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Journal articles on the topic 'American political development'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 17 February 2022

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1

Brandwein, Pamela. "Law and American Political Development." Annual Review of Law and Social Science 7, no. 1 (December 2011): 187–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-lawsocsci-042710-092852.

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2

Gifford, L. J. "Conservatism and American Political Development." Journal of American History 98, no. 1 (June 1, 2011): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jar184.

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3

Frymer, Paul. "Law and American Political Development." Law & Social Inquiry 33, no. 03 (2008): 779–803. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.2008.00121.x.

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This essay reviews the recent volume edited by Ronald Kahn and Ken I. Kersch, The Supreme Court and American Political Development(2006), as well as the broader literature by law scholars interested in American Political Development (APD). The Law and APD literature has advanced our knowledge about courts by placing attention on the importance of executive and legislative actors, and by providing political context to our understanding of judicial decision making. But this knowledge would be more powerful if it would embrace the broader APD field's orientation toward the importance of state and institutional autonomy for understanding politics and political change. Law and APD scholars could go further in examining the ways in which courts and judges act institutionally, and how the legal branch as an institution impacts American politics and state-building. In doing so, Law and APD scholars would contribute not only to our understanding of judicial decision making but also to our understanding of the place and importance of courts in American politics.
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4

GLENN, BRIAN J. "Conservatives and American Political Development." Political Science Quarterly 125, no. 4 (December 2010): 611–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/j.1538-165x.2010.tb00687.x.

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5

Kelly, Andrew S. "The Political Development of Scientific Capacity in the United States." Studies in American Political Development 28, no. 1 (February 24, 2014): 1–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x13000151.

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When well directed, science is the greatest agency for the welfare of mankind. John Wesley Powell, the director of the United States Geological Survey (USGS), delivered this message to Congress in 1884. The purpose of Powell's testimony to Congress was not to argue for the erection of an organizational framework for American science, but to defend the one that had been put in place decades earlier. At the time of Powell's testimony, the United States had already begun to assume the mantle of the greatest scientific nation on the planet. “I have studied the question closely,” declared W. H. Smyth, the president of the Royal Geographical Society of London, “and do not hesitate to pronounce the conviction that though the Americans were last in the field, they have, per saltum, leaped into the very front of the rank.” The organizational structure at the heart of America's rapid scientific rise was initially constructed by scientists serving in the nineteenth-century American bureaucracy—by men like John W. Powell. Often seen as a source of state incapacity, in this instance, the federal bureaucracy was the most important force in American scientific development.
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KING, DESMOND S., and ROGERS M. SMITH. "Racial Orders in American Political Development." American Political Science Review 99, no. 1 (February 2005): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051506.

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American political science has long struggled to deal adequately with issues of race. Many studies inaccurately treat their topics as unrelated to race. Many studies of racial issues lack clear theoretical accounts of the relationships of race and politics. Drawing on arguments in the American political development literature, this essay argues for analyzing race, and American politics more broadly, in terms of two evolving, competing “racial institutional orders”: a “white supremacist” order and an “egalitarian transformative” order. This conceptual framework can synthesize and unify many arguments about race and politics that political scientists have advanced, and it can also serve to highlight the role of race in political developments that leading scholars have analyzed without attention to race. The argument here suggests that no analysis of American politics is likely to be adequate unless the impact of these racial orders is explicitly considered or their disregard explained.
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TICHENOR, DANIEL J., and RICHARD A. HARRIS. "Organized Interests and American Political Development." Political Science Quarterly 117, no. 4 (December 2002): 587–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/798136.

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8

DeCanio, Samuel. "Mass opinion and American political development." Critical Review 18, no. 1-3 (January 2006): 143–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913810608443653.

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9

Sheingate, Adam. "Institutional Dynamics and American Political Development." Annual Review of Political Science 17, no. 1 (May 11, 2014): 461–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-040113-161139.

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10

Valelly, Richard M. "LGBT Politics and American Political Development." Annual Review of Political Science 15, no. 1 (June 15, 2012): 313–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-polisci-061709-104806.

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11

Mancke, Elizabeth. "Early Modern Imperial Governance and the Origins of Canadian Political Culture." Canadian Journal of Political Science 32, no. 1 (March 1999): 3–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900010076.

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AbstractFor the last three decades, scholars of Canadian political culture have favoured ideological explanations for state formation with the starting point being the American Revolution and Loyalist resettlement in British North America. This article challenges both the ideological bias and the late eighteenth-century chronology through a reassessment of early modern developments in the British imperial state. It shows that many of the institutional features associated with the state in British North America and later Canada—strong executives and weak assemblies, Crown control of land and natural resources, parliamentary funding of colonial development and accommodation of non-British subjects—were all institutionalized in the imperial state before the American Revolution and before the arrival of significant numbers of ethnically British settlers to Newfoundland, Nova Scotia and Quebec. Ideological discourses in the British North American colonies that became Canada, unlike those that became the United States, traditionally acknowledged the presence of a strong state in its imperial and colonial manifestations. Rather than challenging its legitimacy, as had Americans, British North Americans, whether liberals, republicans or tories, debated the function of the state and the distribution of power within it.
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12

Lockhart, Charles. "Political Culture, Patterns of American Political Development, and Distinctive Rationalities." Review of Politics 63, no. 3 (2001): 517–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0034670500030941.

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Drawing on Douglas-Wildavsky grid-group theory, the article shows how changing social circumstances prompt distinctive patterns of shifting cultural allegiance and intercultural coalitions which in turn distinguish three lengthy eras of American political development. The resulting portrayal of American political development is more complex than the oscillation between two poles depicted by Hirschman as well as McClosky and Zaller, for the characterization employed has three poles in two dimensions. But this more complex portrayal better explains the changing character of American political life across eras. The conclusion focuses on what I regard as the two most significant implications of this view, showing that: (1) contrary to widespread opinion, the most recent era of political development affords egalitarians an insecure position on the American political stage, and (2) this conception of political change reveals deeper insights about political life by distinguishing rival, culturally constrained rationalities.
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13

Seip, Terry L., and Richard Franklin Bensel. "Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880-1980." American Historical Review 90, no. 5 (December 1985): 1281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1859838.

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Agnew, John A., and R. F. Bensel. "Sectionalism and American Political Development 1880-1980." Economic Geography 61, no. 2 (April 1985): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/143879.

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15

Jensen, Richard, and Richard Franklin Bensel. "Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880-1980." Journal of American History 72, no. 1 (June 1985): 177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903806.

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16

Bogue, Allan G., and Richard F. Bensel. "Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880-1980." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 16, no. 3 (1986): 540. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/204524.

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17

Everson, Phil, Rick Valelly, Arjun Vishwanath, and Jim Wiseman. "NOMINATE and American Political Development: A Primer." Studies in American Political Development 30, no. 2 (July 22, 2016): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x16000067.

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Steady political polarization since the late 1970s ranks among the most consequential transformations of American politics—one with far-reaching consequences for governance, congressional performance, the legitimacy of the Supreme Court, and citizen perceptions of the stakes of party conflict and elections. Our understanding of this polarization critically depends on measuring it. Its measurement in turn began with the invention of the NOMINATE algorithm and the widespread adoption of its estimates of the ideal points of members of Congress. Although the NOMINATE project has not been immune from technical and conceptual critique, its impact on how we think about contemporary politics and its discontents has been extraordinary and has helped to stimulate the creation of several similar scores. In order to deepen appreciation of this broadly important intellectual phenomenon, we offer an intuitively accessible treatment of the mathematics and conceptual assumptions of NOMINATE. We also stress that NOMINATE scores are a major resource for understanding other eras in American political development (APD) besides the current great polarization. To illustrate this point, we introduce readers to Voteview, which provides two-dimensional snapshots of congressional roll calls, among other data that it generates. We conclude by sketching how APD scholarship might contribute to the contemporary polarization discussion. Placing polarization and depolarization in historical perspective may powerfully illuminate whether, how, and why our current polarization might recede.
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18

Francis, Megan Ming. "The Strange Fruit of American Political Development." Politics, Groups, and Identities 6, no. 1 (January 2, 2018): 128–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21565503.2017.1420551.

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19

Shefter, Martin, and Richard Franklin Bensel. "Sectionalism in American Political Development, 1880-1980." Political Science Quarterly 100, no. 4 (1985): 722. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2151574.

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20

Ernst, Daniel R. "Law and American Political Development, 1877-1938." Reviews in American History 26, no. 1 (1998): 205–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/rah.1998.0005.

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21

Glenn, Brian J. "The Two Schools of American Political Development." Political Studies Review 2, no. 2 (April 2004): 153–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-9299.2004.00005.x.

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22

Mertz, Paul E., and Richard Franklin Bensel. "Sectionalism and American Political Development, 1880-1980." Journal of Southern History 52, no. 2 (May 1986): 320. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2209699.

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23

Zuckert, Michael. "NATURAL RIGHTS AND IMPERIAL CONSTITUTIONALISM: THE AMERICAN REVOLUTION AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE AMERICAN AMALGAM." Social Philosophy and Policy 22, no. 1 (January 2005): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052505041026.

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Robert Nozick worked in a Lockean tradition of political philosophy, a tradition with deep resonance in the American political culture. This paper attempts to explore the formative moments of that culture and at the same time to clarify the role of Lockean philosophy in the American Revolution. One of the currently dominant approaches to the revolution emphasizes the colonists' commitments to their rights, but identifies the relevant rights as “the rights of Englishmen,” not natural rights in the Lockean mode. This approach misses, however, the way the Americans construed their positive or constitutional rights in the light of a Lockean background theory. In a word, the Americans recreated an amalgam of traditional constitutional principles and Lockean philosophy, an amalgam that nearly guaranteed that they and the British would speak past each other. The ambiguities and uncertainties of the British constitution as extended to the colonies provided an incentive to the Americans (but not the British) to look to Locke as a guide to their rights, thereby helping win a place for Lockean theory in American political thinking.
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24

Dyer, Justin Buckley. "Political Science and American Political Thought." PS: Political Science & Politics 50, no. 03 (June 12, 2017): 784–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096517000592.

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ABSTRACT Written as a short personal reflection, this article explores the development of political science as an organized professional discipline in the United States. At its inception, political science in the United States was principally concerned with political thought and constitutionalism, and it was taught with the public-spirited purpose of educating for citizenship in a constitutional democracy. Twentieth-century methodological trends at one time threatened to remove political thought and constitutionalism from the curriculum of political science, but recent disciplinary trends suggest that American political thought does have a place in twenty-first-century political science.
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25

Galvin, Daniel J., and Jacob S. Hacker. "The Political Effects of Policy Drift: Policy Stalemate and American Political Development." Studies in American Political Development 34, no. 2 (May 26, 2020): 216–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x2000005x.

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In recent years, scholars have made major progress in understanding the dynamics of “policy drift”—the transformation of a policy's outcomes due to the failure to update its rules or structures to reflect changing circumstances. Drift is a ubiquitous mode of policy change in America's gridlock-prone polity, and its causes are now well understood. Yet surprisingly little attention has been paid to the political consequences of drift—to the ways in which drift, like the adoption of new policies, may generate its own feedback effects. In this article, we seek to fill this gap. We first outline a set of theoretical expectations about how drift should affect downstream politics. We then examine these dynamics in the context of four policy domains: labor law, health care, welfare, and disability insurance. In each, drift is revealed to be both mobilizing and constraining: While it increases demands for policy innovation, group adaptation, and new group formation, it also delimits the range of possible paths forward. These reactions to drift, in turn, generate new problems, cleavages, and interest alignments that alter subsequent political trajectories. Whether formal policy revision or further stalemate results, these processes reveal key mechanisms through which American politics and policy develop.
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26

Dearborn, John A. "American Imperial Development." Journal of Politics 81, no. 2 (April 2019): e44-e49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/702168.

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27

Darmofal, David. "The political geography of macro-level turnout in American political development." Political Geography 25, no. 2 (February 2006): 123–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2005.10.001.

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28

Krause, George A., and Matthew Zarit. "Understanding political−economic development in the American South." Economics & Politics 32, no. 1 (September 24, 2019): 172–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/ecpo.12142.

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29

Skowronek, Stephen. "Presidency and American Political Development: A Third Look." Presidential Studies Quarterly 32, no. 4 (December 2002): 743–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.0360-4918.2002.00245.x.

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30

Skowronek, Stephen. "Presidency and American Political Development: A Third Look." Presidential Studies Quarterly 32, no. 4 (December 1, 2002): 743–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0360491802238706.

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31

Thorp, Rosemary, and Pamela Lowden. "Latin American development models: A political economy perspective." Oxford Development Studies 24, no. 2 (June 1996): 133–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13600819608424109.

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32

Woodward-Burns, Robinson. "The State Constitutions’ Influence on American Political Development." Journal of Politics 81, no. 4 (October 2019): e85-e89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/705276.

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33

Lucas, Jack. "Urban Governance and the American Political Development Approach." Urban Affairs Review 53, no. 2 (August 3, 2016): 338–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1078087415620054.

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This article outlines the value of the American Political Development (APD) approach for scholars of urban governance. Despite recent enthusiasm for APD, I argue that the tools of the APD approach have not yet been clearly articulated or demonstrated for urban scholars. By combining the concept of “intercurrence” with a methodological focus on shifts in urban political authority, APD allows us to capture the dynamics of urban governance in tractable ways. This approach focuses on the historical construction of urban governance and the patterns of political authority that are embodied by those governance structures—long a key theme in the study of urban politics. I illustrate the promise of the APD approach in urban governance using a study of policy institutions in six Canadian cities and five policy domains from the nineteenth century to the present. I then discuss four specific areas of research to which an APD approach to urban governance will be especially well equipped to contribute.
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34

Harvey, Anna. "Applying regression discontinuity designs to American political development." Public Choice 185, no. 3-4 (July 23, 2019): 377–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s11127-019-00696-2.

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35

Cahuas, Madelaine C. "The struggle and (im)possibilities of decolonizing Latin American citizenship practices and politics in Toronto." Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 38, no. 2 (April 2020): 209–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0263775820915998.

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This paper explores the tensions racialized migrants negotiate when politically organizing and enacting citizenship within the context of the Canadian white settler state. I focus on the experiences of Latin Americans in Toronto and the politics surrounding a cultural celebration – Hispanic Heritage Month. While some Latin Americans sought to use this event to gain recognition and assert their belonging to Canadian society, others opposed its naming, objectives and organization, and opted to create an alternative celebration – the Latin-America History Collective’s Día de la Verdad/Day of Truth Rally. I demonstrate that the narratives and practices mobilized around Hispanic Heritage Month and Latin-America History Collective’s Rally reveal how different forms of migrant political organizing can internalize, reproduce and contest white settler colonial social relations. Overall, this paper aims to contribute to and complicate debates on the fraught nature of racialized migrants’ citizenship, politics and identity formation in Canada, by emphasizing the vast heterogeneity of Latin American communities and decolonizing possibilities.
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36

Loftus, Alex. "Political ecology I: Where is political ecology?" Progress in Human Geography 43, no. 1 (October 18, 2017): 172–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309132517734338.

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Political ecology has often defined itself against Eurocentric conceptions of the world. Nevertheless, recent contributions have questioned the ongoing reproduction of an Anglo-American mainstream against ‘other political ecologies’. Decentring Anglo-American political ecology has therefore forced a greater recognition of traditions that have developed under the same banner, albeit in different linguistic or national contexts. In addition, thinking more about the situatedness of knowledge claims has forced a deeper questioning of the Eurocentric and colonial production of political ecological research. In this report I begin by reviewing a range of political ecological traditions before going on to look at decolonial moves within the field. I conclude by considering how political ecologists might reframe their practice as one of relational comparison.
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37

Graber, Mark A. "The Free and Open Press: The Founding of American Democratic Press Liberty, 1640–1800 By Robert W. T. Martin. New York: New York University Press, 2001. 288p. $40.00." American Political Science Review 96, no. 3 (September 2002): 617–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055402300364.

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The Free and Open Press is an exceptionally satisfying first book. Robert W. T. Martin revitalizes a debate over the status of press rights in eighteenth-century America that had grown tiresome over the past 20 years. Challenging Leonard Levy, his critics, and the ongoing republic/liberalism divide in American political thought, Martin's work offers an interpretation of free speech thought that explains why early Americans sometimes fought for and sometimes fought against press rights. Though Martin claims too much for his thesis at times, all scholars of American political thought and constitutional development should read his book.
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38

Ericson, David F. "The United States Military, State Development, and Slavery in the Early Republic." Studies in American Political Development 31, no. 1 (March 13, 2017): 130–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x17000049.

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The U.S. military was the principal agent of American state development in the seven decades between 1791 and 1861. It fought wars, removed Native Americans, built internal improvements, expedited frontier settlement, deterred slave revolts, returned fugitive slaves, and protected existing property relations. These activities promoted state development along multiple axes, increasing the administrative capacities, institutional autonomy, political legitimacy, governing authority, and coercive powers of the American state. Unfortunately, the American political development literature has largely ignored the varied ways in which the presence of slavery influenced military deployments and, in turn, state development during the pre–Civil War period.
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39

Glenn, Brian J. "Louis Hartz's Liberal Tradition in America as Method." Studies in American Political Development 19, no. 2 (October 2005): 234–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x05000167.

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On the fiftieth anniversary of the publication of Louis Hartz's The Liberal Tradition in America, the book remains more controversial than ever. As Philip Abbott has recently catalogued, the book has been attacked from literally every direction possible. Sean Wilentz summarizes the feelings of many when he argues that Hartz should be forgotten, or at best considered “a figure of historical interest.” Hartz has been accused of being loose with the facts, inappropriate in comparing America to continental Europe, and blind to other perspectives such as race or morality. Even those who take him seriously argue his theory is anything but a complete explanation of American political development and thought, but rather one that at best represents a mere slice of America's “multiple traditions.” Finally, of course, there is a very large and influential school of American political development that argues ideas have very little role at all in explaining politics, and for adherents to this way of thinking, Hartz is simply irrelevant. For many members of the American political development scholarly community, there is simply no room left for taking Hartz's thesis seriously any more, if there ever was.
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Smith, Rogers M. "Ideas and the Spiral of Politics: The Place of American Political Thought in American Political Development." American Political Thought 3, no. 1 (March 2014): 126–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/675651.

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41

Breckenridge, George. "Nature and History in American Political Development: A Debate." Canadian Journal of Political Science 40, no. 1 (March 2007): 252–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423907070278.

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Nature and History in American Political Development: A Debate, James W. Ceaser; with responses from Jack N. Rakove, Nancy L. Rosenblum, Rogers M. Smith, Cambridge MA: Harvard University Press, 2006, pp. viii, 197.James Ceaser gave the first Tocqueville Memorial Lecture on American Politics sponsored by the Center for American Political Studies at Harvard in 2004. This volume contains an expanded version of his lecture, the three responses by, respectively, a historian, a political theorist, and a political scientist, and Ceaser's rejoinder or, in the case of Rosenblum, rebuttal to each. There are two things going on in this volume: a scholarly debate on how to approach the elusive question of the role of ideas in politics and a rather acrimonious argument over Ceaser's motivation.
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Carstensen, Martin B. "Book Review: The Americas: The Development of American Finance." Political Studies Review 11, no. 2 (April 16, 2013): 302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12016_121.

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43

Shklar, Judith N. "Redeeming American Political Theory." American Political Science Review 85, no. 1 (March 1991): 3–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1962875.

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American political theory has been accused of being uniformly liberal; but its history is diverse and is worth studying to understand the development of political science and the institutions it reflects (representative government, federalism, judicial review, and slavery). While modern social science expresses a slow democratization of values, it has been compatible with many ideologies. This can be seen in Jefferson's anthropology, Madison's theory of collective rationality, and Hamilton's empirical political economy. Jacksonian democracy encouraged social history, while its opponents devised an elitist political sociology. Southern defenders of slavery were the earliest to develop a deterministic and authoritarian sociology, but after the Civil War Northern thinkers emulated them with Social Darwinism and quests for causal laws to grasp constant change in industrial society. Though social critics abounded, democratic empirical theory emerged in the universities only in the generation of Merriam and Dewey, who founded contemporary political science.
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44

Darnton, Robert. "What American Century?" European Review 7, no. 4 (October 1999): 455–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1062798700004385.

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As the year 2000 approaches there is a seemingly irresistible tendency to attach a label to the century that is ending. We here everywhere of “The American Century”, as if a stretch of time could belong to a country. Behind that expression, one can detect a set of attitudes, some of them holdovers from the nationalist sentiments that first surfaced in the nineteenth century, others expressions of anti-Americanism: if you don't like something about contemporary culture, blame it on the Yanks. In fact, most of the phenomena currently associated with America are global in nature, and the notion of an American Century makes little sense, except at the level of collective mentalities. Still, if one must associate a century with America, the best candidate would be the eighteenth. During the age of Enlightenment and Revolution, America epitomized everything enlightened and revolutionary. And Americans in Paris could bask in the glory of being identified not with McDonald's nor with Hollywood but rather with republican virtue and the rights of man. The real American century came to an end two hundred years ago.
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45

Greenstone, J. David. "Political Culture and American Political Development: Liberty, Union, and the Liberal Bipolarity." Studies in American Political Development 1 (1986): 1–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000328.

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The connections between ideas of political culture and political development are intrinsically problematic. The term development typically refers to change, contingency, and the impact of causal forces in reshaping a social or political order. The concept draws on the powerful intuition that no feature of human experience, including language itself, is exempt from change and transformation. By contrast, culture typically refers to the framework of symbols, norms, assumptions, and expectations with which a people make sense of their experiences and formulate appropriate courses of action. At least for long periods, this interpretive framework molds the process of social change and limits the extent to which it occurs. Here, the controlling intuition is that without some stable set of meanings no complex human discourse can be really coherent—for there is no stable marker against which change itself can be measured. It is easy enough, of course, to assert that a particular political regime exhibits both a distinctive culture and a particular pattern of development. But it is another matter to indicate the precise relationship between the two.
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46

McDonagh, Eileen. "The Family-State Nexus in American Political Development: Explaining Women’s Political Citizenship." Polity 48, no. 2 (April 2016): 186–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/pol.2016.8.

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47

ÔÔng, Như-Ngọc T., and David S. Meyer. "Protest and Political Incorporation: Vietnamese American Protests in Orange County, California, 1975––2001." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 3, no. 1 (2008): 78–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2008.3.1.78.

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Protest has become a useful window for examining all sorts of broader political phenomena. Using event data from newspaper reports, we trace protest by Vietnamese Americans since the first major wave of immigration. By looking at the issues, tactics, and development of protest within the Vietnamese American community in Orange County, California, we get a view of the development and incorporation of that community into contemporary American politics.
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48

Eisenberg, Avigail I. "Individual development and Anglo-American pluralism." Social Science Information 35, no. 2 (June 1996): 363–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/053901896035002011.

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Political pluralism is often portrayed as a theory about interest-group competition, which was developed primarily by post-war American political scientists. This conventional view is mistaken. This analysis examines the ways in which advocates of political pluralism have handled the theme of individual development. In the first part, a distinction is drawn between two dimensions of group power. In the second part, this distinction is used to examine how four different pluralists conceive the relation between self-development and pluralist politics. The first three theorists, John Dewey, Harold Laski and Mary Parker Follett, are scholars whose contributions to the pluralist tradition rarely figure accurately in contemporary accounts of the doctrine. The fourth pluralist, Robert Dahl, offers a more familiar rendition. Even Dahl's theory contains insights that help to establish a pluralist account of self-development. The concluding section considers briefly some lessons relevant to contemporary debates that might be drawn from pluralism's account of self-development.
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Gerges, Fawaz A. "Islam and Muslims in the Mind of America: Influences on the Making of U. S. Policy." Journal of Palestine Studies 26, no. 2 (January 1, 1997): 68–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2537784.

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This essay examines the ways in which the U.S. public, media, interest groups, and foreign policy elite, including Congress, influence the making of American policy toward political Islam. After analyzing the focal historical, cultural, and current political developments that inform Americans' attitudes on Islamic resurgence, the paper argues that contemporary security and strategic considerations, not just culture and ideology, account for America's preoccupation with Islamism.
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50

Febriyanti, Irma. "THE POWER OF AMIRI BARAKA’S POLITICAL THOUGHTS TO THE AFRICAN-AMERICAN MOVEMENT IN AMERICA." Rubikon : Journal of Transnational American Studies 2, no. 2 (September 1, 2015): 51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22146/rubikon.v2i2.34259.

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Imamu Amiri Baraka is an artist, activist, and also an African-American leader who was born in Newark, New Jersey. Throughout his prolific career in American literature, he was able to generate some important political issues in defending the Black Power which was a perpetuating challenge for African-American intellectuals in the 1960s-1970s.This research is written under American Studies discipline, which takes politics to gain an African-American politics’ point of view, sociology to explore the theory of race and social conflict in the United States, and cultural studies to understand the struggle of African-Americans towards white Americans.The findings of this research show Baraka’s adeptness in his dual role as artist and politician through his political thoughts which has a never-ending development of his political consciousness. Baraka’s intellectual and political thought formation has moved through verydistinct stages and they are: Black Cultural Nationalism, Black Solidarity and Black Marxism. His final political stage has a broader consciousness that reveals capitalism in the Western world and this revelation of capitalism declared its theme of death and despair, moral and social corruption with its concomitant decrying Western values and ethics, the struggle against selfhatred, and a growing ethnic awareness.Keywords: Amiri Baraka, black power, political thought, African-American politics, andconflict
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