Relevant bibliographies by topics / American political history ; culture wars ; american conservatism

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  2. Dissertations / Theses
  3. Books
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Academic literature on the topic 'American political history ; culture wars ; american conservatism'

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Published: 4 June 2021
Last updated: 5 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "American political history ; culture wars ; american conservatism"

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Michelle, Ann Abate. "The Politics of Prophecy: The US Culture Wars and the Battle Over Public Education in the Left Behind Series for Kids." International Research in Children's Literature 2, no. 1 (July 2009): 1–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755619809000453.

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This essay argues that in spite of their obvious Biblically-based subject matter, clear Christian content, and undeniable evangelical perspective, the Left Behind novels for kids are not simply religious books; they are also political ones. Co-authors Tim LaHaye and Jerry B. Jenkins may claim that their narratives are interested in sharing the good news about Jesus for the sake of the future, but they are equally concerned with offering commentary on contentious US cultural issues in the present. Given the books’ adolescent readership, they are especially preoccupied with the ongoing conservative crusade concerning school prayer. As advocates for this issue, LaHaye and Jenkins make use of a potent blend of current socio-political arguments and of past events in evangelical church history: namely, the American Sunday School Movement (ASSM). These free, open-access Sabbath schools became the model for the public education system in the United States. In drawing on this history, the Left Behind series suggests that the ASSM provides an important precedent for the presence not simply of Christianity in the nation's public school system, but of evangelical faith in particular.
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Tope, Daniel. "The Twilight of Social Conservatism: American Culture Wars in the Obama Era." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 46, no. 1 (January 2017): 59–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306116681813r.

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Kaplan, Alice Yaeger. "Taste Wars: American Professions of French Culture." Yale French Studies, no. 73 (1987): 156. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2930201.

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Connell, Philip. "Edmund Burke and the First Stuart Revolution." Journal of British Studies 59, no. 3 (July 2020): 463–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2020.40.

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AbstractThis essay reconsiders the character and significance of Edmund Burke's attitude to the seventeenth-century civil wars and interregnum. Burke may have venerated the “revolution principles” of 1688–89 over those of the 1640s, not least in the Reflections on the Revolution in France in which he notoriously compares English dissenting radicals to regicidal Puritans. Yet his response to the first Stuart revolution is more complex than has commonly been allowed and is closely bound up with Burke's earlier parliamentary career as a prominent member of the Rockingham Whig connection. The revival of an anti-Stuart idiom within the extra-parliamentary opposition of the 1760s, together with the mounting conflict with the North American colonies, gave renewed prominence to the memory of the civil wars within English political discourse. The Rockinghamites attempted to exploit this development—without compromising their own, more conservative reading of seventeenth-century history—but they were also its victims. In the years that followed, Burke and his colleagues were repeatedly identified by their political opponents with the spirit of Puritan rebellion and Cromwellian usurpation. These circumstances provide a new perspective on Burke's interpretation of the nation's revolutionary past; they also offer important insights into his writings and speeches in response to the French Revolution.
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Nelson, Dana D. "Rooting for a Better World: American Literary History Today." American Literary History 33, no. 3 (August 26, 2021): 691–701. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/alh/ajab055.

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Abstract After the canon and culture wars of the 1980s and 1990s, some critics hazarded the possibility that American literature might fragment and disappear as a discipline. But 20 years later, as these book proposals suggest, we've abandoned totalizing national theories in favor of a more hemispheric study of how literatures variously treat sociological, political, ideological, historical, and environmental problems. We've entirely abandoned the nearly allwhite canon that characterized the study of American literature through the early 1980s; our literary archives are far more heterogeneous. While we've abandoned grand theories, there is much greater emphasis on the role of our own critical agency, and an impressive optimism about literature as an actual agent of power and its ability to participate in both indexing and making better worlds.
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Sutton, Matthew Avery. "Review: Classroom Wars: Language, Sex, and the Making of Modern American Political Culture by Natalia Mehlman Petrzela." Pacific Historical Review 86, no. 2 (May 1, 2017): 377–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/phr.2017.86.2.377.

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Petro, Anthony M. "Ray Navarro’s Jesus Camp, AIDS Activist Video, and the “New Anti-Catholicism”." Journal of the American Academy of Religion 85, no. 4 (May 4, 2017): 920–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jaarel/lfx011.

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AbstractThis essay examines the 1990 documentary Like a Prayer, emphasizing performances by Chicano AIDS activist Ray Navarro, to reassess two prevailing narratives in religion and politics. First, it challenges the culture wars distinction between secular progressivism and religious conservatism that haunts histories of religion and sexuality. It locates American AIDS activism at the center of religious and sexual narratives to question the range of subjects that become visible as “religious.” Second, reading Like a Prayer as part of the archive of modern Catholicism exposes scholarly assumptions about the relationships between religion and politics, sincerity and performance, religion and secularism. This essay expands the archive of the culture wars—and of queer and Catholic history—to include another form of religious engagement: the use of camp. Thinking with an analytics of camp suggests how AIDS activists employed religious imagery in ways that confound the very division between Catholic and anti-Catholic, religious and secular.
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Edwards, Mark. "From a Christian World Community to a Christian America: Ecumenical Protestant Internationalism as a Source of Christian Nationalist Renewal." Genealogy 3, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 30. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3020030.

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Christian nationalism in the United States has neither been singular nor stable. The country has seen several Christian nationalist ventures come and go throughout its history. Historians are currently busy documenting the plurality of Christian nationalisms, understanding them more as deliberate projects rather than as components of a suprahistorical secularization process. This essay joins in that work. Its focus is the World War II and early Cold War era, one of the heydays of Christian nationalist enthusiasm in America—and the one that shaped our ongoing culture wars between “evangelical” conservatives and “godless” liberals. One forgotten and admittedly paradoxical pathway to wartime Christian nationalism was the world ecumenical movement (“ecumenical” here meaning intra-Protestant). Protestant ecumenism curated the transformation of 1920s and 1930s Christian internationalism into wartime Christian Americanism. They involved many political and intellectual elites along the way. In pioneering many of the geopolitical concerns of Cold War evangelicals, ecumenical Protestants aided and abetted the Christian conservative ascendancy that wields power even into the present.
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Sánchez Sánchez, Xosé M. "Medieval echoes. Reflection on political theories and cultural trends from European Middle Ages during American Wars of Independence and Between the States." Culture & History Digital Journal 10, no. 1 (April 29, 2021): e011. http://dx.doi.org/10.3989/chdj.2021.011.

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This article examines the influence of formulations and lines of European medieval thought and culture during the two main processes of American political history: the American Wars of Independence and Between the States. In these moments of enormous significance, we can perceive a series of formulations alive since Middle Age centuries; principles with a no evident but relevant influence in mentality and perception during the conflicts. These are: federalism, constitutionalism, canon law, the concept of war, the reception of the work of Dante Alighieri and his ‘Divina Commedia’ and the reception of chivalric medieval culture and the Arthurian tradition.
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GREENBERG, AMY S. "IRISH IN THE CITY: RECENT DEVELOPMENTS IN AMERICAN URBAN HISTORY." Historical Journal 42, no. 2 (June 1999): 571–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99008572.

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Parish boundaries: the Catholic encounter with race in the twentieth-century urban north. By John T. McGreevy. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996. Pp. vi+362. ISBN 0-226-55873-8. $27.50.What parish are you from? A Chicago Irish community and race relations. By Eileen M. McMahon. Lexington: University Press of Kentucky, 1995. Pp. xii+226. ISBN 0-8131-1877-8. $32.95.The Boston Irish: a political history. By Thomas H. O'Connor. London: Northeastern University Press, 1995. Pp. xixx+363. ISBN 1-55553-220-9. £23.50.The New York Irish. Edited by Ronald H. Bayor and Timothy J. Meagher. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996. Pp. xxii+743. ISBN 0-8018-5199-8. $45.00.The public city: the political construction of urban life in San Francisco, 1850–1900. By Philip J. Ethington. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995. Pp. xvi+464. ISBN 0-8018-5199-8. £40.00.Civic wars: democracy and public life in the American city during the nineteenth century. By Mary P. Ryan. London: University of California Press, 1997. Pp. xii+376. ISBN 0-520-20441-7. £16.15.Few events have had a greater impact on urban America than the Irish Catholic exodus, which eventually brought one third of the Irish to the United States. Irish Catholics were the first ethnic group to immigrate in large numbers to America's cities and to experience overt discrimination. Overcoming that discrimination, they emerged as the consummate political force in urban America. In the late nineteenth century, Irish politicians and their political machines controlled a majority of America's large cities, long before the election of John F. Kennedy as president brought the Irish political presence to the national stage. At once integrated into American culture and proud of their ethnic culture and identity, the Irish in America continue to have a clear cultural presence in both positive and negative ways, in many American cities. The Irish hold the best parades, but sometimes refuse to allow Irish homosexuals the right to parade in them. The Irish are proud of their neighbourhoods, sometimes to the point of physical violence.For the first time in over two centuries, however, Irish immigration patterns have reversed. Over the last two years, 13,000 more Irish moved back to Ireland from America than went the other way. This watershed change provides a good opportunity to reconsider the history of the Irish in America's cities, as the authors of some recent publications demonstrate. This review will examine six current studies that illuminate the Irish urban experience in America. The authors of these histories document the role of the Irish and the Catholic church in urban racial disturbances in the twentieth century; they reconsider the importance of the Irish to urban political culture; and they explore the contested meanings of being Irish in urban America.
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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "American political history ; culture wars ; american conservatism"

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Riddington, William. "The right, rights and the culture wars in the United States, 1981-1989." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/278057.

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This thesis explores how the American right fought the culture wars of the 1980s in the context of the rights revolution and the regulatory state. It does so by examining divisions over anti-abortion measures in Congress, controversies surrounding allegations of discriminatory withholding of medical care from disabled newborns, debates over the extent to which Title IX and other federal anti-discrimination regulations bound Christian colleges that rejected direct federal funding, and the interplay between rights and education during the AIDS crisis. In doing so, it contributes to the still-growing historiography on both American conservatism and the culture wars. Firstly, it adds shades of nuance to the literature on the American right, which has, until recently, posited the election of Ronald Reagan as the beginning of an era of untrammelled conservative ascendancy. However, these case studies reveal that despite Reagan’s resounding electoral success and the refiguring of the Republican party along conservative lines, the 1980s right was forced to fight many of its battles on terrain that remained structured by the liberal legacy. This finding also contributes to recent trends in the historiography of the culture wars, which have added a great depth of historical understanding to America’s interminable conflicts over abortion, evolution, equal marriage and other social issues. By examining how the right conceived of and reacted to the enduring influence of the rights revolution and the regulatory state in the culture wars of the 1980s, the centrality of the right to privacy becomes clear. Acknowledging the importance of this right leads to the conclusion that the fundamental restructuring of relations between the federal government and the states that had taken place during the 1960s gave rise to the culture wars of the 1980s.
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Johal, Kalwant S. "The Battle Over the Kent State Shootings and the Monopoly of Memorialization." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1236703442.

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Books on the topic "American political history ; culture wars ; american conservatism"

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Thompson, Mark Christian. Black fascisms: African American literature and culture between the wars. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2007.

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Seaton, James. Cultural conservatism, political liberalism: From criticism to cultural studies. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1996.

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Thompson, Mark Christian. Black fascisms: African American literature and culture between the wars. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2007.

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Crowley, Monica. What the (bleep) just happened-- again?: The happy warrior's guide to the great American comeback. New York, NY: Broadside Books, 2013.

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The making of the American conservative mind: National review and its times. Wilmington, Del: ISI Books, 2005.

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Hart, Jeffrey Peter. The making of the American conservative mind: National Review and its times. Wilmington, Del: ISI Books, 2007.

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Indian fighters turned American politicians: From military service to public office. Westport, Conn: Praeger, 2003.

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Bloom, James D. Left letters: The culture wars of Mike Gold and Joseph Freeman. New York: Columbia University Press, 1992.

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Ryan, Mary P. Civic wars: Democracy and public life in the American city during the nineteenth century. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997.

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Barry Goldwater and the remaking of the American political landscape. Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 2013.

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Book chapters on the topic "American political history ; culture wars ; american conservatism"

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Nickerson, Michelle M. "All Politics Was Local." In Mothers of Conservatism. Princeton University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691121840.003.0002.

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This chapter documents the formation of conservative activist culture in Los Angeles after World War II. It outlines the historic recipe of political, economic, religious, and ethnic factors that made conservatism so powerful in metropolitan Los Angeles, and then examines the formation of conservative female political culture and consciousness. The grassroots right, already in formation at the beginning of the decade, actively contributed to the beliefs, practices, and institutions that would, by 1960, become known as the “conservative movement.” American conservatism was produced through discourse—political rituals, rhetoric, and performances—before it became a movement with a recognizable name. The activist right toiled locally, not only by concentrating their energy in metropolitan venues, but by generating and continually emphasizing ideals about local community decision-making in an age of government centralization at the federal level.
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"The Historic Conflicts of Our Time." In Contingent Citizens, edited by Patrick Q. Mason, 208–20. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501716737.003.0014.

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This chapter talks about Ezra Taft Benson who commenced work as secretary of agriculture in the Dwight D. Eisenhower administration in 1953, while serving as one of the twelve apostles of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints. It describes Benson as a central figure in postwar American politics who represented the confluence and conflict between the various stripes of Mormon and American conservatism. It also discusses how Benson was the subject of national media interest and scrutiny in the 1950s and 1960. The chapter points out how Benson often took clear and controversially conservative positions on many of the historic conflicts of the twentieth century, such as anticommunism, the women's movement, international and domestic conflicts, and the culture wars. It traces American public representations of Mormonism by looking at Benson as a media filter.
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Dunkerley, James. "Chaotic epic: Samuel Huntington’s The Clash of Civilizations and the Remaking of World Order revisited." In American Foreign Policy. Manchester University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526116505.003.0007.

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As a core interpretative text of the immediate post-Cold War period, The Clash of Civilizations acquired an almost infamous status amongst liberal circles on account of a perceived melange of cultural essentialism, conservative realist thinking, and a confidently negative appraisal of world trends. In this chapter, James Dunkerley reviews the initial, often critical reception of Clash of Civilizations and seeks to explain why the text has continued to enjoy such widespread attention. He agrees with the view that, alongside Francis Fukuyama’s The End of History and John Mearsheimer’s The Tragedy of Great Power Politics, it forms part of distinct ‘moment’ following the collapse of the USSR and the complex challenges of the USA becoming, at least transiently, a ‘unipolar power’. However, he also identifies the continued salience of the text in Huntington’s often adept assessment of regional political trends, even when these are entirely divorced from his underlying civilizational thesis.
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Meyer, William B. "Climates, Cultures, and Founding Myths." In Americans and Their Weather. Oxford University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195131826.003.0007.

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The size, scope, and variety of changes in weather-society relations that history records are a great embarrassment to climatic determinism, for they have occurred without the weather itself becoming drastically different. But if determinism cannot account well for change, it surely holds more promise in explaining continuity. And indeed a pattern that goes back to the earliest years of Anglo-American settlement has long been a favorite illustration for climatic determinists of how environments shape societies. The Atlantic seaboard communities in the North and South of what is now the United States have for centuries differed markedly in their political culture and social structure. The environment has often been held responsible according to a general law supposedly governing such matters. Here as elsewhere, the enduring influence of heat made the South "traditional and conservative"; that of cold made the North "innovative and progressive." But it is conceding nothing to determinism to note that those contrasts do indeed have something to do with climate. They are merely related to it by another and far more tortuous pathway, time- and place-specific rather than universal, than the one suggested. The contrasts were not imposed by different climates molding originally similar groups of settlers and their descendants. Rather, the mixes of resources and hazards that different climates seemed to offer in one particular period attracted different kind of colonists and colonization, giving rise to different institutions and societies whose effects are still apparent. The contrasts between North and South do not bear out any timeless truth about climate-society relations, nor do they reflect anything that higher and lower latitudes always mean for their inhabitants. They reflect, rather, what those latitudes happened to mean in a certain time and place and social order, what they meant to the elites of Tudor and Stuart England. Late-sixteenth-century England was not in an enviable position economically. It could feed and clothe itself, but its surplus productions for export were few and unimpressive. The most important of them was woollen cloth, which was not an article much in demand in the warmer Mediterranean countries that supplied England with many of its necessities and luxuries: wine, sugar, olive and other oils, citrus fruits, silks, and spices.
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Kilgore, John Mac. "Rites of Dissent." In Mania for Freedom. University of North Carolina Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469629728.003.0003.

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Against the dominant interpretation of the American Revolution as a conservative historical phenomenon, this chapter argues for a reading of the event in which enthusiastic “rites of dissent” play a constitutive role for supporters and critics alike. The author discusses both the Loyalist and Patriot view that colonial resistance in the years leading up to and during the American Revolution was a species of mobbish English enthusiasm conjuring both the English Civil War (the specter of Oliver Cromwell) and the populist revival religion associated with George Whitefield. Through readings of Mercy Otis Warren, Thomas Paine, and Phillis Wheatley, the chapter’s claim is that literatures of enthusiasm, as a discourse of the American Revolutionary event, do indeed draw upon the Puritan revolutionary and Great Awakening revival heritage. Specifically, these literatures invent an insurgent American print culture that transforms aesthetic labor into an expression of dissent—a “theatre of action” that goads the reader to participate in a sacred drama of historical transformation. However, as a result of the post-Revolutionary backlash against political enthusiasm, Warren, Paine, and Wheatley each have had a troubled and uncertain place in American literary history.
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Schrad, Mark Lawrence. "Introduction—Everything You Know about Prohibition Is Wrong." In Smashing the Liquor Machine, 1–22. Oxford University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190841577.003.0001.

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The book begins with a vignette of the world’s most famous—and most misunderstood—prohibitionist: the hatchet-wielding saloon smasher, Carrie Nation. A deeper investigation finds that she was anything but the Bible-thumping, conservative evangelical that she’s commonly made out to be; but rather a populist-progressive equal-rights crusader. Chapter 1 lays bare the shortcomings of the dominant historical narrative of temperance and prohibitionism as uniquely American developments resulting from a clash of religious and cultural groups. By examining the global history of prohibition, we can shed new light on the American experience. Answering the fundamental question—why prohibition?—this book argues that temperance was a global resistance movement against imperialism, subjugation, and the predatory capitalism of a liquor traffic in which political and economic elites profited handsomely from the addiction and misery of the people.
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Hardy, Grant. "The Book of Mormon and the Bible." In Americanist Approaches to The Book of Mormon, 107–35. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190221928.003.0005.

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The Book of Mormon appeared in American history at a time of religious turmoil. As it attempted to answer questions posed by Christians and skeptics alike, it did so through narrative rather than direct exegetical commentary or doctrinal exposition (though such genres were at times incorporated into its narrative). Moreover, Joseph Smith’s book was presented as a newly revealed ancient scripture, equal in authority to the Bible. Consequently, while it shared many characteristics with the emerging genre of biblical fiction and reflected shifts in political culture from Old Testament inflected nationalism to a New Testament emphasis on individual salvation, The Book of Mormon was nevertheless an unusual literary and religious work. From a theological perspective, it affirmed many elements of conservative Christianity, including angels, prophecy, divine providence, and spiritual gifts, yet its very existence as extra-biblical scripture challenged notions of the uniqueness and sufficiency of the Bible. The Book of Mormon was clearly intended to be a companion to the Bible, and the connections between the two include not only thematic elements, but also archaic diction, shared phrasing, allusions, and subtle modifications of familiar biblical expressions that recontextualize and explain theological concepts and ambiguities.
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Kerby, Lauren R. "Victims." In Saving History, 77–104. University of North Carolina Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469658773.003.0004.

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This chapter explores how white evangelicals cast themselves as victims of an anti-Christian American mainstream in order to gain a political advantage in the culture wars. Christian heritage tourists expressed their feelings of persecution at numerous sites in D.C., including the National Cathedral and Supreme Court, where they lamented the coming legalization of same-sex marriage. They also interpreted the discomfort and inconveniences of being tourists, such as security checks, as unjust treatment. Even when the presence of Christian material culture challenged their claims to marginality, tourists adapted their stories to predict the coming victimization of Christian objects alongside Christians themselves. Tourists’ stories revealed a broader pattern among white evangelicals, who have borrowed the rhetoric of marginalized groups to position themselves as victims seeking fair treatment, not political hegemony. They used this strategy to resist Barack Obama’s administration, especially in regard to healthcare, and Donald Trump deployed his own victimization narrative to court white evangelical voters. This chapter shows that white evangelicals’ claims to victimhood do not necessarily reflect reality. Rather, they allow white evangelicals to sustain their sense of alienation even when they experience victory.
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