Dissertations / Theses: 'American political development'

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Young, McGee Wester Andersen Kristi. "Achieving access groups, processes, and American political development /." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available full text, 2004. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Strickler, Jeremy. "Between Guns and Butter: Cold War Presidents, Agenda-Setting, and Visions of National Strength." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/19339.

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This project investigates how the emergent ideological, institutional, and political commitments of the national defense and security state shape the domestic programmatic agendas of modern presidents. Applying a historical and developmental analysis, I trace this dynamic from its origin in the twin crises of the Great Depression and World War II to examine how subsequent presidents since Franklin D. Roosevelt have navigated the intersecting politics of this warfare -welfare nexus. I use original, archival research to examine communications between the president and his staff, cabinet members, administration officials, and Congressional leaders to better appreciate how the interaction of these dual political commitments are reflected in the formulation and promotion of the president’s budgetary requests and domestic policy initiatives. More directly, I focus on the relationship between the national security politics of the Cold War and the efforts of Presidents Truman and Eisenhower to support their objectives in either the expansion or retrenchment of the New Deal-liberal welfare state. My research suggests that Cold War concerns occasionally aided the growth of the welfare state in areas such as public health and federal aid to education, while at other times defense and security anxieties provided the backdrop for presidential efforts to diminish the political capacity of the welfare state. More specifically, I find that both Truman and Eisenhower constructed visions of national strength which framed their initiatives in national defense and social welfare as interrelated goals. In the end, I argue that the changing institutions, ideologies, and international commitments of the warfare state present both opportunities and challenges for presidents to articulate political visions in service of domestic policy advancement.

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Goodman, Thomas. "Constitutional Dysfunction: Assessing American Institutional Development." Thesis, Boston College, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/2345/bc-ir:106968.

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Thesis advisor: Kenneth I. Kersch
There is a widespread belief among Americans that the nation’s political system suffers from dysfunction. It is, therefore, worth asking whether the Constitution has been complicit in contributing to the perceived political dysfunction. Does the United States, in effect, suffer from constitutional dysfunction? I conclude that political and societal developments subsequent to the Founding have retooled and repurposed American governing institutions, rendering their function antithetical to the original design of the Constitution. The long-term and collective effects of these changes may contribute to contemporary constitutional dysfunction. At the outset, I discuss general purposes and functions of constitutions. By describing constitutional functionality, we can better grasp the nature of when constitutions work and when they fail to function. As such, we will be best equipped to not only design a metric by which to measure constitutional dysfunction, but to apply this rubric to the American regime. “Chapter Two” will detail the framing of the American Constitution and explore the principles undergirding its creation. “Chapter Three” will cover the so-called “unfounding,” the processes and developments which have changed the character of governing institutions. “Chapter Four” will focus on proposed solutions which may be both misguided and potentially problematic. Finally, “Chapter Five” will consider the best approach to addressing American constitutional dysfunction
Thesis (MA) — Boston College, 2016
Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences
Discipline: Political Science

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Mattila, Lindsey L. "The Development of Washington, D.C. and the Rise of Political Disconnect." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1627.

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The United States is experiencing very low levels of trust in the government and in Washington. To the average American, Washington, D.C. seems like a bubble filled with well-off, over-educated citizens who are out of touch with the daily lives of Americans elsewhere in the country. This thesis explores this trend, the severity of it, how often it has occurred thus far in American history, the causes, and potential solutions to bridging the gap between the political elite and the average American. This paper is broken up into three topics which explain a portion of the cause for the disconnect. The first chapter focuses on the history of Washington, D.C. as a city and how its development has contributed to political disconnect. The second chapter looks at the history and transitions of a congressional career. Lastly, the third chapter explores the history of public perception of government, in order to put today’s low levels of trust into better context. I ultimately find that the city of Washington used to be a small, quaint city on a hill that was open to all. Now, it is a fortress of power, but much of this was inevitable. In order to compensate for the increasing complexity of governmental tasks, the government added more people and more buildings to take on this problem solving. This inevitably led to a bubble of well-educated and well-off citizens. Similarly, a representative today has many more tasks than the representative a century ago. He also must have many more resources to even get elected. As Washington developed and become a more attractive city as it accumulated power, it drew a new type of citizen. A type that does not look, act, or think like the average American. While these developments led to the disconnect, they were in many ways inevitable. Based on the chapter on public perception of government, I find that Americans are distrustful of those in office and of the ways that these people use the government, but they still have faith in the political institutions themselves. This shows that there is potential for reform to help Americans feel better represented, and to help the government be more responsive to the average Americans’ most pressing problems. While there are many aspects of Congress that could be modified, the conclusion chapter looks specifically at reforms that are inspired by the input of Americans. This includes reform to political debate and discourse, lobbying, congressional voting, and more.

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Zaferatos, Nicholas Christos. "Political sovereignty in Native American community development : implications for tribal planning strategies /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10795.

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Froman, Michael B. "The development of the idea of detente in American political discourse, 1952-1985." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.253803.

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Hite, James Emory. "The Institutional Development of the American Vice Presidency." PDXScholar, 2011. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/354.

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The ongoing disregard for the American vice presidency, and for those who would and do hold the office, in conjunction with the scarcity of academic research devoted specifically to the development of the institution, warrants the following study. Indeed, this study is relatively novel to the existent body of political science research which ventures to evaluate the vice presidency. Generally, research and publications on the vice presidency have tended to focus on variables such as ticket-balancing and home-state advantage; critiques of individual vice presidents; and more recently, specific policy spheres where modern vice presidents have been involved. In contrast, this project is devoted exclusively to isolating the institutional markers that have increased the broad utility of the position of vice president of the United States and, in the process, have augmented the development of the vice-presidential institution. These institutional markers include augmentation by precedent, statute, and constitutional amendment; increases in the resources made available to the institution; the addition of institutional identifiers; and the gradual accumulation of policy portfolios and responsibilities assigned to vice presidents. Underscoring each of the preceding institutional markers has been the vital role specific presidents have played in facilitating the development of the vice-presidential institution; indeed, the form and the substance of the vice presidency today is almost entirely the product of presidential initiative. In total, this study represents an interpretive synthesis of the historical record of the American vice presidency and how that record reflects the development of the institution. In the end, salient institutional markers have led to the development of a modern, utilitarian institution, one that is now fully integrated into the executive government. Of equal import, the standing of the vice presidency today, legitimizes the individual serving in the office, and furthers the influence of the vice president in the executive government. And, in telling the story of the development of the vice presidency, it is readily apparent that a combination of anecdotal and empirical evidence support the thesis of a changed institution, closely integrated with, and dependent upon, the presidency.

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French-Hodson, Ruth Anne. "The paradox of the American state : public-private partnerships in American state-building." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:b6729fb6-4d5e-4e90-abe9-4b384f9f2402.

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From its formation, the American federal government partnered with private organizations to accomplish state goals. With little formal organizational capacity, the American state relied on the resources and credibility of private organizations. This thesis investigates the success of public-private partnerships in American state-building. By looking at alternative enforcement mechanisms, this thesis adds to theories of state-building and private power. The American experience helps us conceive a more nuanced perspective on state formation that recognizes the state’s varying tools rather than focusing solely on the development of formal organizational capacity. The questions driving this thesis are: How can public-private partnerships expand state capacity? Are there systematic differences in the outcomes and purposes of partnerships based on the branch of government – whether legislative, presidential, bureaucratic, or judicial – that mediates the partnership? My case studies examine the use of partnerships in the early state’s interactions with American Indian tribes. The cases put these general questions into more focus by examining if these partnerships expanded state capacity to dictate the terms of engagement and the content of racial orders. When these partnerships expand capacity, I explore the ways in which this state goal is accomplished. However, I remain acutely aware of the potential for partnerships to both fail to build capacity or become merely means to service a private interest.

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Snarr, Michael Ty. "Latin American foreign policy toward the United States from 1948-1978 : exploring the salience of development strategies /." The Ohio State University, 1995. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487864986609464.

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Tabbasum, Salamat Ali. "The political economy of the United States aid for development and democracy in Pakistan since 2002." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2014. https://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708280.

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Black, James H. "How Business Climate and Political Climate Influence Economic Growth and Economic Development in the American States." Fogler Library, University of Maine, 2010. http://www.library.umaine.edu/theses/pdf/BlackJH2010.pdf.

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Hotson, Louisa. "Scholarly solutions : the development of American political science from the Gilded Age to the Great Society." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:12d8fe69-04e1-413d-ab05-8e12e79a9f15.

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This thesis describes the development of the discipline of Political Science in the United States between the so-called 'Gilded Age' of the late nineteenth century and the heyday of expertise ushered in by the 'Great Society' programmes of the 1960s. It assumes a novel approach to the history of American Political Science by focusing on the interface between the discipline and society. This marks a break from, on the one hand, 'internal' disciplinary histories which pay scant attention to the broader social and political environment in which the discipline of Political Science was situated and, on the other hand, historical surveys that give only limited attention to the intellectual concerns and preoccupations of its practitioners. As a discipline oriented to the challenges of an expanding government in a nation that - despite a massive growth of government during the twentieth century - has been characterised by suspicions of both centralization and of 'experts', the development of the discipline was never unproblematic. But this thesis describes how leading proponents of the discipline have responded to these challenges and established the study of American politics within the American academy. It argues that the first generation of American political scientists were stimulated into existence by the rapid maturation of American government and politics at the end of nineteenth century, and subsequent generations were animated by its ongoing growth and rapid development during the twentieth. The development of the discipline was also shaped by the rising lot of the 'expert' in American life more generally - although their claims never went unchallenged. In describing the past of American Political Science, this thesis illuminates broader trends relating to the growth of American government in the twentieth century, the rise of experts in American society and a peculiar dilemma of our own time: as American political scientists find it harder to think of the 'big picture' of American politics today.

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Orozalieva, Karina. "Impact of globalization on socio-economic and political development of the Central Asian countries." Scholar Commons, 2010. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1730.

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The main objective of this thesis is to understand the economic, social and political impacts of globalization on the Kyrgyzstan, Kazakhstan and Central Asian countries in general. The empirical studies based on panel data analyses and the case study on Kyrgyzstan demonstrate that the socio-economic effect of globalization on development of these countries is twofold. On the one hand benefits produced by globalization such as migration and remittances can be useful for economic development in the short run. They take a role of a "shock absorber" of the challenges that are associated with transition to a free market economy. On the other hand, their long term economic impacts can be negative especially in the areas of industry and export. Moreover, it can have a negative effect in the future creating a loss of human capital and distorting traditional forms of social structures within societies. The political impact of globalization is also dual. The empirical analysis that is based on simple regression analysis demonstrates that adoption of liberal democracy model by Central Asian governments is not a necessary condition for successful economic growth. Countries can be democratic and have low or medium socio-economic development such as India or Ukraine. They also can be undemocratic and developed as China or Kazakhstan. To find a certain connection between democracy and development it is needed to look at other important economic, geo-political and social factors that can contribute to the development. On the other hand regional and global challenges produced by globalization forced Central Asian countries to find a political position that would satisfy interests of inside and outside actors as well as provide proper environment for stable political and economic development. The descriptive analysis demonstrates that Central Asian countries chose the path of political integration and cooperation by being involved in regional institutions such as SCO and EEC. This strategy can help them to withstand challenges produced by globalization and promote political stability and economic growth in the region.

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Taylor, Carylanna Kathryn. "Shaping Topographies of Home: A Political Ecology of Migration." Scholar Commons, 2011. http://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/3742.

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Even from afar, transnational migrants influence how their households and communities of origin use natural resources. This study depicts the circulation of people, funds, and ideas within transnational families that extend from a Honduran village to the United States. Developing a "political ecology of migration" approach, I show how these circulations can reshape resource use practices and the socio-economic and bio-physical topographies of emigrants' former homes. The project advances anthropological thought by linking rich literatures on political ecology and transnationalism through a multi-method ethnography of transnational families. The study is also relevant to emigrants, community members, and practitioners interested in incorporating emigrants and remittances into development and conservation projects. The multi-sited project is anchored in a 380-household Honduran village, located in Cerro Azul Meámbar National Park, and encompasses the movement and practices of its residents and emigrants, including two secondary study sites in the United States. Research began with four focus groups. These formed the basis for 51 household village-wide structured interviews on experiences, practices, and beliefs related to remitting, migration, communication, farming, and natural resource use. I worked closely with four of these families in Honduras and at their emigrant family members' homes in south Florida and Long Island, New York. Through in-depth interviews, participant observation, and diaries tracking remittances and discourse through phone conversations, the multi-sited project traces transnational flows of funds, people, and ideas within the families. The ethnography highlights factors that shape, encourage, or impede emigrants' participation in natural resource management and development activities, as well as unintended socio-economic and environmental consequences of their actions. Study participants spend remittances not only on more commonly documented health, education, housing, and food, but also on a number of areas that directly impact the socio-natural landscape: farm inputs, cattle-ranching, land, labor, firewood collection, and a village-wide potable water project. How money is earned, sent, and spent is affected by emigrants' perceptions of home - perceptions shaped by phone calls, visits, nostalgia, precarious economic and immigration status, plans to return, and dreams of a better future for themselves and their children. Some environmental impacts are directly related to spending decisions, such as the decision to buy agrochemicals. In other cases, impacts arise from nonmonetary relationships, such as lending land. The study's political ecology of migration approach shows how emigrants' remitting and communication practices within transnational family networks translate into material, landscape impacting practices in their households and village of origin. The study contributes to a more nuanced treatment of material practices and places in migration research and provides political ecology with a network based approach to capturing transnational dynamics impacting local livelihoods and landscapes. Ethnographic understanding of these dynamics has the potential to assist researchers, practitioners, and policy makers to take migrants into account in development of interventions and as well as to understand how their practices and beliefs shape and reshape the topographies of their current and original homes.

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Thomas, Justin. "Development of protected areas| Agriculture, conservation, and political decentralization in the La Amistad Pacific Conservation Area of Costa Rica." Thesis, University of Missouri - Columbia, 2016. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10157764.

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The study presented here focuses on development activity in several communities across two districts of rural Costa Rica. The remainder of this introductory chapter provides a brief description of the study location and elaborates a brief statement about the motivations of this research. A review of relevant literature is provided in Chapter 2, followed by a discussion of the research approach, questions, and study methods in Chapter 3. (Abstract shortened by ProQuest.)

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Young, Andrew James. "Behind the Loyalist minority, American-Upper Canadians' contributions to the development of early colonial political opposition, 1805-1828." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1999. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk1/tape9/PQDD_0016/MQ42708.pdf.

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Collins, John F. "Efforts To Promote Tourism As A Catalyst For Urban Redevelopment In Florida: Insights From The Anthropology Of Tourism And An Annotated Bibliography." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2004. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0000543.

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Morris, Adam J. "The Effects On a State When They Lose Their Senior Senator." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2010. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/41.

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The Primary purpose of this paper is to examine the role and importance of Senior Senators in the US Senate. Many states rely on Senators to bring in federal spending in the form of pork. When states lose their Senior Senator and the power they accumulated through increased tenure, they risk losing certain benefits in terms of pork. We use federal expenditures per dollar of tax and analyze how it is affected by Seniority in the Senate. Population, Income, and unemployment rates in each state were controlled for in our regression analysis. It is concluded that increased tenure significantly increases federal spending to Senators’ states. Though this is statistically significant, we find the effects of losing a Senior Senator to be insignificant in the overall welfare of a state.

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Shade, Lindsay. "Politics below the Surface: A Political Ecology of Mineral Rights and Land Tenure Struggles in Appalachia and the Andes." UKnowledge, 2017. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/geography_etds/50.

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This dissertation examines how confusion and lack of access to information about subsurface property rights facilitates the rapid acquisition of mineral rights by mining interests, leaving those who live 'above the surface' to contend with complicated corporate and bureaucratic apparatuses. The research focuses on the first proposed state-run large scale mining project in Ecuador, believed to contain copper ores, and on the natural gas hydrofracking industry in three counties in north central West Virginia. Qualitative and visual methods, including mapping, are employed to determine (i.) how the geography of subsurface ownership patterns is changing, (ii.) links between changes in subsurface ownership and surface ownership, and (iii.) how these changes are facilitated or impeded by institutional and governance practices. Rights and permit acquisitions are facilitated by state institutions, which often have strategic interests in mineral development. Accordingly, this research also considers the role of state strategy with respect to the establishment, bureaucratic management, and enforcement of vertical territory, which reflects the state’s interest in and sovereign claim over subterranean resources to benefit the nation. The research finds that the historical separation of subsurface property rights from the surface is associated with a persistent weakening of surface holder claims to land in favor of mining development, and that this weakening has contributed to the long-term persistence of absentee ownership and control over land in Ecuador and West Virginia. Viewing subsurface land deals from the perspective of those whose lives are disrupted on the surface, I conclude from this work that mundane practices such as deed transfers and local micropolitics about land use are significant factors in the lead up to larger scale violences and silences, such as forced displacement and even political imprisonment of activists opposed to extraction.

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DeCanio, Samuel. "On the Autonomy of the Democratic State: How Mass Democracy Promotes State Power." The Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1218519180.

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Alexander, Kenneth Cooper. "Developing and Sustaining Political Citizenship for Poor and Marginalized People: The Evelyn T. Butts Story." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch1566483543046846.

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Vivares, Ernesto. "Towards a New International Political Economy of Regional Development Banks: The case of the Inter-American Development Bank and its role in the Argentine liberalisation process of the 1990s." Thesis, University of Sheffield, 2008. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.489866.

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This thesis seeks to investigate the changing nature and role in development of the Regional Development Banks (RDBs) via an investigation of the Inter-American Development Bank. (IDB) and its interventions and role in' the process of consolidation and decline of the Argentine convertibility regime in the 1990s. In particular, the thesis explores empirically the IDB's role through two case studies that reveal its complex political economic nature: first, the debt swap for the privatisation of electricity public utilities signalling the consolidation of the convertibility regime; second, the IDB's role during the process of decline of the regime and its interventions in the privatisation of social security and the international financial bailout aimed at keeping the system afloat. Applying a version of the new International Political Economy (new IPE) approach, the thesis traces the dynamics of the Latin American political economy of financing development, situating the IDB's development mission and role within the framework of globalisation, regionalism and multilateralism. The investigation examines the structural forces shaping the nature of the IDB and its role in the region throughout the period of the internationalisation of production and globalisation of development financing. In so doing, it draws particular attention to the IDB's' ohanging development mandate and its interventions in the region in relation to its hemispheric, regional and global commitments, revealing the dynamics of its technical, financial and political capabilities. Turning specifically to the case studies of the IDB's role in the consolidation and decline of the convertibility regime, the thesis examines the impact on development of what we call the power-balance legitimisation. Ultimately, the thesis intends to show the dynamic role of the IDB within the regional and domestic political economy, providing evidence concerning the exhaustion of the IDB's historical mandate as a result of a dominant economic focus of development challenging this historical institution to re-found its development mission in the region.

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Cintrón-Moscoso, Federico. "Articulating Social Change in Puerto Rico: Environmental Education as a Model for Youth Socio-Political Development and Community-Led School Reform." Scholar Commons, 2010. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/1600.

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Recent attempts at developing an environmental education agenda in public schools emphasize the need to foster greater public awareness about environmental rights, issues, and solutions, while producing citizens with the knowledge and skills needed to address the ecological challenges of contemporary society. However, some scholars have argued that the attempt to integrate environmental principles into the school curricula has created a conflict between the politically-oriented goals of environmental education and the more passive practices of uncritical assimilation and reproduction found in many schools today (Stevenson 2007). Moreover, although there is a need for public schools to take on the challenge of prioritizing environmental education, they may not be ready to do so. Ideological conflicts, structural constraints and perceptions about the urgency of the problem seem to affect the ways in which implementation of these new philosophies and practices take place. One approach that the environmental movement in Puerto Rico is utilizing to fulfill what they perceive as their responsibility to the new generations of Puerto Ricans and society at large is to partner with local elementary public schools in an effort to develop activities and knowledge relevant to local ecological issues and environmental principles. To better understand this complex articulation, I set out to conduct an ethnographic case study of Conuco, a youth-led activist group working in collaboration with four elementary schools in Río Piedras, Puerto Rico. Utilizing an eco-critical approach, this study looks at the multiple-levels in which Conuco intersects as a public organization and a transformative space for its individual members. By caring for and working with elementary school children, the young people in the study learn to behave in ways that are ecologically conscious while, at the same time, fulfilling their perceived social responsibility as mentors and environmental activists. However, while these practices might improve the performance of individual teachers and the level of awareness and participation of particular groups of students, they raise questions about the ability of the school system to confront these new challenges systematically by transforming the system of instruction and improving its commitment to the environment. How effective these strategies are and what they mean for all involved-teachers, students, and activists-are the primary questions being explored in this study.

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Meyer, David W. "The Bear and the Bull: A Comparative Study of Public Policy and Economic Growth in California and Texas." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2011. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/262.

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In the last quarter century, California state governance has been popularly perceived as gridlocked, misguided, and overrun by interest groups opposed to both population and economic growth. By contrast, the Texas government has consistently reaffirmed its commitment to low taxes, minimal regulation, and a business-friendly climate. This divergence crystallized in the wake up the 2008-09 global financial crisis, where California’s growth rate fell sharply while Texas felt the recession’s impact more mildly and recovered quickly. Because of their similarities in size, power, and demographics, comparing the two states is well-covered ground. Nevertheless, most comparisons employ a “scorecard” method where components of public policy--state finance, taxation, and regulation--are held in isolation and a “winner” is selected. Such studies are generally not informed by academic research that evaluates the actual correlation between these elements of public policy and economic growth. Concurrently, economic research is usually conducted in the abstract and neglects to evaluate individual states with regard to their policies. This paper seeks to integrate a detailed accounting of economic literature on subnational economic growth with a holistic comparison of Texas and California. I find that while California suffers from a variety of challenges, empirical support for “Texas-style” policies as necessary for state-level economic growth is relatively weak. Thus, I conclude that California’s return to prosperity is not dependent on adopting such policies.

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Conrad, Rachel E. "'Clean Energy' At What Cost?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/pitzer_theses/43.

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Ecuador was ‘refounded’ at the turn of the 21st century, with the articulation of progressive and inclusive ideals in a new Constitution. Social movements and leftist intellectuals in Ecuador have expressed that president Rafael Correa has failed to uphold the 2008 Constitution’s goals and values. President Correa and his Alianza PAIS government have utilized the rhetoric of the revolutionary ideals articulated in the Constitution, but in practice, they have continued to implement the status quo Western development model, and a large part of their development strategy involves ‘neo-extractive’ activities. Hydroelectric energy production is contributing to the ‘neo-extractive’ development model in Ecuador, and its implementation has often violated Constitutional rights. This thesis is an analysis of natural resource extraction in Ecuador and its social repercussions, with a focus on hydroelectric energy production. It is shown that the hydroelectric industry in Ecuador is not as “clean,” sustainable, or non-extractive as it is purported to be, through a case study of the San José del Tambo hydroelectric project and the exploration of an international support for hydroelectric extractivism, the United Nations Clean Development Mechanism, and its misleading framing of extractive projects as “sustainable development.” Social movements in Ecuador are acting to reverse the perversion of their originally revolutionary ideals, and to implement a post-extractive model informed by those revolutionary ideals.

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Bretnall, Ann L. "Establishing a farmers market for a low-income Latino community." [Tampa, Fla.] : University of South Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/SFE0001012.

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Mello, Natália Nóbrega de. "Do desenvolvimento global ao paradigma da ordem e da estabilidade: representações dos países pobres na teoria do desenvolvimento político norte-americana." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-09022010-123329/.

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As produções teóricas sobre os países pobres fundamentam a compreensão dessas nações seus problemas e os meios de solucioná-los em uma determinada representação do que seriam essas regiões do globo. Nesse sentido, é possível perceber que o próprio método científico para se abarcar o objeto, a possibilidade de se pensar em progresso, os termos desse progresso, tudo isso está baseado em uma determinada representação do que define esse atraso. A partir dessa perspectiva, esta dissertação analisa a transformação nos termos representacionais utilizados pela teoria do desenvolvimento político que foi produzida nos Estados Unidos durante as décadas de 1950 e 1960. Esta teoria é um objeto especialmente qualificado de estudo por haver se afastado, durante a década de 1960, da representação econômica e ter inserido de forma privilegiada os termos da insegurança, instabilidade e da ordem. Além de destrinchar essas transformações teóricas esta dissertação intenta ainda compreendê-las no interior do contexto de que fazem parte. Tal perspectiva não pretende entender as características desta produção teórica meramente como reflexo direto de interesses econômicos e políticos, mas principalmente verificar como as idéias incluindo aqui as formulações teóricas são importantes articulações que delimitam uma determinada forma de representar ou compreender o entorno social e político e, com isso, guiam as ações que são dirigidas a esse entorno.
Theoretical literature on poor countries uses as a base for its comprehension of these nations their problems and how to solve them a certain representation of what these regions of the globe would be. Accordingly, it is possible to observe that the scientific method itself used to grasp the object, the possibility of thinking about progress and the terms of this progress, are all based on a certain representation of what defines this backwardness. From this perspective, this dissertation analyzes this transformation in the representational terms used by the theory of political development that was produced in the United States during the 1950s and 1960s. This theory is a specially qualified object of study, because during the 1960s, it moved away from an economic representation and inserted, in a privileged manner, aspects of insecurity, instability and order. Besides untangling these theoretical transformations, this dissertation intends furthermore to understand them within their own context. This perspective implies not just in an understanding of the characteristics of this theoretical literature merely as a direct reflection of economical and political interests, but mainly to verify how ideas - including their theoretical formulations - are important articulations that delimit a certain form of representing or understanding our social and political surroundings and, with this, guide actions that are directed to these surroundings.

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Waters, Wendy C. "Re-mapping the nation: Road building as state formation in post-Revolutionary Mexico, 1925-1940." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/284394.

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Through determined efforts, Mexicans in government and in communities created a national road network between 1925 and 1940, constructing approximately 10,000 kilometers of roads. This dissertation examines the processes of road-building and its effect on state formation and everyday life from national, regional, and local perspectives. Increasingly over time, national reconstruction and its road component included greater centralization of the nation's economy, polity, and culture in Mexico City. Looking at road construction in the states of Sonora and Veracruz shows how road building reflected and contributed to specific needs and rivalries within each region and between governors and the federal government. Roads viewed nationally belonged to federal government processes of centralization and demilitarization, and the larger spirit of economic and cultural nationalism. Mexicans built this network using Mexican financial resources and labor, and whenever possible, expertise. Mexicans often took enormous local and national pride in the country's roads as witnessed at opening celebrations. Moreover, lobbying for a road allowed communities and organizations to promote their region as a tourist destination, exclaiming with pride the cultural and national wonders for foreign and Mexican tourists to experience. Roads also brought unforeseen changes and consequences to many communities. Town leaders lost control of what ideas and consumer goods entered the village; in some cases, gender roles underwent transformations. Children's horizons of consciousness and aspirations for the future grew with the road, combined with educational expansion, which offered them new possibilities for the future such as professional careers and mobility. Local-level change and national state formation became linked by, and because of, programs such as road construction in post-Revolutionary Mexico.

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Balzac, Josephine M. "CAFTA-DR's Citizen Submission Process| Is It Protecting the Indigenous Peoples Rights and Promoting the Three Pillars of Sustainable Development?" Thesis, The George Washington University, 2013. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=1537313.

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The Central American population consists of a majority of indigenous people and the parties to the Central American Free Trade Agreement (CAFTA-DR) must strive to protect the culture, heritage and rights of the region’s people. Trade agreements must recognize the rights of the indigenous peoples that are affected by environmental degradation resulting from trade activities, which can result in the forceful removal of their lands. The balance between the three pillars of sustainable development must be struck because international trade is necessary by fueling much of the economic growth in the developed world. Public engagement of the indigenous people through participation, information, consultation and consent are necessary to fulfill the goals of sustainable development and protect their right to property and traditional lands. We have to continue to incorporate the objectives of sustainable development in free trade agreements in order to preserve the global environment for future generations.

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Labbe, Brett R. "Towards a Re-discovery of the Public Sphere: Myanmar/Burma's 'Exile Media's' Counter-hegemonic Potential and the U.S. News Media's Re-framing of American Foreign Policy." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1460060017.

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Li, Sha. "A Comparative Study of K-12 Foreign Language Education in American and Chinese Public Schools: A Case Study of Six Foreign Language Teachers." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1384810365.

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Larson, Aron N. "The Effects of NAFTA and Domestic Reforms on the Development of Mexico’s Agriculture Sector." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2014. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/926.

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For my thesis, I analyze effects of recent political developments on the development of Mexico’s agriculture sector. In 1994, Mexico joined NAFTA, sparking major change in many of Mexico’s major industries as a result of lifted trade restrictions. In addition to joining NAFTA in 1994, Mexico has implemented domestic programs over the last thirty years with the goal of expanding its agriculture sector. While some of the effects of Mexico’s domestic policies are concurrent with the effects of NAFTA, I separately evaluate the effects of NAFTA and these domestic agriculture policies. Specifically, I analyze the effects of these political developments on Mexico’s agricultural sector by evaluating changes to the trade balances of four major categories of commodities: vegetables, fruits & nuts, dairy and cereals. I compare the changes to Mexico’s trade position with the changes to trade positions of a selected group of six countries, which I call the “comparison countries.” The trade data covers the time period of 1975-2012, enabling the analysis to adequately evaluate the changes to trade “before and after” these political developments intervened. I find that NAFTA had mixed effects on Mexico’s agriculture sector’s development. Some commodities experience growth and increased exports to NAFTA countries, suggesting that NAFTA effected these industries positively. On the other hand, I find that NAFTA marred the development of other commodities as a result of domestic policies in the US distorting trade. Finally, I find that the effects of Mexico’s domestic programs either aided in the growth of some commodities or simply enabled producers to remain in the competitive NAFTA markets.

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Hollingsworth, Brian. "Resource Nationalism and Energy Integration in Latin America: The Paradox of Populism." FIU Digital Commons, 2018. https://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/3790.

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This dissertation examines the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration, and uses Bolivia and Brazil as a test case. Essentially, does resource nationalism affect energy integration? The findings nest within more expansive questions on international political economy and export-driven models of development. Why do populist regimes, historically operating under an economic nationalist cum protectionist paradigm, simultaneously pursue policies of economic integration? What is the relationship between resource nationalists and open markets, especially in the hydrocarbons sector? What is the relationship between populists, who are typically resource nationalists, and their decision to choose policies of energy integration? The most common responses to the above are that resource nationalists pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that once in power, resource nationalists do not always pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead rely on market forces. Another common response is that populists pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that populists do not always pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead choose policies of integration. Policies of integration are compelled by market forces, and at times ironically provide the foundation for resource nationalism to later flourish. This dissertation develops a case-study of Bolivia and Brazil to assess the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration. The case is selected based on each country having energy resources or derivative products for exploitation and use, an energy trade relationship between the countries, the presence of government-run natural resource firms in each country, and a specific period where resource nationalism is present. Bolivia and Brazil are important for this study because of their proximity, particularly where the supply of natural gas is concerned. Proximity is of great importance as natural gas infrastructure is concomitant with energy integration, particularly supply.

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Velázquez, José Luis. "Nicaragua: Outcomes of revolution, 1979-1990." Diss., The University of Arizona, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/298766.

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In Marxist and Dependence theories, revolution has been prescribed as a panacea for developing countries' social evils. However, there is little work dedicated to evaluation of the results of those events that permit the validation of theory. Therefore, the aim of this dissertation is to assess the outcomes of the Nicaraguan Revolution (1979-1990) and test this assumption. The assessment was made according to Edward Muller's theoretical framework. It is centered in the idea that revolutions destroy social capital. Their successes depend on the skill of revolutionary leadership in distinguishing obsolete from other forms of valuable social capital. The latter has to be fostered as the base of the revolution's future development. The indicators used were: (1) The extent at which the revolutionary leadership keeps its promises and delivers public goods; (2) The evaluation of power, strength, and centralization of the revolutionary state vs. the ancient regime; (3) The performance of the revolutionary economy; (4) The extension of the policies of land distribution, and; (5) The effects of the revolutionary policies in income distribution, inequality, and the creation of new opportunities for the citizenry. The conclusions were: (1) The Sandinista leadership did not deliver the promises of mixed economy, political pluralism and on alignment; (2) The revolutionary state was: strongest, more centralized and powerful than the Somoza regime; (3) The economic performance was poor, and unable to meet the needs of the people; (4) The policies of land reform were effective in distributing land, but failed in the creation of a new social class of farmers. It became a counterinsurgency land reform directed to create an available political clientele for the ruling party; (5) The contradiction between macroeconomics and distributive microeconomics policies, canceled out the effect of the latter, inducing a process of income concentration; (6) The insertion of the Nicaraguan crisis in the East-West confrontation accentuated dependence; (7) The empirical evidence supports Moller and Weede's theoretical assertion (1995) in the sense that the Sandinista leadership was not able to discriminate between obsolete social capital from valuable social capital, that existed embedded in pre-revolutionary institutional structure. Its attempt to subordinate civil society and substitute it with a spurious civil society ended with the destruction of valuable social capital needed for growth and development.

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Otto, Jonathan. "CARBON FORESTRY: PURSUING CLIMATE CHANGE MITIGATION AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION THROUGH MARKET-BASED FOREST CARBON SCHEMES IN CHIAPAS, MEXICO." UKnowledge, 2014. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/geography_etds/28.

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Forest carbon projects seek to alleviate rural poverty and mitigate global climate change by facilitating the flow of capital from actors looking to offset CO2 emissions to land managers willing to engage in offset-oriented reforestation, afforestation, and forest preservation activities. In Mexico, forest carbon schemes have been pursued within the country’s national Payment for Ecosystem Services (PES) program, and through REDD+ pilot projects and separate voluntary initiatives. In this dissertation, I explore one voluntary project, Scolel’ Te, which is managed by the non-governmental organization (NGO), AMBIO. Focusing on the case of Scolel’ Te, I show how forest carbon projects undermine social relations in ways that weaken participating communities and threaten project success. First, I examine how carbon forestry market integration undermines social relations by pushing risk on participant labor and encouraging the establishment of disenfranchising labor arrangements. Second, I analyze how farmer participation in Scolel’ Te undermines social relations within broader community settings. Such effects, I argue, are only visible when analyzing the social ramifications of carbon forestry within the context of intra-community social relations. Finally, drawing on labor studies, I critically re- assess the role of participatory methods in carbon forestry, suggesting that they undermine the social relations of production between farmers and project managers, thereby threatening project success. This analysis demonstrates how shifting market dynamics, historical factors, and labor processes converge in the context of carbon forestry, and underscores the implications of such work for participating farmers and carbon forestry more broadly.

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Odegard, Robyn Michelle. "Fair Trade in Transition: Evolution, Popular Discourse, and the Case of the CADO Cooperative in Cotopaxi, Ecuador." Scholar Commons, 2014. https://scholarcommons.usf.edu/etd/5287.

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The literature on the changing nature of fair trade suggests it is indeed evolving and changed from the grassroots movement it once was. One of the strongest arguments that comes out in this body of literature is that the message, values, and way fair trade can encourage positive socio-economic and community development is changing. What the scholarship does not address, though, is how this evolution is changing the way that fair trade is perceived? The answer to this question about the changing perceptions of fair trade can be extended to those who produce fair trade products, those who consume them, those market them, those who manage them, and those institutionally organize the movement and certification criteria. My study attempts to gain insight on how fair trade is perceived among the producers (farmers) of fair trade. Although there are many studies about the impact of fair trade on cooperatives of producers/farmers, there is one voice that seems to be missing: the voice of the producers themselves. My work with the CADO Sugar Cane Cooperative in the state of Cotopaxi, Ecuador attempts to fill this gap. I executed a three-week research project in which I interviewed administration of the cooperative as well as the sugar cane farmers themselves about their perceptions and understanding of fair trade. Broadly, I was able to conclude that majority of producers in this community were involved with fair trade because of the steady income, and the cooperative became fair trade certified with the incentive of a large contract with a buyer-a buyer that required a fair trade certified product. These two points bring up a very important question: where is the concern for the human development aspects that fair trade champions (education, economic development, health, etc.)? In this project I will address the implications that my findings have on how we understand the fair trade model in terms of social movement theory and the concept of fair trade as free trade.

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Warnholtz, Perez Edgar G. "From NAFTA to USMCA: A Comprehensive Analysis of the Forces Producing North America's Regional Trade Agreements." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2019. https://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/2245.

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On October 1, 2018, Mexican President Enrique Peña Nieto, U.S. President Donald Trump, and Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau signed the United States-Mexico-Canada Agreement (USMCA), concluding 13 months of negotiations that concerned economies totaling 27.88% of world GDP. The recentness, magnitude, and relevance of the USMCA invokes a comprehensive analysis of the multidimensional factors that led to this agreement. Explaining the USMCA of 2018 requires insight of the continent’s political and economic forces that bound Canada, the United States, and Mexico with the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) of 1994. After doing so, this study then compiles a variety of works in a meta-analysis on NAFTA’s effects during the past 25 years. This paper finds that NAFTA achieved its intended goals, but failed to anticipate many negative repercussions for which it is criticized today. Then, this study investigates the demand for renegotiation of NAFTA which was triggered by Donald Trump calling it “the worst trade deal in history maybe ever” during his presidential campaign. However, when presenting the new USMCA to the press, he described it as a “wonderful new trade deal.” Therefore, study analyzes how different the USMCA is from NAFTA, and finds that the few changes are explained by a modernization of certain chapters to adapt the treaty to the digital era. These modifications heavily resonate the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a regional free trade agreement that included the U.S. until President Trump withdrew from it. What then results to be a rebranding of other agreements is predicted here to bring more political repercussions than economic change, as elections in Canada dawn later this year and in the U.S. in 2020. Ultimately, each party succeeded per its own renegotiation objectives; Mexico and Canada sought market penetration in the U.S., whereas the U.S. sought concessions and an end to NAFTA. Ratification of the USMCA is pending at the domestic level of each country, which this paper predicts will occur successfully, perhaps even before the end of 2019. Nonetheless, despite the modernization efforts involved in producing the USMCA, this paper questions whether the agreement equips these three member states to face the challenges of tomorrow.

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Hernández-Rodríguez, Víctor Manuel. "Why not Mexico? Policy Recommendations for a Globally-Oriented Economic Strategy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2018. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1968.

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Mexico, one of the world’s largest economies and an increasingly relevant actor in international aﬀairs, is at a crucial point in defining its future policy course. Given the uncertainty surrounding the global economy, as well as the political situation in Mexico, it is important to have a clear vision for policy going forward. This thesis oﬀers a foundation for a national economic strategy with a long-term vision, upon which future administrations can build as appropriate to maximize on the country’s economic potential. The task is undertaken through a three-part approach. First, a thorough and analytical overview of the country’s economic history provides context and lessons from which to learn. Second, key economic issues to be addressed are identified through an evaluation of the current context and economic outlook. Finally, an evaluation of successful policy implementation, domestically and abroad, provides a basis that can be adapted to address the issues identified as they aﬀect Mexico. The result is a series of six policy recommendations along two axes aimed at tackling the aforementioned key issues. These recommendations are by no means exhaustive, nor are they meant to be. The expectation is that they may serve to align national policy to global economic trends, underlying a plausible strategy to realize Mexico’s productive potential.

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Fialho, Luiz Alves de Oliveira. "Para uma teoria política da escassez: contributos para uma percepção política do fenómeno." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/3681.

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Dissertaçã de Mestrado em Ciência Política
O presente trabalho aborda a temática da influência da escassez de bens primários na esfera política da acção dos Estados. Sendo a escassez um objecto de estudo das ciências económicas, verificouse que a sua percepção transcende a área de actuação económica e influi directamente na tomada de decisão política. Não sendo possível alargar esta análise a todos os Estados do mundo, centramos a análise desse fenómeno nos EUA, pelo facto de este ser genericamente percebido como uma potência económica, política e militar que exerce influência ao nível global. Assim, o desenvolvimento deste trabalho é feito através de três divisões: a primeira examina as complexidades económicas (escassez) com que o Estado Absoluto se constituiu e a sua passagem para o Estado Liberal; a segunda aborda a acção política dos EUA e a influência ideológica do american way of life (consumismo) para o capitalismo moderno; e a terceira incide sobre as consequências ambientais do crescimento económico e a sua repercussão no domínio político internacional. Este trabalho procura explorar a influência da economia na acção política do Estado, ocasionada pela debilidade interna da economia associada à escassez de bens primários para o seu desenvolvimento e o exercício do poder ao nível global.
This thesis shall look at the influence of scarce primary resources in the political sphere of State action or dynamics. Being scarceness an object studied in Economics, it has been observed that its perception transcends the arena of purely economical action or initiative and directly influences on political decision making. Being unable to enlarge this analysis to all world States, the analysis of the phenomenon shall be centered on the USA, considered the economic, political and military power which exerts its influence at the global level. Thus, the development of this thesis shall be divided in three parts: the first examines the economic complexities (scarcity) through which the Absolute State was built and its passage towards a Liberal State; the second observes the political action of the USA and the ideological influence of the American way of life (consumerism) on modern capitalism; the third reflects on the environmental consequences of economic growth and its repercussions on the international political dominion. This thesis pretends to explore the influence of the economy on the State´s political action, due to internal economic weakness or frailty in conjunction with the scarcity of primary goods for the development and exercise of power at the global level.

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Fauquert, Élisabeth. "L'entrepreneuriat politique des présidents des Etats-Unis sur les réformes de l'assurance maladie : une histoire politique du Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (2010)." Thesis, Lyon, 2017. http://www.theses.fr/2017LYSE2094.

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Cette thèse inscrite dans la tradition intellectuelle de l’American Political Development analyse les liens dialectiques entre l’entrepreneuriat des présidents des États-Unis sur la question de l’assurance maladie, l’essor du système de santé américain contemporain et son produit le plus récent, le Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (2010). Il s’agit d’analyser les influences réciproques entre un exécutif qui subit de très fortes contraintes institutionnelles dans ce champ précis des politiques publiques et un système de santé dont les fondements et les contours sont en perpétuelle mutation. Les réformes de santé, de par leur nature transversale et polémique, leur complexité mais aussi leur poids dans l'économie américaine, agissent directement sur les équilibres de la gouvernance publique. Elles doivent être considérées comme un laboratoire et un accélérateur d’innovations pour la présidence, dans un système politique où sa sphère d’action est limitée, tant par les freins et des contre-pouvoirs que par l’influence d’autres entrepreneurs politiques dotés d’une légitimité d’action égale voir supérieure à se saisir de la question épineuse de la santé. L’adoption du PPACA, sa promulgation par un président démocrate après un siècle de rendez-vous manqués avec les réformes ambitieuses de l’assurance maladie, ainsi que sa mise en œuvre compliquée, offrent un cas d’étude de premier plan sur les évolutions de l'exécutif étasunien et sur la normalisation d’un entrepreneuriat présidentiel hétérodoxe
This dissertation which falls within the intellectual tradition of American Political Development explores the dialectical links between the entrepreneurship of US presidents on health care reform, the development of the American health care system and its latest product, the Patient Protection and Affordable Care Act (PPACA), which was signed into law in 2010. This work analyses the mutual forces of influence at work between a deeply constrained executive in this particular field of public policy and a health care system whose foundations and contours are in constant mutation. Given its controversial nature, its complexity and its weight in the US economy, health care reform directly affects the dynamics of public governance. Health care reform must therefore be considered as a laboratory and an accelerator of innovations for the presidency, in a political system in which its sphere of action is limited, as much by checks and balances as by the influence of other entrepreneurs who enjoy equivalent if not greater legitimacy than the executive branch to take action on the thorny issue of health care. The passage of the PPACA, the fact that it was signed into law by a democratic president after a century of failed attempts at ambitious reform as well as its arduous implementation, are a picture perfect case study on the evolutions of the presidential institution and on the routinization of heterodox presidential entrepreneurship

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41

Buchsbaum, Robert Michael III. "The Surprising Role of Legal Traditions in the Rise of Abolitionism in Great Britain’s Development." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1416651480.

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42

Martin, Aragon Sanchez Fernando. "Essays on economic development and political economy : evidence from Latin America." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/2372/.

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This thesis presents three papers that contribute to our understanding of economic development. In particular, I explore the role of natural resources and political actors on economic development and provide empirical evidence from Latin America. Chapter 1 draws on joint work with Juan Pablo Rud. In this chapter we study the impact of a large Peruvian gold mine on the local population. Using annual household data from 1997 to 2006, we find evidence of a positive effect of the mine's demand of local inputs on real income, household welfare and poverty reduction. The effects are only present in the mine's supply market and surrounding areas. We examine and rule out that the results are driven by the fiscal revenue windfall from mining levies. Using a spatial general equilibrium model, we interpret these results as evidence of welfare gains generated by the mine's backward linkages. Chapter 2 explores empirically the effect of party nomination procedures on political selection and governance. Using a new data set of Latin American parties, I find evidence of a positive relationship between primaries, electoral performance and quality of government. I interpret these results as evidence of primaries improving political selection. To address relevant identification concerns, I use an instrumental variable approach based on determinants suggested by a model of endogenous primaries, which I test on the data. Chapter 3 studies the role of costly taxation as an explanation of the flypaper effect: the observed greater response of public spending to grants than to increments of the tax base. I develop a model of local spending with costly taxation and test the model using data from Peruvian municipalities. I find that differences in tax collection costs explain almost one third of the flypaper effect.

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Hutto, Tamara E. "Federal science funding in the America Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009: an assessment of two policy process frameworks." Thesis, Georgia Institute of Technology, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/1853/42917.

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In order to understand how policies are made, analysts need to be able to explain and describe the policy making process. This is a complex task due to the variety and complexity of policy making environments. The difficulty lies in accounting for the multiple actors who come and go, differing preferences, and impending problems and solutions sets which vary by policy environment. Therefore, there is a need to approach the understanding of policy processes from several different theoretical perspectives to aid in evaluating the multifaceted variations which ultimately affect policy making. An improved description of processes can lead to more accurate predictions of possible future policies, improved advocacy efforts, and enhanced problem solving. Two policy process frameworks, the Multiple Stream Framework (MSF) and the Institutional Analysis and Development (IAD) framework, were applied to a recent significant change in science policy. An understanding is developed to explain how federal science funding survived within the highly controversial and costly American Recovery and Reinvestment Act of 2009 (ARRA). The volatile and unpredictable nature of science policy lends itself well to the MSF, while the more static IAD is less useful to explain how and why the funds stayed in the bill. This is telling about the scope and adaptability of the two frameworks, where each may be better suited for different policy environments. The MSF being more appropriate for unstable and capricious policy issues and the IAD better matched for policy issues which have a somewhat more stable environment.

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Valadez, John R. "Chicano political development : the role of political participation and agenda-building in expanding the biases of the polity : a case study /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10738.

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Piser, Gabriel A. "Appalachian Anthropocene: Conflict and Subject Formation in a Sacrifice Zone." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1469120301.

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46

Tala, Diaz Denise. "Living Through the Chilean Coup d’Etat: The Second-Generation’s Reflection on Their Sense of Agency, Civic Engagement and Democracy." Antioch University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=antioch159302076798197.

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47

Beal, Amanda L. Krieckhaus Jonathan Tabor. "The political foundations of welfare development regime type, domestic pressures, and social spending in Latin America /." Diss., Columbia, Mo. : University of Missouri--Columbia, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10355/7015.

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Title from PDF of title page (University of Missouri--Columbia, viewed on Feb 26, 2010). The entire thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file; a non-technical public abstract appears in the public.pdf file. Dissertation advisor: Dr. Jonathan Krieckhaus. Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

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Maxwell, Daniel M. "Water Governance in Bolivia: Policy Options for Pro-Poor Infrastructure Reform." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2013. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/767.

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As the case with most countries across Latin America, unprecedented migration to urban areas has strained city infrastructure systems. More particularly, the region faces a pressing crisis of water security, where rapid urbanization has outpaced water sector development. This thesis addresses the water infrastructure reform in El Alto and La Paz, Bolivia, focusing on strategies to better promote water access for the peri-urban poor. The research investigates the level of progressivity of water service expansion and pricing regimes: in other words, does the present model of water distribution positively improve the lives of the poorest groups? By investigating these social dimensions of water management, this study brings perspectives on the broader dialogue on Bolivia’s economic development, along with issues of participatory governance. Resumen: Como es el caso en muchos países latinoamericanos, la migración a áreas urbanas a niveles sin precedentes ha superado la capacidad de infraestructura. Concretamente, la región se enfrenta a una urgente crisis en la seguridad de agua potable dado que la rápida urbanización ha sobrepasado el desarrollo de este sector. Esta tesis aborda la reforma de la infraestructura de agua potable en El Alto y La Paz, Bolivia, enfocando en las estrategias para mejorar el acceso a agua por parte de los residentes periurbanos pobres. La investigación averigua el nivel de progresividad de los regímenes de precios y expansión de servicios de agua potable. En otras palabras, ¿contribuye el actual modelo de distribución de agua al mejoramiento de la vida de los grupos más desfavorecidos? Al investigar estas dimensiones sociales en el manejo de agua potable, este estudio ofrece perspectivas en cuanto al diálogo amplio del desarrollo económico de Bolivia, así como asuntos de gobernanza participativa.

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Weinberg, Marina. "Back to national development| State policies and indigenous politics in Northwestern Argentina." Thesis, State University of New York at Binghamton, 2014. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=3612851.

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This dissertation contributes to debates on processes of state formation and their relationship to indigenous policies and politics in Argentina. It analyzes and compares two major political economic configurations of the state: the neoliberal from 1989 to 2001, and the so-called "post-neoliberal" from the 2001 national crisis to the present. The study analyzes anthropologically how these two state models shaped strategies concerning the indigenous population that reflected specific political and economic orientations and interests; and conversely, the ways in which indigenous peoples have experienced continuities and variations between the two periods, as well as the changing indigenous' strategies resulting from these political fluctuations. While much has been written on the nature of the post-neoliberal state in indigenous regions for the Bolivian case and Ecuador, the Argentine experience has been largely overlooked, due perhaps to the strong state-led homogenizing tradition which has obscured the country's multiethnic character. If we assume that we are indeed witnessing a change of epoch in some Latin American nations, and that there is an evident process of recovery of state functions, the novelty and contribution of this dissertation will be to explore not only the nature of those claims but also to expand on de Sousa Santos' proposal: Which kind of state is back? (de Sousa Santos 2010). Which are the characteristics of this novel state model? To what extent it is it actually (and entirely) "new" or if it is taking/using elements, strategies and procedures of the prior neoliberal phase. And if so, which elements of neoliberalism still persist in this new political era and which ones are different from that period. Finally, this dissertation contributes to the bottom-up perspective, while analyzing the state considering societal mediators, societal actors that interface with the state. This inclusion allows us to observe in a very detailed manner the ways in which these actors shape and negotiate hegemony and state from below, while also being part of the state structure.

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Ferguson, Lucy. "Production, Consumption and Reproduction in Global Political Economy : The Case of Tourism Development in Central America." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2007. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508861.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'American political development'

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