzendorf (1700-60) in Germany who had root of a noble house in the Holy Roman Empire, - and to Legend of Holy Grail’s Knight Opera “Parsifal” by Richard Wagner at Bayreuth near Herrnhut’s land in the 19th century, Wesley’s Methodism is able to reach new states with the legend, such as the historical meaning of Christianity not only Protestantism but also Catholicism. I wish to point out Wesley’s Methodism has very close to Legend of Holy Grail’s Knight. In addition, after the circulation in America, in the late 19th century Methodism spread toward Africa, and Asian Continents. Especially in Japan, by Methodist Episcopal Church South, Methodism landed in the Kansai-area such international port city Kobe. Methodist missionary Walter Russel Lambuth (1854-1921) who entered into Japan founded English schools to do his missionary works. Afterward, one of them became Kwansei-Gakuin University in Kobe. Moreover, Lambuth such as Parsifal with Wesley’s theories went around the world to spread Methodism with the Spirit’s the Legend of Holy Grail’s Knight as World Citizen.

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7

Davidson, Christina Cecelia. "Black Protestants in a Catholic Land." New West Indian Guide 89, no. 3-4 (2015): 258–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134360-08903053.

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The African Methodist Episcopal (AME) Church, a black Church founded in the United States in 1816, was first established in eastern Haiti when over 6,000 black freemen emigrated from the United States to Hispaniola between 1824 and 1825. Almost a century later, the AME Church grew rapidly in the Dominican Republic as West Indians migrated to the Dominican southeast to work on sugar plantations. This article examines the links between African-American immigrant descendants, West Indians, and U.S.-based AME leaders between the years 1899–1916. In focusing on Afro-diasporic exchange in the Church and the hardships missionary leaders faced on the island, the article reveals the unequal power relations in the AME Church, demonstrates the significance of the southeast to Dominican AME history, and brings the Dominican Republic into larger discussions of Afro-diasporic exchange in the circum-Caribbean.

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8

Scott, David W. "Alcohol, Opium, and the Methodists in Singapore: The Inculturation of a Moral Crusade." Mission Studies 29, no. 2 (2012): 147–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15733831-12341234.

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Abstract The Methodist Episcopal Church was strongly committed to the temperance movement in nineteenth-century America. This commitment rested on assumptions about the negative impacts of alcohol and was expressed through campaigns for personal moral reform and political prohibition. When Methodist missionaries arrived in Singapore in the late nineteenth century, they encountered a society in which opium was the most commonly abused drug. In this new context, Methodist missionaries adapted their concerns about alcohol and their methods of opposing the liquor trade and applied these concerns and methods to opium and the opium trade instead. This case study raises important questions about the inculturation of morality as an aspect of the missionary enterprise, a topic which is insufficiently addressed in literature on theological inculturation.

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9

Klassen, Pamela E. "The Robes of Womanhood: Dress and Authenticity among African American Methodist Women in the Nineteenth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 14, no. 1 (2004): 39–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2004.14.1.39.

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AbstractScholars of American religion are increasingly attentive to material culture as a rich source for the analysis of religious identity and practice that is especially revealing of the relationships among doctrine, bodily comportment, social structures, and innovation. In line with this focus, this article analyses the ways nineteenth-century African American Methodist women turned to dress as a tool to communicate religious and political messages. Though other nineteenth-century Protestants also made use of the communicative powers of dress, African American women did so with a keen awareness of the ways race trumped clothing in the semiotic system of nineteenth-century America. Especially for women entering into public fora as preachers and public speakers, dress could act as a passport to legitimacy in an often hostile setting, but it was not always enough to establish oneself as a Christian lady. Considering the related traditions of plain dress and respectability within the African Methodist Episcopal (AME) church, this essay finds that AME women cultivated respectability and plainness within discourses of authenticity that tried—with some ambivalence—to use dress as a marker of the true soul beneath the fabric. Based primarily on the autobiographical and journalistic writings of women such as Jarena Lee, Amanda Berry Smith, Hallie Q. Brown, and Frances Ellen Watkins Harper, as well as accounts from AME publications such as the Christian Recorder and the Church Review, and other church documents, the essay also draws on the work of historians of African American women and historians of dress and material culture. For nineteenth-century AME women, discourses of authenticity could be both a burden and a resource, but either way they were discourses that were often remarkably critical, both of selfmotivation and of cultural markers of class, race, and gender in a world that made a fetish of whiteness.

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Van Dyken, Tamara J. "Worship Wars, Gospel Hymns, and Cultural Engagement in American Evangelicalism, 1890–1940." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 27, no. 2 (2017): 191–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2017.27.2.191.

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AbstractThis article argues that gospel hymnody was integral to the construction of modern evangelicalism. Through an analysis of the debate over worship music in three denominations, the Methodist Episcopal Church, the Christian Reformed Church, and the Reformed Church in America, from 1890–1940, I reveal how worship music was essential to the negotiation between churchly tradition and practical faith, between institutional authority and popular choice that characterized the twentieth-century “liberal/conservative” divide. While seemingly innocuous, debates over the legitimacy of gospel hymns in congregational worship were a significant aspect of the increasing theological, social, and cultural divisions within denominations as well as between evangelicals more broadly. Gospel hymnody became representative of a newly respectable, nonsectarian, and populist evangelicalism that stressed individualized salvation and personal choice, often putting it at odds with doctrinal orthodoxy and church tradition. These songs fostered an imagined community of conservative evangelicals, one whose formation rested on personal choice and whose authority revolved around a network of nondenominational organizations rather than an institutional body. At the same time, denominational debates about gospel hymnody reveal the fluid nature of the conservative/liberal binary and the complicated relationship between evangelicalism and modernism generally. While characterizations of “liberal” and “conservative” tend to emphasize biblical interpretation, the inclusion of worship music and style complicates this narrow focus. As is evident through the case studies, denominations typically categorized as theologically liberal or conservative also incorporated both traditional and modern elements of worship.

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11

ENGEL, ELISABETH. "Southern Looks? A History of African American Missionary Photography of Africa, 1890s–1930s." Journal of American Studies 52, no. 2 (May 2018): 390–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002187581700192x.

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This article traces and analyzes the missionary photography of the African Methodist Episcopal Church (AME), the most important independent black American institution that began to operate in colonial South Africa at the onset of the politics of racial segregation in the 1890s. It argues that AME missionary photography presents a neglected archive, from which a history of black photographic encounters and a subaltern perspective on the dominant visual cultures of European imperialism and Christian missions in Africa can be retrieved. Focussing in particular on how AME missionaries deployed tropes of the culturally refined “New Negro” and the US South in their visual description of South Africa, this article demonstrates that photography was an important tool for black subjects to define their image beyond the representations of black inferiority that established visual traditions constructed.

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12

Bennett, James B. "“Until This Curse of Polygamy Is Wiped Out”: Black Methodists, White Mormons, and Constructions of Racial Identity in the Late Nineteenth Century." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 21, no. 2 (2011): 167–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2011.21.2.167.

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AbstractDuring the final quarter of the nineteenth century, black members of the Methodist Episcopal (ME) Church published a steady stream of anti-Mormonism in their weekly newspaper, the widely read and distributedSouthwestern Christian Advocate. This anti-Mormonism functioned as way for black ME Church members to articulate their denomination's distinctive racial ideology. Black ME Church members believed that their racially mixed denomination, imperfect though it was, offered the best model for advancing black citizens toward equality in both the Christian church and the American nation. Mormons, as a religious group who separated themselves in both identity and practice and as a community experiencing persecution, were a useful negative example of the dangers of abandoning the ME quest for inclusion. Black ME Church members emphasized their Christian faithfulness and American patriotism, in contrast to Mormon religious heterodoxy and political insubordination, as arguments for acceptance as equals in both religious and political institutions. At the same time, anti-Mormon rhetoric also proved a useful tool for reflecting on the challenges of African American life, regardless of denominational affiliation. For example, anti-polygamy opened space to comment on the precarious position of black women and families in the post-bellum South. In addition, cataloguing Mormon intellectual, moral, and social deficiencies became a form of instruction in the larger project of black uplift, by which African Americans sought to enter the ranks and privileges of the American middle class. In the end, however, black ME Church members found themselves increasingly segregated within their denomination and in society at large, even as Mormons, once considered both racially and religiously inferior, were welcomed into the nation as citizens and equals.

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13

Butner, Bonita K. "The Methodist Episcopal Church and the Education of African Americans after the Civil War." Christian Higher Education 4, no. 4 (October 2005): 265–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/15363750500182596.

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14

Hackett, David G. "The Prince Hall Masons and the African American Church: The Labors of Grand Master and Bishop James Walker Hood, 1831–1918." Church History 69, no. 4 (December 2000): 770–802. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169331.

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During the late nineteenth century, James Walker Hood was bishop of the North Carolina Conference of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church and grand master of the North Carolina Grand Lodge of Prince Hall Masons. In his forty-four years as bishop, half of that time as senior bishop of the denomination, Reverend Hood was instrumental in planting and nurturing his denomination's churches throughout the Carolinas and Virginia. Founder of North Carolina's denominational newspaper and college, author of five books including two histories of the AMEZ Church, appointed assistant superintendent of public instruction and magistrate in his adopted state, Hood's career represented the broad mainstream of black denominational leaders who came to the South from the North during and after the Civil War. Concurrently, Grand Master Hood superintended the southern jurisdiction of the Prince Hall Masonic Grand Lodge of New York and acted as a moving force behind the creation of the region's black Masonic lodges—often founding these secret male societies in the same places as his fledgling churches. At his death in 1918, the Masonic Quarterly Review hailed Hood as “one of the strong pillars of our foundation.” If Bishop Hood's life was indeed, according to his recent biographer, “a prism through which to understand black denominational leadership in the South during the period 1860–1920,” then what does his leadership of both the Prince Hall Lodge and the AMEZ Church tell us about the nexus of fraternal lodges and African American Christianity at the turn of the twentieth century?

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15

Geysbeek, Tim. "From Sasstown to Zaria: Tom Coffee and the Kru Origins of the Soudan Interior Mission, 1893–1895." Studies in World Christianity 24, no. 1 (April 2018): 46–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/swc.2018.0204.

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This article 1 underscores the key role that Tom Coffee, an ethnic Kru migrant from Sasstown, Liberia, played in founding the Soudan Interior Mission (SIM). Coffee journeyed with Walter Gowans and Thomas Kent up into what is now northern Nigeria in 1894 to help establish SIM. Gowans and Kent died before they reached their destination, the walled city of Kano. SIM's other co-founder, Rowland Bingham, did not travel with his friends, and thus lived to tell his version of their story. By using materials written in the 1890s and secondary sources published more recently, this work provides new insights into SIM's first trip to Africa. The article begins by giving background information about the Kru and Sasstown and the impact that the Methodist Episcopal Church had on some of the people who lived in Sasstown after it established a mission there in 1889. Coffee's likely connection with the Methodist Church would have helped him understand the goal and strategy of his missionary employers. The article then discusses the journey Coffee and the two SIM missionaries took up into the hinterland. The fortitude that Coffee showed as he travelled into the interior reflects the ethos of his heritage and town of origin. Coffee represents just one of millions of indigenous peoples – the vast number whose stories are now not known – who worked alongside expatriate missionaries to establish Christianity around the world. It is fitting, during SIM's quasquicentennial, to tell this story about this African who helped the three North American missionaries establish SIM.

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16

Baldwin, Lewis V. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865–1900. By Julius H. Bailey. The History of African-American Religions. Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2005. xii + 153 pp. $59.95 cloth." Church History 75, no. 3 (September 2006): 684–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700098899.

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17

Volkman, Lucas P. "Church Property Disputes, Religious Freedom, and the Ordeal of African Methodists in Antebellum St. Louis: Farrar v. Finney (1855)." Journal of Law and Religion 27, no. 1 (January 2012): 83–139. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0748081400000539.

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In October 1846, the men and women of the African Methodist Episcopal Church in St. Louis (African Church) met to consider whether they would remain with the Methodist Episcopal Church (MEC) or align with the recently-formed Methodist Episcopal Church, South (MECS). Two years earlier, in 1844, amid growing conflict over the question of slavery within the national Methodist Church, its General Conference had adopted a Plan of Separation that provided for the withdrawal of the southern Methodists and the creation of their own ecclesiastical government. The Plan provided that each Border State congregation would have the right to determine for itself by a vote of the majority with which of the two churches it would affiliate.After the southern conferences had organized the new MECS in May 1845, the trustees of the all-white Fourth Street Methodist Church (Fourth Street Church), whose quarterly conference exercised nominal authority over the African Church, informed the black congregants that they could retain their house of worship only if they voted to join the southern Methodists. Throwing caution to the wind, and putting at risk a decade-and-a-half of patient efforts to achieve formal congregational independence within the Methodist Church, the black congregants voted decisively, by a 110 to 7 margin, to remain affiliated with the Northern Conference.

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18

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnody of the African Methodist Episcopal Church." American Music 8, no. 3 (1990): 274. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052097.

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19

Yardley, Anne Bagnall. "Choirs in the Methodist Episcopal Church, 1800-1860." American Music 17, no. 1 (1999): 39. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3052373.

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20

Spencer, Jon Michael. "The Hymnal of the Christian Methodist Episcopal Church." Black Sacred Music 3, no. 1 (March 1, 1989): 53–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/10439455-3.1.53.

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21

Heatwole, Charles. "A Geography of the African Methodist Episcopal Zion Church." Southeastern Geographer 26, no. 1 (1986): 1–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/sgo.1986.0006.

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22

Martin, S. D. "Review: Social Protest Thought in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1862-1939." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187.

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23

Limbo, Ernest M., and Julius H. Bailey. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900." Journal of Southern History 72, no. 4 (November 1, 2006): 963. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27649282.

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24

문영걸. "The Siberia Mission of the Methodist Episcopal Church, South in Korea (1920-1931)." Christianity and History in Korea ll, no. 34 (March 2011): 121–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.18021/chk..34.201103.121.

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25

Best, W. D. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865 -1900." Journal of American History 93, no. 2 (September 1, 2006): 543. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4486304.

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26

Waldrep, Christopher. "The Use and Abuse of the Law: Public Opinion and United Methodist Church Trials of Ministers Performing Same-Sex Union Ceremonies." Law and History Review 30, no. 4 (November 2012): 953–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0738248012000545.

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Law in the United Methodist Church (UMC) is a product of democracy, written by elected delegates to a legislative body, recorded in a book entitledThe Book of Discipline of the United Methodist Church. As “a Book of Law,” theBook of Disciplineis “the only official and authoritative Book of Law of The Methodist Church,” according to the Methodist Church's Judicial Council in a landmark 1953 ruling. Despite this declaration, the Judicial Council had no idea in 1953 that it had addressed a question that in 20 years would divide not just the Methodists, but Americans and American Christians generally. In the last 30 years of the twentieth century, controversies over homosexuality led American Christians into debates over the role law should play in their churches, while Americans as a whole debated the role churches should play in their law. United Methodist conservatives discovered that by rallying populist majorities to rewrite church law, they could then use church trials to roll back what they saw as excesses from the 1960s still plaguing American society. Writing any law is necessarily a political process, but in the UMC, church trials became political battlegrounds as well, contests to determine if rank-and-file clergy approved church rules against anything resembling a same-sex marriage.

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27

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church, 1865-1900 (review)." Catholic Historical Review 93, no. 2 (2007): 452–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cat.2007.0161.

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28

Zscheile, Dwight J. "Beyond Benevolence: Toward a Reframing of Mission in the Episcopal Church." Journal of Anglican Studies 8, no. 1 (December 1, 2009): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355309990258.

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ABSTRACTToday’s changing context invites a rethinking of mission in the Episcopal Church. Based on a large-scale, grassroots intervention process in an American Episcopal diocese, this article identifies several operative missiological and ecclesiological categories in the Episcopal Church that warrant critical examination. The themes of democracy, inclusion, and benevolence are explored in light of their historical and theological background and against the sociological realities of the contemporary church. The article proposes a reframing of Episcopal mission in a more theological and Trinitarian direction using the themes of communion, companionship, creativity, and cultivation.

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29

Ranger, Terence, and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion. The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of Religion in Africa 27, no. 4 (November 1997): 426. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1581911.

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30

Watson, R. L., and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 30, no. 1 (1997): 144. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221554.

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31

Gregg, Robert, and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Journal of American History 83, no. 2 (September 1996): 638. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2945017.

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32

Kachun, Mitch, and Lawrence S. Little. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916." Journal of American History 88, no. 2 (September 2001): 667. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2675170.

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33

Kunnie, Julian E., and James T. Campbell. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." African Studies Review 40, no. 2 (September 1997): 215. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/525164.

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34

Close, Stacey. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." History: Reviews of New Books 24, no. 3 (April 1996): 138. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1996.9951344.

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35

Teasdale, Mark R. "Growth or Declension: Methodist Historians’ Treatment of the Relationship Between the Methodist Episcopal Church and the Culture of the United States." Theological Librarianship 3, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 34–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.31046/tl.v3i2.163.

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36

Schneider, A. Gregory. "A Conflict of Associations: The National Camp-Meeting Association for the Promotion of Holiness Versus the Methodist Episcopal Church." Church History 66, no. 2 (June 1997): 268–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170658.

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Hiram Mattison was fighting mad. Some of the holiness people in the Methodist Episcopal church had pulled a fast one. Early in 1867 the New York Preachers' Meeting had hosted a series of speeches on the question, “What are the best methods for promoting the experience of perfect love?” The discussion had been, in the words of one participant, “lengthy and pungent.” Mattison, a seminary professor and long-time opponent of the holiness movement, had weighed in with his professional theological polemics against the movement's doctrine and methods of promotion. He had expected that all the speeches would be published in a single volume. But the proponents of perfect love surreptitiously had withdrawn their manuscripts from the Methodist book room and had them published and copyrighted on their own. The original plan to publish a two-sided debate had been thus defeated, and the advocates of perfect love had scooped their opposition. What a move for people who professed to have attained Christian perfection, said Mattison. It must have paid well, he added, for three editions had been issued in just a few weeks.

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37

Park, SaeAm. "A Study of Learning Korean by the early Protestant missionaries - Focusing on the Methodist Episcopal Church -." Journal of the International Network for Korean Language and Culture 13, no. 3 (December 31, 2016): 119–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.15652/ink.2016.13.3.119.

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38

Dodson, Jualynne E. "Julius H. Bailey, Around the Family Altar: Domesticity in the African Methodist Episcopal Church 1865-1900." Journal of African American History 91, no. 4 (October 2006): 476–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/jaahv91n4p476.

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39

Martin, S. D. "Review: Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 71, no. 1 (March 1, 2003): 187–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaar/71.1.187-a.

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40

Podmore, Colin. "Two Streams Mingling: The American Episcopal Church in the Anglican Communion." Journal of Anglican Studies 9, no. 1 (September 14, 2010): 12–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740355310000045.

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AbstractThis article identifies and compares two ecclesiological ‘streams’ that coalesced when the Anglican Communion was definitively formed in 1867: the traditional western catholic ecclesiology of England and Ireland and the more democratic, egalitarian ecclesiology of the American Episcopal Church. These streams had already mingled in George Augustus Selwyn’s constitution for the New Zealand Church. Incorporation of laypeople into the Church of England’s synods represented further convergence. Nonetheless, different understandings of the role of bishops in church government are still reflected in attitudes to the respective roles in the Communion’s affairs of bishops and primates on the one hand and the more recent Anglican Consultative Council on the other. Differences between the two streams were noticeable at the 1867 Lambeth Conference. The efforts of Archbishops Davidson and Fisher, rooted in the work of Selwyn, to hold together what Selwyn called ‘the two branches of our beloved Church’ are praised.

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41

Robins, Roger. "Vernacular American Landscape: Methodists, Camp Meetings, and Social Respectability." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 4, no. 2 (1994): 165–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.1994.4.2.03a00020.

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In 1822, from his Conway home in the shadow of New Hampshire's White Mountains, one Dr. Porter surveyed the nation's religious landscape and prophesied, “in half a century there will be no Pagans, Jews, Mohammedans, Unitarians or Methodists.” The prophecy proved false on all counts, but it was most glaringly false in the case of the Methodists. In less than a decade, Porter's home state became the eighth to elect a Methodist governor. Should Porter have fled south into Massachusetts to escape the rising Methodist tide, he would only have been buying time. True, the citizens of Provincetown, Massachusetts, had, in 1795, razed a Methodist meetinghouse and tarred and feathered a Methodist in effigy. By 1851, however, the Methodists boasted a swelling Cape Cod membership, a majority of the church members on Martha's Vineyard, and a governor in the Massachusetts statehouse.

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42

Bulthuis, Kyle T. "Preacher Politics and People Power: Congregational Conflicts in New York City, 1810–1830." Church History 78, no. 2 (May 28, 2009): 261–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640709000481.

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The 1812 Methodist Episcopal Church general conference in New York City proved contentious. In his journal entry of May 17, Bishop Francis Asbury recorded that the conference participants hotly debated the power of the denomination's bishops, particularly regarding their unchecked right to appoint lesser ministers to positions of authority. While spirited, the disagreements did not deeply divide the contestants. That evening Asbury ate dinner with seventeen ministers, many of whom had fought on opposite sites. Asbury commented, “We should thank God we are not at war with each other, as are the Episcopalians, with the pen and the press as their weapons of warfare.”

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STRANGE, THOMAS. "Alexander Crummell and the Anti-Slavery Dilemma of the Episcopal Church." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 4 (May 8, 2019): 767–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046919000551.

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Alexander Crummell's application to enter the General Theological Seminary in 1839 was problematic for the Episcopal Church. Admitting the African American abolitionist would have exacerbated divisions over slavery within a denomination still recovering from the American Revolution and the Second Great Awakening. The Church's increasing financial dependence on its upper-class members was a further complication. In Northern states the social elite supported anti-abolitionist violence, whilst in the South support for the Church came predominantly from slaveholders, who opposed any form of abolitionism. In order to safeguard the Episcopal Church's future, the denomination had to reject Crummell's application.

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Seraile, William, and Annetta Louise Gomez-Jefferson. "In Darkness with God: The Life of Joseph Gomez, a Bishop in the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of American History 87, no. 2 (September 2000): 743. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2568902.

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Martin, Sandy Dwayne, and Annetta Louise Gomez-Jefferson. "In Darkness with God: The Life of Joseph Gomez, A Bishop in the African Methodist Episcopal Church." Journal of Southern History 67, no. 2 (May 2001): 482. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3069915.

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Harvey, Louis Charles. "Book Review: … Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa." Missiology: An International Review 26, no. 2 (April 1998): 225–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/009182969802600238.

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47

Ernst, Eldon G. "The Emergence of California in American Religious Historiography." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 11, no. 1 (2001): 31–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2001.11.1.31.

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On Sunday, October 23, 1983, a notable event occurred in San Francisco. A celebration of music, word, and prayer commemorated the five-hundredth birthday of the great Protestant reformer, Martin Luther. Leaders of the Episcopal, Baptist, Methodist, Presbyterian, Congregational, and Lutheran traditions took part in the service. Representatives of many other denominations marched in the processional singing “A Mighty Fortress Is Our God.” Choral settings from the Greek Orthodox service framed the liturgy. Most remarkable, the Roman Catholic archbishop of San Francisco opened the ceremony, and the event took place in St. Mary's Cathedral. Reformation-rooted Protestant Christianity thus was recognized by a broad panorama of world Christian traditions that had lived side by side for well over a century in the strongly Catholic City of Saint Francis by the Golden Gate.

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Yun, En Seok. "The Korean War and the Support of the Korean Methodist Church in Korea by the American Methodist Church : From 1950 to 1955." ACTS Theological Journal 39 (April 30, 2019): 59–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.19114/atj.39.2.

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49

Ashcraft, William M. "Songs of Zion: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the United States and South Africa. James T. Campbell." Journal of Religion 77, no. 3 (July 1997): 475–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490039.

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Pinn, Anthony B. "Disciples of Liberty: The African Methodist Episcopal Church in the Age of Imperialism, 1884-1916. Lawrence S. Little." Journal of Religion 81, no. 4 (October 2001): 648–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/490954.

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