Academic literature on the topic 'American Nazi Party'

Em novembro de 1979, na cidade de Greensboro, na Carolina do Norte, manifestantes do Partido dos Trabalhadores Comunistas (Communist Workers’ Party - CWP) foram assassinados por membros do Ku Klux Klan (KKK) e do Partido Nazi Americano (American Nazi Party - ANP). Os homicídios aconteceram durante um protesto organizado pelo CWP em oposição à KKK e faziam parte de um contexto maior de oposição entre comunistas e trabalhadores negros, de um lado, e nazistas e supremacistas brancos, de outro. O massacre foi televisionado, gerando grande mobilização da população local, e ganhou notoriedade em todo o país. Décadas depois, em 2004, houve a instalação da Comissão da Verdade e Reconciliação de Greensboro (CVRG) para analisar os impactos desses fatos e fazer recomendações para sua reparação. A pesquisa foi iniciada na tentativa de compreender e analisar as nuances restaurativas da prática transicional de Greensboro. Contudo, ao tomarmos contato com a complexidade e a relevância dos fatos históricos, optamos por distribuir a pesquisa em diferentes artigos. Este é o primeiro destes trabalhos, propondo-se a compreender e contextualizar o massacre, apresentando as relações entre comunistas, nazistas, Ku Klux Klan e sindicatos que culminaram no evento de 03 de novembro de 1979. Para isso, partimos do seguinte problema de pesquisa: como o Partido Comunista dos Trabalhadores, o Partido Nazi Americano e a Ku Klux Klan estavam envolvidos no massacre de Greensboro?

The Western European protest movement against the American War in Vietnam stands out as something unique in contemporary history. Here finally, after all the senseless horrors of the twentieth century, reason speaks, demanding an end to Western atrocities against the poor South. But in the rosy fog of humanistic idealism and youthful revolution lies the unanswered question, why did this and not any other conflicts, before or after, render such an intense, widespread reaction? Taking Sweden as a case in point, this article employs the concepts of resistance, trauma, memory, and repetition to explore why the Vietnam movement came into being just as the buried history of the Holocaust resurfaced in a series of well-publicized trials of Nazi war criminals. It suggests that the protests of the radical young Leftists against American “imperialism” and “genocide” were informed by repressed memories of the Holocaust. The Swedish anti-war protests had unique and far-reaching consequences. The ruling Social Democratic Party, in order not to lose these younger Left wing voters to Communism, also engaged actively against the Vietnam War. And, somewhat baffling for a political party often criticized for close ties to Nazi Germany during WWII, its messaging used the same rhetoric as the Far Left, echoing Nazi anti-Semitic propaganda.

Although never more than a junior partner or rival to the hegemonic powers Great Britain and United States, the German states and later the Reich have since independence played an important role in the foreign relations of Latin America. German-Latin American relations in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries have been the subject of a growing body of research over the last three decades. The interest of historians has focused on the development of these relations throughout the nineteenth century, the era of German imperialism 1890-1914, and on the infiltration of National Socialism and its Auslandsorganisation (organization for Nazi party members living abroad) in Latin America from 1933 to 1945. In addition, the reconstruction of German ties to the Latin American states after the Second World War and postwar emigration from Germany to Latin America are subjects which scholars have recendy begun to analyze.

The Jewish Labor Committee (JLC), founded in New York in 1934, was the vanguard of American labor's anti-Nazi and antifascist activism. The JLC grew out of the Jewish labor movement in the US. In 1940–1941, it achieved the rescue of hundreds of European labor and social-democratic party leaders trapped in France by the invading German army or in Lithuania by the Soviet army. Among these persons were some of the foremost leaders of the Labour and Socialist International and of the International Federation of Trade Unions. Many others were Polish Bundists, the JLC's founders' original political family, doubly exposed to Nazi brutality by their Jewish identity and social-democratic positions. This event is the focal point from which American labor's international solidarity for the labor victims of Nazism and fascism can be observed. In addition, the connection between the JLC and the Emergency Rescue Committee whose agent, Varian Fry, rescued artists and intellectuals, is also established in the paper.

Hunt for Nazis is the first comprehensive account of the post-1945 efforts to bring Nazi war criminals who had escaped to South America to justice. The author shows that the Nazi hunt -- which resulted in spectacular cases like the kidnapping of Adolf Eichmann -- should not only be understood as part of the afterlife of the Third Reich, but that it also became an integral aspect of dealing with repression at the hands of authoritarian regimes in South America. Dissidents and human rights activists assumed that the escaped Nazi perpetrators and collaborators continued to be involved in violent crimes in the service of these new dictatorships.

AbstractIn general, historians of science and historians of ideas do not focus on critical appraisals of scientific ideas such as vitalism and materialism from Catholic intellectuals in eastern and southeastern Europe, nor is there much comparative work available on how significant European ideas in the life sciences such as materialism and vitalism were understood and received outside of France, Germany, Italy and the UK. Insofar as such treatments are available, they focus on the contributions of nineteenth century vitalism and materialism to later twentieth ideologies, as well as trace the interactions of vitalism and various intersections with the development of genetics and evolutionary biology see Mosse (The culture of Western Europe: the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Westview Press, Boulder, 1988, Toward the final solution: a history of European racism. Howard Fertig Publisher, New York, 1978; Turda et al., Crafting humans: from genesis to eugenics and beyond. V&R Unipress, Goettingen, 2013). English and American eugenicists (such as William Caleb Saleeby), and scores of others underscored the importance of vitalism to the future science of “eugenics” (Saleeby, The progress of eugenics. Cassell, New York, 1914). Little has been written on materialism qua materialism or vitalism qua vitalism in eastern Europe.The Czech and Slovene cases are interesting for comparison insofar as both had national awakenings in the middle of the nineteenth century which were linguistic and scientific, while also being religious in nature (on the Czech case see David, Realism, tolerance, and liberalism in the Czech National awakening: legacies of the Bohemian reformation. Johns Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, 2010; on the Slovene case see Kann and David, Peoples of the Eastern Habsburg Lands, 1526-1918. University of Washington Press, Washington, 2010). In the case of many Catholic writers writing in Moravia, there are not only slight noticeable differences in word-choice and construction but a greater influence of scholastic Latin, all the more so in the works of nineteenth century Czech priests and bishops.In this case, German, Latin and literary Czech coexisted in the same texts. Thus, the presence of these three languages throws caution on the work on the work of Michael Gordin, who argues that scientific language went from Latin to German to vernacular. In Czech, Slovenian and Croatian cases, all three coexisted quite happily until the First World War, with the decades from the 1840s to the 1880s being particularly suited to linguistic flexibility, where oftentimes writers would put in parentheses a Latin or German word to make the meaning clear to the audience. Note however that these multiple paraphrases were often polemical in the case of discussions of materialism and vitalism.In Slovenia Čas (Time or The Times) ran from 1907 to 1942, running under the muscular editorship of Fr. Aleš Ušeničnik (1868–1952) devoted hundreds of pages often penned by Ušeničnik himself or his close collaborators to wide-ranging discussions of vitalism, materialism and its implied social and societal consequences. Like their Czech counterparts Fr. Matěj Procházka (1811–1889) and Fr. Antonín LenzMaterialismMechanismDynamism (1829–1901), materialism was often conjoined with "pantheism" and immorality. In both the Czech and the Slovene cases, materialism was viewed as a deep theological problem, as it made the Catholic account of the transformation of the Eucharistic sacrifice into the real presence untenable. In the Czech case, materialism was often conjoined with “bestiality” (bestialnost) and radical politics, especially agrarianism, while in the case of Ušeničnik and Slovene writers, materialism was conjoined with “parliamentarianism” and “democracy.” There is too an unexamined dialogue on vitalism, materialism and pan-Slavism which needs to be explored.Writing in 1914 in a review of O bistvu življenja (Concerning the essence of life) by the controversial Croatian biologist Boris Zarnik) Ušeničnik underscored that vitalism was an speculative outlook because it left the field of positive science and entered the speculative realm of philosophy. Ušeničnik writes that it was “Too bad” that Zarnik “tackles” the question of vitalism, as his zoological opinions are interesting but his philosophy was not “successful”. Ušeničnik concluded that vitalism was a rather old idea, which belonged more to the realm of philosophy and Thomistic theology then biology. It nonetheless seemed to provide a solution for the particular characteristics of life, especially its individuality. It was certainly preferable to all the dangers that materialism presented. Likewise in the Czech case, Emmanuel Radl (1873–1942) spent much of his life extolling the virtues of vitalism, up until his death in home confinement during the Nazi Protectorate. Vitalism too became bound up in the late nineteenth century rediscovery of early modern philosophy, which became an essential part of the development of new scientific consciousness and linguistic awareness right before the First World War in the Czech lands. Thus, by comparing the reception of these ideas together in two countries separated by ‘nationality’ but bounded by religion and active engagement with French and German ideas (especially Driesch), we can reconstruct not only receptions of vitalism and materialism, but articulate their political and theological valances.

This chapter evaluates the status and prospects of trade unions and works councils in Nazi Germany. The report details that the German trade-union movement has developed in a different direction from American unionism. The German unions were affiliated with political parties: the Free Trade-Unions with the Social Democratic Party; the Christian-National Trade-Unions with the Center Party and the German National People's Party; and the German Trade Associations (Hirsch-Duncker) with the Democratic Party. The chapter first provides an overview of trade unionism in Germany prior to Adolf Hitler's ascension to power before discussing the spontaneous revival of trade unionism after the collapse of the Nazi regime. It then considers trade-union development in the Allied zones of occupation and in the Soviet zone of occupation, along with the revival of the works councils or shop stewards movement. It also addresses the question of the “political neutrality” of the trade-union movement.

From April 1940 to May 1945, Denmark was occupied by German forces. These years were, surprisingly, marked by expansion and progress in all aspects of Danish film culture: import of British and American films was banned, reducing foreign competition. Tracing the machinations of key figures in the industry, this chapter argues that overall, Danish film companies allowed business interests to overrule ideological concerns, and they did so with impunity. A case in point is the feature film discussed in this chapter, Afsporet (Derailed, Bodil Ipsen and Lau Lauritzen Jr., 1942). The female lead in this film noir, Illona Wieselmann, was forced to flee to neutral Sweden after being betrayed by the film’s producer, Henning Karmark, who had joined the Danish Nazi Party. Karmark was nevertheless able to resume his lucrative career as film tycoon after the Second World War.

What was America’s Good Neighbor policy? Washington’s closer ties to Bogotá were part of a broader U.S. effort throughout Latin America to be a “good neighbor,” something President Franklin Delano Roosevelt had promised in his inaugural speech in March 1933.¹ FDR’s “radical...

This chapter discusses a sermon by Abraham H. Feinberg on the outbreak of World War II. The sermon is divided into two parts that appear to be in tension with each other. The first part is a condemnation of Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime and of Hitler as a psychopathic criminal. Like many other rabbis, the preacher also lashes out against the self-delusion of European countries that allowed the Nazi regime to survive and flourish despite abundant evidence that Hitler could not be trusted. The second part of the sermon draws a conclusion that seems astonishing today, yet represents an almost universal consensus among American rabbis at the time: ‘impossible as it is to maintain neutrality of opinion, sanity still prescribes neutrality of action’. This second part contains not only an argument to sustain the non-interventionist position, but a rebuke of the failings of American society that need to be corrected. The argument is made without appeal to Jewish sources; the New Year occasion is invoked at the beginning and the end, as the imagery of the final paragraph builds to a rather poignant conclusion.

Abstract Boycott actions against Jewish shops had a long tradition in Germany, reaching back to the nineteenth century. This chapter begins with a brief synopsis of boycotts before 1933 and their regional centers. It then focuses on the wave of global protests in reaction to antisemitic violence in Germany. These protests, which set in by mid-March 1933, quickly led to a closing of the ranks within Germany and were then used as a pretext by the new government for the 1 April boycott against Jewish shops and lawyers’ and doctors’ offices. The actual day of the boycott, the reactions of the German population, and the violent attacks on the Jewish population constitute the centerpiece of this chapter. In contrast to the assumptions of previous research (as well as of British and American diplomatic reports at the time), Saturday, 1 April 1933, did not pass peacefully. As shown here, numerous violent attacks, beatings, torture, and even murders occurred on that day (in addition to the well-known prominent case of the Friedrich Schumm murder in Kiel). The chapter then concludes with a brief examination of the psychological impact of the boycott on the Jewish population, the local and regional continuation of anti-Jewish boycotts, the social pressure not to buy in Jewish shops, and the repressive measures taken against those Germans (in particular civil servants and, paradoxically, Nazi Party wmembers) who continued to patronize Jewish shops.

This chapter explains the interplay of race, gender, and opera after 1945. Narratives of post-war West German and Austrian cultural life frequently show Anglo-American actors as the primary agents of change. Following the Holocaust and the Nazi racial state, the Allied powers pushed policies to drastically alter the function of German musical culture. Longstanding notions of Blackness shaped the production and reception of operas featuring Black singers in West Germany and Austria. The chapter references Annabelle Bernard, the first Black woman to be part of a German ensemble, who indicated the lack of opportunity in America made her stay in Europe to sing.

This chapter examines how the Nazi authorities used the Deutsche Tauchnitz series—which consisted of “special editions of modern German novels, to be disseminated for propaganda purposes only in countries outside Germany that Hitler occupies”—in an attempt to make German culture accessible to continental readers. In the early part of World War II, the German book trade had plenty of books to sell. The problem was how to make foreign readers want to read them. To address this issue, Nazi propaganda officials launched what scholars have since called “an international soft power campaign.” Deutsche Tauchnitz was formed based on the model used by Albatross Press and Bernhard Tauchnitz for producing Anglo-American books. This chapter considers how German literature for export became a major agenda at both the Reich Literary Chamber and Foreign Office and the role played by Wolfgang Krause-Brandstetter in this initiative.