Log in

Relevant bibliographies by topics / American Protestantism / Journal articles

To see the other types of publications on this topic, follow the link: American Protestantism.

Journal articles on the topic 'American Protestantism'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

Create a spot-on reference in APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard, and other styles

Select a source type:

Consult the top 50 journal articles for your research on the topic 'American Protestantism.'

Next to every source in the list of references, there is an 'Add to bibliography' button. Press on it, and we will generate automatically the bibliographic reference to the chosen work in the citation style you need: APA, MLA, Harvard, Chicago, Vancouver, etc.

You can also download the full text of the academic publication as pdf and read online its abstract whenever available in the metadata.

Browse journal articles on a wide variety of disciplines and organise your bibliography correctly.

1

Tseng, Timothy. "Protestantism in Twentieth-Century Chinese America: The Impact of Transnationalism on the Chinese Diaspora." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 13, no. 1-2 (2006): 121–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187656106793645196.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThis article examines how an indigenous form of evangelicalism became the predominant form of Chinese Protestantism in the United States since 1949. Chinese-American Protestantism was so thoroughly reconstructed by separatist immigrants from the Diaspora and American-born (or American-raised) evangelicals that affiliation with mainline Protestant denominations and organizations is no longer desired. This development has revitalized Chinese-American Protestantism. Indeed, Chinese evangelicalism is one of the fastest-growing religions in China, the Chinese Diaspora, and among Chinese in America. Though the percentage of Chinese Americans affiliated with Christianity is not nearly as high as that of Korean Americans, Chinese-American Protestantism has achieved impressive numeric growth over the past fifty years. Much of this growth can be attributed to the large number of Chinese who have migrated to North America since World War II.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

2

Barreto Jr., Raimundo César. "Pistas sobre o pensamento ético-social protestante latino-americano." REFLEXUS - Revista Semestral de Teologia e Ciências das Religiões 11, no. 18 (December 17, 2017): 307. http://dx.doi.org/10.20890/reflexus.v11i18.552.

Full text

Abstract:

This article argues that in order to think about a Latin American Protestant social ethic one needs to understand the ethos in which it emerges. Such an ethos forms in the context of the development of Protestant social thought in Latin America. This article revisits some important moments and movements for the formation of this Protestant social thinking in the region in the course of the 20th century. Five moments are highlighted. Firstly, the awareness of Latin American Protestantism is identified as the starting point for the formation of a Protestant ethos in the continent. In a second moment, the search for autonomy of Latin American Protestantism stands out. Next, the moment is discussed when, in rupture with a reformist and socialist social vision, Protestant sectors for the first time embraced a more radical project. The fourth moment presents a brief evangelical response in the context of integral mission. Finally, the current challenges in a context marked by indigeneity and pentecostality are briefly addressed.Propõe-se que para pensar uma ética social protestante latino-americana precisa-se entender o ethos no qual ela emerge. Tal ethos se forma no contexto do desenvolvimento do pensamento social protestante na América Latina. Esse artigo revisita alguns momentos e movimentos importantes para a formação desse pensar social protestante na região no decorrer do seculo XX. Cinco momentos são destacados. Primeiramente, identifica-se a tomada de consciência do protestantismo latino-americano como ponto de partida para a formação de um ethos protestante no continente. Num segundo momento, destaca-se a busca por autonomia do protestantismo latino-americano. Em seguida, discute-se o momento quando, em ruptura com uma visão social reformista e desenvolvimentista, setores protestantes abraçaram pela primeira vez um projeto mais radical. O quarto momento apresenta uma breve resposta evangélica no contexto da missão integral. Por fim, aborda-se brevemente os desafios atuais num contexto marcado pela indigeneidade e pentecostalidade.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

3

KEMENY, P. C. "University Cultural Wars: Rival Protestant Pieties in Early Twentieth-Century Princeton." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 53, no. 4 (October 2002): 735–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046902008734.

Full text

Abstract:

Contrary to conventional wisdom, liberal Protestants, not fundamentalists, attempted to preserve Princeton University's traditional religious mission during the rapid intellectual and social change reshaping American higher education in the early twentieth century. In fact, when fundamentalists in the university community demanded the secularisation of the undergraduate programme, liberal Protestants spurned their efforts. Although American liberal Protestantism gradually dissolved into the surrounding secular culture over the course of the twentieth century, the conflict between the rival pieties of liberal and conservative Protestants reveals how and why liberal Protestantism was able to maintain hegemony over one key institution of American culture – the university – well into the mid-twentieth century.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

4

Swatos, William H. "On Latin American Protestantism." Sociology of Religion 55, no. 2 (1994): 197. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3711857.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

5

Barreto, Raimundo. "The Church and Society Movement and the Roots of Public Theology in Brazilian Protestantism." International Journal of Public Theology 6, no. 1 (2012): 70–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156973212x617190.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Brazilian Protestantism in its origins tended to develop a kind of pietistic and individualistic spirituality without much concern with the social structures of Brazilian society. Nevertheless, in its historical relation with a reality marked by poverty, social injustice and oppression, some Brazilian Protestants began to develop a sense of social responsibility and social justice, which has been manifest in different ways. This article is an overview of the first attempt from a Protestant viewpoint to develop a public theological discourse in Brazil, during the 1950s and early 1960s. It focuses on the Religion and Society movement, which not only preceded liberation theology in Latin America, but also dialogued with liberationist thought and influenced it, as well as other later public discourses among Catholics and Protestants in Latin America. Richard Shaull was the first significant organic intellectual who mediated the dialogue between European/North American theologies and the Latin American public theology, which was in the making.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

6

Martínez-Barrera, Jorge. "A Surprising Closeness in Latin American Academia: Luther and Certain Neurosciences." Open Theology 4, no. 1 (December 1, 2018): 677–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/opth-2018-0051.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to show a surprising coincidence between Lutheran Protestantism and physicalist neurosciences regarding the negation of free will and how this issue can begin to be studied in Latin American academia. The current advance of Protestantism in Latin America, accompanied by a decline in Catholicism, is simultaneous with a growing presence of the physicalist neurosciences. It can be seen that the development of Protestantism and neurosciences coincide historically in Latin America, unlike what happened in other parts of the world, where Protestantism has a much more extensive history. This allows us to suppose that the discussion on free will will be installed as a matter of research and discussion in the Latin American academia, which had not happened until now. In this work we also seek to identify what could be the common element that unites the Lutheran conception and the arguments of the physicalist neurosciences about the negation of free will. We will show that this common element is the aversion to metaphysics as an explanatory dimension of free will. The strong opposition to metaphysics is probably the most important common element between Lutheran Protestantism and the physicalistic neurosciences. This will allow us to show that the proximity between the two is not such an extravagant idea.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

7

King, David P. "The West Looks East: The Influence of Toyohiko Kagawa on American Mainline Protestantism." Church History 80, no. 2 (May 13, 2011): 302–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640711000023.

Full text

Abstract:

Toyohiko Kagawa served as the leading Christian voice in Japan from the 1920s through the 1940s. While nationally respected throughout Japan, he also became a hero among American Protestants. Kagawa's popularity in the West rose during a time of transition for mainline Protestantism. The American mainline's optimism and dominance as the religious “establishment” began to falter. It faced both religious and economic depression, internal theological divisions, and a reassessment of their mandate for missions. In the 1930s, mainline Protestants in America were searching for a voice, and Kagawa provided one. Long before the recent scholarship on the rise of global Christianity, the mainline had turned to World Christianity as a model. It was not simply Kagawa's message as a world statesman, however, that drew American Protestants. They also employed him as a symbol for their own aims and ambitions. At a time of reevaluating the foreign mission enterprise, Kagawa and an indigenous Eastern church reminded the mainline of past success while promising hope for the future. As an interpreter of social issues, Kagawa likewise spoke a contemporary idiom. For a short time, the Japanese Christian Toyohiko Kagawa became a Western hero, but a hero shaped through a particular Western lens.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

8

Morgan, David. "The Visual Culture of American Protestantism in the 19th Century." Caminhando 25, no. 2 (September 29, 2020): 143–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.15603/2176-3828/caminhando.v25n2p143-165.

Full text

Abstract:

The study of Protestant visual culture requires a number of correctives since many scholars and Protestants themselves presume images have played no role in religious practice. This essay begins by identifying misleading assumptions, proposes the importance of a visual culture paradigm for the study of Protestantism, and then traces the history of image use among American Protestants over the course of the nineteenth century. The aim is to show how the traditional association of image and text, tasked to evangelization and education, evolved steadily toward pictorial imagery and sacred portraiture. Eventually, text was all but eliminated in these visual formats, which allowed imagery to focus on the personhood of Jesus, replacing the idea of image as information with image as formation.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

9

HUMMEL, DANIEL G. "POWER AND PLURALISM: AMERICAN PROTESTANTISM AND THE AMERICAN CENTURY." Modern Intellectual History 17, no. 3 (April 2, 2019): 903–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244319000106.

Full text

Abstract:

The study of US foreign relations (what is now often called “America and the World”) has been in a protracted “religious turn” for at least a decade. One of the most prominent statements of the turn was Andrew Preston's article in Diplomatic History from 2006, “Bridging the Gap between the Sacred and the Secular in the History of American Foreign Relations.” Preston, a trained diplomatic historian who made an indelible contribution to the turn with his later Sword of Spirit, Shield of Strength: Religion in American War and Diplomacy (2012), called for “paying more attention” to religion in the field of American foreign relations. More precisely he urged historians to make of religion “a systematic rubric under which various moments in the history of American foreign relations, or the whole history itself, can be analyzed and explained.”

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

10

Synan, Vinson, Edith L. Blumhofer, Russell P. Spittler, and Grant A. Wacker. "Pentecostal Currents in American Protestantism." American Historical Review 105, no. 4 (October 2000): 1325. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2651481.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

11

Duhadaway, Don. "Protestantism and the American Founding." History: Reviews of New Books 33, no. 3 (January 2005): 102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2005.10526556.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

12

Marshall, P. J. "Transatlantic Protestantism and American Independence." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 36, no. 3 (September 2008): 345–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530802318417.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

13

Treusch, Ulrike. "In Search of Ancient Roots. The Christian past and the evangelical identity crisis." European Journal of Theology 28, no. 1 (December 1, 2020): 84–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/ejt2019.1.013.treu.

Full text

Abstract:

SummaryIn view of the fact that some North-American evangelical theologians have converted to supposedly more traditional Christian churches, Stewart calls on evangelical Christians to rediscover their historical roots and to overcome the historical oblivion. He proclaims: ‘Evangelical Protestantism is not the problem; evangelical Protestantism that has severed its roots in early Christianity is a problem.’RésuméConstatant que bien des théologiens évangéliques nordaméricains se tournent vers des Églises chrétiennes soidisant plus traditionnelles, à cause de leurs doutes sur l’identité évangélique, Stewart appelle les chrétiens évangéliques à redécouvrir leurs racines. Il soutient la thèse selon laquelle « le protestantisme évangélique n’est pas le problème ; le vrai problème réside dans le fait que le protestantisme évangélique a rompu avec le christianisme primitif ».ZusammenfassungAngesichts von Konversionen nordamerikanischer Evangelikaler zu vermeintlich traditionsreicheren christlichen Kirchen sowie von Zweifeln an der evangelikalen Identität zeigt Stewart hier facettenreich das Verhältnis des Evangelikalismus zur, vor allem frühchristlichen, Geschichte auf. Er fordert die Evangelikalen dazu auf, die eigene Geschichtsvergessenheit zu überwinden.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

14

Trollinger, William Vance. "Is There a Center to American Religious History?" Church History 71, no. 2 (June 2002): 380–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700095755.

Full text

Abstract:

Over the past few years I have been dealing with a narrow version of this question, as it has applied to the history of Protestantism in the twentieth century. In our book, Re-Forming the Center: American Protestantism, 1900 to the Present, Douglas Jacobsen and I argued that the two-party model of Protestantism in the United States—conservative vs. liberal, fundamentalist vs. modernist, and so on—does not take into account the remarkable complexity and diversity of the Protestant religious experience in America, and in some sense presents distorted picture of that reality. There were scholars—including Martin Marty, who generously contributed a dissenting essay to our volume—who felt that we had overstated our brief against the two-party paradigm. More relevant for our purposes this evening, there were a number of reviewers who agreed with our critique of the two-party paradigm, but who also expressed disappointment that we provided only the barest outlines of a new or better metaphor or model to explain twentieth-century American Protestantism. While I had not gone into this project thinking that we would end the day with a new interpretive paradigm, I certainly was not surprised by this critique. The very first time I gave a paper on some of our preliminary findings, there was a scholar of U.S. religious history in the audience who squirmed throughout the entirety of my remarks; when I finished, before I had the chance to ask for questions, she blurted out: “I find your argument pretty convincing, but if you can't give me a new model to replace the old one, how am I supposed to teach my course on the history of American Protestantism?” Well, we broaden the topic from Protestantism in the United States to religion in the United States, it would seem that, in many ways, this is the issue we are addressing this evening.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

15

Findlay, James, Elizabeth S. Peck, Emily Ann Smith, Lester F. Russell, and George R. Knight. "Nineteenth-Century Protestantism and American Education." History of Education Quarterly 26, no. 1 (1986): 125. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/368882.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

16

Uhlmann, Eric Luis, and Jeffrey Sanchez-Burks. "The Implicit Legacy of American Protestantism." Journal of Cross-Cultural Psychology 45, no. 6 (March 24, 2014): 992–1006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022022114527344.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

17

Hunter, James Davison. "Conservative Protestantism on the American Scene." Social Compass 32, no. 2-3 (June 1985): 233–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003776868503200206.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

18

Herzog, Albert A. "Disability Advocacy in American Mainline Protestantism." Journal of Religion, Disability & Health 10, no. 1-2 (May 31, 2006): 75–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1300/j095v10n01_06.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

19

Miller, Randall M. "The making of African‐American Protestantism." Slavery & Abolition 20, no. 3 (December 1999): 127–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440399908575289.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

20

Quinn, John F. "Father Mathew's Disciples: American Catholic Support for Temperance, 1840–1920." Church History 65, no. 4 (December 1996): 624–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170390.

Full text

Abstract:

Scholars have frequently noted that the American temperance movement had close ties with Protestantism throughout its long history. The Congregationalist minister Lyman Beecher, generally viewed as the founding father of temperance, helped spark the establishment of the American Temperance Society in 1826 with his Six Sermons on drunkenness. Later in the century devout Protestant laypersons, such as Women's Christian Temperance Union (WCTU) leader Frances Willard and Nebraska congressman and perennial presidential hopeful William Jennings Bryan, took up leadership of the cause. In the early years of this century, as Protestants began to divide into warring liberal and evangelical camps, Prohibition was one—and perhaps the only—issue which could unite most Protestants, from the firebreathing revivalist Billy Sunday on the one hand to the scholarly, liberal Walter Rauschenbusch on the other.1

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

21

Gladwin, Ryan R. "Streams of Latin American Protestant Theology." Brill Research Perspectives in Theological Traditions 1, no. 2 (January 7, 2020): 1–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/25898809-12340002.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract Although church historians often call the 19th century the Great Century of Protestant mission, for Latin America it was the 20th century that was the great century of Protestant growth and expansion. The 20th century witnessed vast societal changes and the realization of systemic poverty and injustice as well as the exponential growth, pentecostalization, and diversification of Latin American Protestantism. Latin American Protestant Theology emerged during this century of change. This text provides an introduction to Latin American Protestant Theology by engaging its dominant theological streams (Liberal, Evangelical, and Pentecostal) and how they understand themselves through the lens of mission. The text offers both a critique of the Christendom cartography that is dominant in Latin American Protestant Theology as well as suggestions for how to move towards a transformative theology of mission. The primary intention of this text is to offer an informed outline and analysis of the theological landscape of Latin American Protestantism. The secondary intention of this book is to note the contributions as well as deficiencies of the streams of LAPT in the hope to signal a possible path towards the development of an integral, transformative, contextual, and decolonial theological voice.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

22

Freston, Paul. "Researching the Heartland of Pentecostalism." Fieldwork in Religion 3, no. 2 (January 15, 2010): 122–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1558/firn.v3i2.122.

Full text

Abstract:

Latin America is undergoing a singular process of Christian pluralization from within and from the bottom up. It is thus a unique site for globalizing the US–European debate on religion and modernity. Pentecostalism has been the engine of religious change in Latin America, introducing a new model of the religious field. This article examines the relationship between the simultaneous growth of Pentecostalism and “no religion.” Latin America is also an important site for exploring the validity of controversial interpretations of the political implications of global southern Protestantism, with regard to geopolitics, democracy, urban violence and human rights. This paper also asks what light is thrown by Latin American Pentecostalism on the historical correlation between Protestantism and economic development, and by Latin American Pentecostal missionaries on the global debate about the rights and wrongs of proselytism. The conclusion discusses how the approaching ceiling on Pentecostal growth will change its sociological characteristics.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

23

Kurth, James. "New Secular Religion and the Clash with Neotraditional Great Religions." Unio Cum Christo 6, no. 2 (October 1, 2020): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.35285/ucc6.2.2020.art1.

Full text

Abstract:

The United States in 2020 is in the midst of its greatest crisis since that of the Great Depression and the Second World War. This crisis is the result of large numbers of Americans, especially elite Americans, abandoning the traditional American religion, which was originally based upon Reformed Protestantism, and replacing it with a new secular religion, which is global progressivism. The determined efforts of these elites to promote this secular and postmodern religion on a global scale have produced a determined resistance, also on a global scale. This global resistance is mounted by several neotraditional religions and their civilizations, which are the contemporary heirs of such ancient and traditional religions as Islam, Confucianism, Hinduism, and Eastern Orthodoxy KEYWORDS: American Creed, Axial Age civilizations, globalization, global progressivism, neotraditional civilizations, public theology, Reformed Protestantism, secularization, secular religion, Western civilization

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

24

OSHATZ, MOLLY. "THE PROBLEM OF MORAL PROGRESS: THE SLAVERY DEBATES AND THE DEVELOPMENT OF LIBERAL PROTESTANTISM IN THE UNITED STATES." Modern Intellectual History 5, no. 2 (August 2008): 225–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244308001637.

Full text

Abstract:

The slavery debates in the antebellum United States sparked a turning point in American theology. They forced moderately antislavery Protestants, including William Ellery Channing, Francis Wayland, and Horace Bushnell, to reconcile their contradictory loyalties to the Bible and to antislavery reform. Unable to use the letter of the Bible to make a scriptural case against slavery in itself, the moderates argued that although slavery had been acceptable in biblical times, it had become a sin. Antislavery Protestantism required a theory of moral progress, a deeply unorthodox idea that became fundamental to the development of late nineteenth-century liberal Protestantism. The antislavery argument from moral progress, along with the moral progress represented by abolition, established a progressive conception of revelation that would be further developed by late nineteenth-century liberal theologians, including Newman Smyth, Lyman Abbott, and Theodore Munger.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

25

Schilling, Annegreth. "Between context and conflict: the ‘boom’ of Latin American Protestantism in the ecumenical movement (1955–75)." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 274–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000086.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe article looks at the entanglement of the international ecumenical movement and Latin American Protestantism in the ‘long 1960s’. It investigates the influence and significance of Latin American liberation theology for the churches and theology around the world. During this period, it was particularly the World Council of Churches (WCC), a worldwide fellowship of Christian churches, which strengthened the efforts of churches from the ‘Third World’ to identify their own theological issues and questions. In this way, the WCC strongly supported Latin American Protestant church leaders and theologians in giving specific attention to their own context. The article argues that the ‘boom’ of Latin American Protestantism within the WCC in the 1960s and early 1970s brought into the global ecumenical movement both new theological concepts, such as revolution and liberation, and individuals exiled from Latin America. Yet this contextual and emancipatory approach revealed at the same time fundamental differences and conflicts between churches of the North and South.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

26

HOLLINGER, DAVID A. "JESUS MATTERS IN THE USA." Modern Intellectual History 1, no. 1 (April 2004): 135–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244303000052.

Full text

Abstract:

Eugene McCarraher, Christian Critics: Religion and the Impasse in Modern American Social Thought (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2000)D. G. Hart, The Lost Soul of American Protestantism (Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield, 2002)William R. Hutchison, Religious Pluralism in America: The Contentious History of a Founding Ideal (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2003)John T. McGreevy, Catholicism and American Freedom: A History (New York: W. W. Norton, 2003)

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

27

Bratt, James D. "The Reorientation of American Protestantism, 1835–1845." Church History 67, no. 1 (March 1998): 52–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3170771.

Full text

Abstract:

In March 1835 Charles Finney told a gathering in New York City: “If the church will do all her duty, the millennium may come in this country in three years.” This statement has often served as an epigram for the era, the motto of that movement for revivalism and social reform that, having already swept the churches, was to so infuse the culture with its moral imperatives as to make a Civil War against slavery inevitable and the hegemony of evangelical Protestantism secure. On this reading Finney's declaration marks the midpoint in a story of triumph—triumph for revival religion, and triumph for a nation that aspired to righteousness.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

28

Schneider, A. G. "American Protestantism in the Age of Psychology." Journal of American History 99, no. 2 (August 20, 2012): 648–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jas220.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

29

Escobar, J. Samuel. "A MISSIOLOGICAL APPROACH TO LATIN AMERICAN PROTESTANTISM." International Review of Mission 87, no. 345 (April 1998): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.1998.tb00075.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

30

Escobar, J. Samuel. "The Missiological Significance of Latin American Protestantism." International Review of Mission 100, no. 2 (November 2011): 232–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1758-6631.2011.00071.x.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

31

Moorhead, James H. "The Quest for Holiness in American Protestantism." Interpretation: A Journal of Bible and Theology 53, no. 4 (October 1999): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/002096439905300405.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

32

Krabbendam, Hans. "The Transformers." Journal of Religion in Europe 7, no. 3-4 (December 4, 2014): 223–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18748929-00704003.

Full text

Abstract:

This article compares two leading American evangelists Frank Buchman and Billy Graham as to the innovations they made in the transatlantic religious regimes before and after World War II. Differences in personality, in message and audience, in religious allies, in political expectations, and the changing conditions of European Protestantism explain their successive popularity. Buchman operated in the holiness tradition, Graham in the revivalist framework. Both offered persuasive examples of personal change that enabled European Protestants to find alternatives to the established relationship between public and private religion.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

33

Lofton, Kathryn. "The Methodology of the Modernists: Process in American Protestantism." Church History 75, no. 2 (June 2006): 374–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700111357.

Full text

Abstract:

Scholarship on early-twentieth-century American Protestant modernism appears to have arrived at an impasse. Although scholars continue to explore the biographical contours of modernist individuals, and theologians still review the capacity of modernist theologies, the body of analytical scholarship on the “modernist impulse” has failed to keep apace with the glut of materials addressing its fraternal twin, fundamentalism. Published in 1976, William Hutchison's The Modernist Impulse in American Protestantism remains the last significant historical commentary on the cultural and intellectual dynamics of Protestant modernism. In that masterful exegesis, Hutchison supplied the classic definition of this impulse, arguing that despite the diversity of its participants and complexity of their thought, the modernist movement in America could be accurately summarized as a shared commitment to cultural adaptation, God's immanent role in human development, and a postmillennial progressivism. While this tripartite formulation still provides the authoritative elucidation of early-twentieth-century Protestant thought, a reappraisal of the modernist canon reveals that Christian liberals not only were invested in theological overhaul and intellectual malleability, but also persistently specified an elaborate methodological structure for belief. In works such as Minot Savage's Jesus and Modern Life (1898), Margaret Benson's The Venture of Rational Faith (1908), Douglas Clyde Macintosh's Theology as an Empirical Science (1919), J. Macbride Sterrett's Modernism in Religion (1922), and Henry Nelson Wieman's The Wrestle of Religion with Truth (1927), seminarians and ministers offered detailed descriptions of how Protestants should think in the modern era. These were not expansive tracts bent on exploring the fluid boundaries of faith in a plural culture; rather, these were precise, pointed exhortations on the virtue of scrupulous historical research, scriptural comparison, and relentless self-examination. Rather than continue to translate Protestant modernism as cultural acquiescence and enthusiastic historicism, this essay suggests that a recalibrated portrait of this movement is needed.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

34

Pruitt, N. T. "American Evangelical Protestantism and European Immigrants, 1800-1924." Journal of Church and State 55, no. 4 (October 8, 2013): 816–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jcs/cst073.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

35

Miller, Donald E. "Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium." Pro Ecclesia: A Journal of Catholic and Evangelical Theology 8, no. 4 (November 1999): 501–2. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/106385129900800415.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

36

Sargeant, Kimon Howland, and Donald E. Miller. "Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium." Social Forces 78, no. 3 (March 2000): 1177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3005953.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

37

Poloma, Margaret M., and Donald E. Miller. "Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 37, no. 2 (June 1998): 372. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1387537.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

38

Ammerman, Nancy T., and Donald E. Miller. "Reinventing American Protestantism: Christianity in the New Millennium." Contemporary Sociology 27, no. 3 (May 1998): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2655191.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

39

Gradert, Kenyon. "The Mayflower and the Slave Ship: Pilgrim-Puritan Origins in the Antebellum Black Imagination." MELUS 44, no. 3 (2019): 63–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/melus/mlz025.

Full text

Abstract:

Abstract This essay argues that antebellum black writers claimed America in part by reimagining a national rhetoric of Pilgrim-Puritan origins. Various connections have been drawn between the Puritans and early black writers, including a revised tradition of typological identification with Israel, captivity narratives, and, most frequently, the “black jeremiad.” In addition to these scholarly genealogies, black writers struggled more directly with their spiritual genealogies in an effort to reconcile a growing investment in American and Protestant identity with an emergent sense of black roots. Since Paul Gilroy, a growing number of scholars have examined the importance of origins for antebellum black writers in conversation with dominant Euro-American traditions, yet American Protestantism remains a minor presence in these studies. If early black studies of antiquity, biblical history, and European historiography, for example, were crucial to an emergent sense of black roots, they intertwined in complex ways with black writers’ investment in American Protestantism and its vision of history. Ultimately, black writers further radicalized abolitionists’ revolutionary Puritan genealogy as they made it their own, expanding this spiritual lineage to sanction fugitive slaves, black revolutionaries, and eventually the black troops of the American Civil War, imagined as the culmination of a sacred destiny that was both black and American, traceable to the Mayflower and the slave ship alike.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

40

Stout, Harry S. "Review Essay: Religion, War, and the Meaning of America." Religion and American Culture: A Journal of Interpretation 19, no. 2 (2009): 275–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/rac.2009.19.2.275.

Full text

Abstract:

AbstractThe norm of American national life is war. From colonial origins to the present, Americans have never seen a generation that was not preoccupied with wars, threats of wars, and military interventions on foreign soils. This is not something Americans—or American historians—are trained to think about. In American memory and mythology, the United States is, at heart, a nation of peace; it unleashes the quiver of war as a last resort and only when pushed. In like manner religion, especially what we now call evangelical Protestantism, has been a conspicuous presence in American wars from the seventeenth century to the present. American wars are sacred wars and American religion, with some notable exceptions, is martial at the very core of its being. The ties between war and religion are symbiotic and the two grew up inextricably intertwined.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

41

Ariel, Yaakov. "In the Shadow of the Millennium: American Fundamentalists and the Jewish People." Studies in Church History 29 (1992): 435–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0424208400011463.

Full text

Abstract:

In 1982 Menachem Begin, then Israel’s Prime Minister, presented Jerry Falwell, an evangelist and leader of the fundamentalist group ‘the Moral Majority’, with a medal of the Jabotinsky Order, an organization associated with Begin’s Likud Party. Observers both of American religion and Middle East politics could not help but notice the friendship that had developed between the Israeli government and conservative evangelical elements within American Protestantism. The special interest this segment of American Protestantism had in the fate of the Jewish people, and their support for a national Jewish home in the Land of Israel was evident from the early beginnings of the fundamentalist movement and was derived from their interpretation of biblical prophecy regarding the end of history—in which they see a prominent role for the Jewish people.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

42

JOHNSON, BENTON. "Liberal Protestantism: End of the Road?" ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 480, no. 1 (July 1985): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716285480001004.

Full text

Abstract:

The liberal Protestant denominations, long the most influential of America's mainline religious bodies, have suffered serious membership losses since the late 1960s. The principal sources of the losses are in the failure of the children of members to remain affiliated; this failure has been traced to a value shift that began among college-educated youth in the 1960s. Although this shift caught the liberal churches by surprise, their leaders contributed to the intellectual climate that made it possible. This climate was created in the 1930s by Reinhold Niebuhr in his critique of the optimistic religious liberalism of his day as the self-serving ideology of the bourgeoisie. As an alternative he urged theology to recover a sense of the sinful and tragic side of life and urged Christians to support the struggles of oppressed peoples. Although these themes profoundly affected liberal Protestant leaders, they failed to attract most lay people. In the 1950s Protestant intellectuals began mounting a frontal assault on the popular piety of the laity. This assault, which eventually extended even to theistic belief itself, was thematically similar to secular intellectuals' critiques of American culture and institutions, which were later embodied in an exaggerated form in the youth rebellions of the 1960s. If the liberal churches are to recover their strength and cultural influence they will have to make liberal Christianity more relevant and compelling to its own constituency.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

43

Yaremko, Jason M. "Protestant Missions, Cuban Nationalism and the Machadato." Americas 56, no. 3 (January 2000): 53–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003161500029527.

Full text

Abstract:

Before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, Protestantism and Cuban nationalism coexisted relatively comfortably and even naturally, the function of a Protestant movement under Spanish colonialism that, unlike the rest of Latin America, was run not by North American or English missionaries, but by Cuban ministers. After United States intervention in 1898, U.S. interests were imposed on virtually every sector of Cuban society, including organized Protestantism, influencing Cuba's development for at least the next half-century. Preempted by U.S. intervention, Cuban nationalism, in both its ecclesiastical and secular dimensions, endured and intensified with the deepening of Cubans' dependency on the U.S. Politically, Cuban nationalism was expressed in growing protests and demands for a more genuine independence by abrogating the Platt Amendment and otherwise ending U.S. interventionism. Ecclesiastically, Cubans pushed for a greater role in Protestant church affairs, and toward Cubanization of the Church. Protestant missions thus confronted a rising nationalism within and outside the Church. By 1920, eastern Cuba, the cradle of Cuban independence, became the epicenter of this struggle.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

44

Weston, Beau, and Conrad Cherry. "Hurrying toward Zion: Universities, Divinity Schools, and American Protestantism." Review of Religious Research 38, no. 3 (March 1997): 281. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3512095.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

45

Weston, Beau, and Marsha G. Witten. "All Is Forgiven: The Secular Message in American Protestantism." Social Forces 73, no. 4 (June 1995): 1641. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2580482.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

46

Marty, Martin E., and Conrad Cherry. "Hurrying toward Zion: Universities, Divinity Schools, and American Protestantism." Academe 82, no. 3 (1996): 73. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/40251488.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

47

Baker, David P., and Marsha G. Witten. "All Is Forgiven: The Secular Message in American Protestantism." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 2 (March 1995): 178. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076841.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

48

Kemeny, P. C., and Conrad Cherry. "Hurrying toward Zion: Universities, Divinity Schools, and American Protestantism." History of Education Quarterly 37, no. 1 (1997): 98. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369928.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

49

Hart, D. G., and Douglas Sloan. "Faith and Knowledge: Mainline Protestantism and American Higher Education." History of Education Quarterly 36, no. 3 (1996): 363. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/369422.

Full text

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

50

Ruotsila, Markku. "Conservative American Protestantism in the League of Nations Controversy." Church History 72, no. 3 (September 2003): 593–616. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000964070010037x.

Full text

Abstract:

The emerging fundamentalist movement made its first foray into extra-ecclesiastical politics during the League of Nations controversy of 1919–20. Both of the two main wings of fundamentalism—dispensational premillennialists and conservative Calvinists—took part in this controversy because both of them regarded the proposed League as an important, inherently religious issue. Both kinds of fundamentalists opposed the League, and both used the ratification debate to articulate their own types of Christian anti-internationalism. In the process they lent much Christian rhetoric to the political opponents of the League, the “Irreconcilables,” who were interested in exploiting it for their ostensibly purely secular critiques. Despite the fundamentalists' success in preventing League ratification, the controversy made them acutely aware of the political power and appeal of their liberal Protestant rivals. These had exerted themselves on behalf of the League, imparted their own religious complexion to the pro-League argument, and, not least, had managed officially to enlist almost all denominations to their side.

APA, Harvard, Vancouver, ISO, and other styles

We offer discounts on all premium plans for authors whose works are included in thematic literature selections. Contact us to get a unique promo code!