Dissertations / Theses: 'American Public opinion'

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Clawson, Rosalee A. "Social groups and socio-cultural explanations in American public opinion /." The Ohio State University, 1996. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1487935573773662.

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Campbell, D. A. "English public opinion and the American Civil War : a reconsideration." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.597254.

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One nation which paid particular attention to the American Civil War was Great Britain. Sharing a common language, important trade links, and having its largest colony border the United States, the British were, not unnaturally, close observers of the conflict. They were also very nearly participants when, in December 1861, the Union violated international law during the Trent Affair. Despite this, and other disputes over the rights of neutrals, such as the purchase and/or building of Southern sea-raiders such as the Alabama and Northern raids into Canada, Britain neither recognised the Confederacy, nor directly intervened in the war. Nonetheless, when the conflict ended, both former antagonists condemned Britain for allegedly sympathising with the other side. This thesis examines the nature of this sympathy, not from the diplomatic approach, which has already been well-researched, but from that of English public opinion. This latter area remains controversial. There exists a traditional interpretation which, simply put, divides English sentiment between progression on the side of the Union, and reaction on the side of the Confederacy. In response to this has arisen a revisionist approach which openly questions whether English opinion can be so easily divided and has challenged certain aspects and arguments of the traditional interpretation. Despite the revisionists, however, the most recent studies on the subject have largely resurrected the traditional view of English sentiment and the American Civil War. This thesis posits that the revisionist approach, far from over-correcting the traditional interpretation, has in fact been too mild a challenge. That English public opinion was not, in fact, split between two such opposing camps; that most in England were suspicious of both sides in the conflict, and that even each side's partisans were not entirely composed of any one particular social or political group.

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Mouron, Fernando. "Public opinion and foreign policy revisited: a Latin American perspective." Universidade de São Paulo, 2018. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/101/101131/tde-10042018-143030/.

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This thesis seeks to be a contribution to a broader debate on how public opinion builds up its perceptions on foreign policy and foreign affairs. Its two main objectives are to examine: (a) which are the determinants that explain public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs; and (b) whether public opinion is sensitive to framing effects on this issue. The analysis was done by mixing quantitative methods and survey experiments, while its novelty is that brings unprecedent evidence from Latin America. The main findings of the thesis are two-fold. On the one hand, Latin American public opinion knowledge on foreign affairs is low. In this regard, both traditional individual variables and contextual ones, namely the size of the city, are useful to predict a person\'s knowledge. On the other, public opinion perceptions regarding foreign policy, either presented on a general or specific way, are sensitive to framing effects.
Esta tese procura ser uma contribuição para um debate mais amplo sobre como a opinião pública constrói suas percepções sobre política externa e assuntos internacionais. Os dois principais objetivos são examinar: (a) quais são os determinantes que explicam o conhecimento da opinião pública a respeito de assuntos internacionais; e (b) se a opinião pública é sensível a efeitos de enquadramento sobre esta questão. A análise foi feita misturando métodos quantitativos e pesquisas de opinião pública experimentais, enquanto sua novidade é que traz evidências sem precedentes da América Latina. As principais conclusões da tese são duplas. Por um lado, o conhecimento da opinião pública latino-americana sobre assuntos externos é baixo. A este respeito, tanto as variáveis individuais tradicionais como as contextuais - o tamanho da cidade - são úteis para prever o conhecimento de uma pessoa. Por outro lado, as percepções da opinião pública em relação à política externa, apresentadas de forma geral ou específica, são sensíveis aos efeitos de enquadramento.

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Casey, S. "Franklin D Roosevelt, American public opinion and Nazi Germany 1941-1945." Thesis, University of Oxford, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.508844.

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Deaville, James. "Selling War: Television News Music and the Shaping of American Public Opinion." Bärenreiter Verlag, 2012. https://slub.qucosa.de/id/qucosa%3A72045.

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Li, Gao Sheng. "Soft power in practice :China's public diplomacy towards America." Thesis, University of Macau, 2015. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b3335241.

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Kohn, Edward P. (Edward Parliament) 1968. "This kindred people : Canadian-American relations and North American Anglo-Saxonism during the Anglo-American rapprochement, 1895-1903." Thesis, McGill University, 2000. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=36625.

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At the end of the nineteenth century, English-Canadians and Americans faced each other across the border with old animosities. Many Canadians adhered to familiar ideas of Loyalism, imperialism and anti-Americanism to differentiate the Dominion from the republic. In the United States, on the other hand, lingering notions of anglophobia and "Manifest Destiny" caused Americans to look upon the British colony to the north as a dangerous and unnatural entity. America's rise to world power status and the Anglo-American rapprochement, however, forced Americans and Canadians to adapt to the new international reality. Emphasizing their shared language, civilization, and forms of government, many English-speaking North Americans drew upon Anglo-Saxonism to find common ground. Indeed, Americans and Canadians often referred to each other as members of the same "family" sharing the same "blood," thus differentiating themselves from other races. As many of the events of the rapprochement had a North American context, Americans and English-Canadians often drew upon the common lexicon of Anglo-Saxon rhetoric to undermine the old rivalries and underscore their shared interests. Though the predominance of Anglo-Saxonism at the turn of the century proved short-lived, it left a legacy of Canadian-American goodwill, as both nations accepted their shared destiny on the continent and Canada as a key link in the North Atlantic Triangle.

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Von, Rautenfeld Hans. "This our talking America : Emerson, public opinion, and democratic representation /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2002. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3044777.

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Miller, Joshua Kent. "Hope, Goals, and Homosexuality| An Examination of Current American Public Opinion on Homosexuality." Thesis, University of Arkansas at Little Rock, 2017. http://pqdtopen.proquest.com/#viewpdf?dispub=10187288.

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Over the past five years, American public opinion on homosexuality has rapidly shifted in a more positive direction. Its subjugation exemplifies how an intimate and singular topic can be used to ignite and potentially misguide the American people, resulting in violent demonstration and even death. Although public opinion has shifted towards a greater acceptance of homosexuality, viewpoints are still very polarized. In addition to the available literature, elements from the complete data set of the General Social Survey (1972–2014) were analyzed to better understand this polarization that persists. Subject-specific variables concerning homosexuality were extrapolated and simple Ordinary Least Squares regression models were tested using STATA version SE 12.1. The evidence gathered supports this thesis’ assertion that Snyder’s theory of hope, when applied to the topic of homosexuality, provides a uniquely useful and alternative lens through which to explain the polarization of current public opinion about homosexuality in America.

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Connors, Maureen E. "Vox populi the classical idiom in early American public opinion articles, 1789-1791 /." Fairfax, VA : George Mason University, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/1920/3224.

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Thesis (M.A,)--George Mason University, 2008.
Vita: p. 116. Thesis director: Rosemarie Zagarri. Submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in History. Title from PDF t.p. (viewed Aug. 28, 2008). Includes bibliographical references (p. 110-115). Also issued in print.

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Greear, Wesley P. "American immigration policies and public opinion on European Jews from 1933 to 1945." [Johnson City, Tenn. : East Tennessee State University], 2002. http://etd-submit.etsu.edu/etd/theses/available/etd-0322102-113418/unrestricted/Greear040102.pdf.

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Bryant, Yaphet Urie. "African American female adolescents and rap music video's image of women : attitudes and perceptions." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1045619.

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The present study sought to answer the following questions: Is there a correlation between time spent watching rap music videos and and perception of the imagery of women in rap music videos shown? 2) Is there a correlation between the perception of the imagery of women in rap music videos and their attitudes toward women? There were a total of 53 AAFA who participated in the study. The participants completed the Background Questionnaire and Attitude Toward Women Scale for Adolescents (AWSA). They then viewed approximately 10 minutes of rap music videos that portrayed women negatively, and completed the Opinions on Music Videos survey and the General Questions about Rap Music survey. The data were analyzed with two crosstabs matching time spent watching rap music videos per week with feelings about images of women in rap videos shown, and acceptance of images of women in rap videos shown. A t-test was used to compare AWSA scores and acceptance of images of women in rap music videos shown. A one-way ANOVA was used to compare AWSA scores and feelings about women in rap music videos shown. The results of the study suggest that the more time spent watching rap videos, the less likely the participants would accept the negative images of women in these videos as negative and vice versa. No relationship was found between time spent watching rap videos and feelings about the images portrayed. Regardless of the participant's AWSA score, it did not correlate with her perceptions of the images of women in rap music videos shown. Implications for research and practice were then discussed.
Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

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Dieck, Hélène. "The influence of American public opinion on US military interventions after the Cold War." Thesis, Paris, Institut d'études politiques, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014IEPP0014.

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Les études académiques récentes sur l'influence de l'opinion publique sur les interventions militaires dans les démocraties occidentales concluent pour la plupart que l’opposition du public n’a pas empêché le président de faire usage de la force. Ces études se concentrent souvent sur le choix d'intervenir dans un conflit donné et omettent d'analyser les ajustements apportés à l'intervention elle-même du fait de l'opinion publique. Cette étude tente au contraire de montrer qu'on ne peut comprendre l’influence de l'opinion publique si l'on se limite à la décision d'intervenir et n’étudie pas les décisions connexes liées à la conduite et à la réussite d'une intervention: le choix des moyens humains et financiers, les objectifs, la stratégie de communication. La littérature scientifique actuelle omet également de dévoiler la manière dont l'exécutif tente de gérer la contrainte de l'opinion publique et comprendre ainsi quelle est sa véritable marge de manœuvre vis-à-vis de celle-ci. En effet, l’opinion publique et la présidence s’influencent mutuellement : le président est souvent contraint de trouver un compromis entre les objectifs politiques et militaires désirés et ce que le public est prêt à accepter. En incluant l'impact de l'opinion publique sur la mise en œuvre des opérations militaires, cette recherche conclut que le public américain a eu une influence majeure sur le degré d'engagement, les objectifs et la durée des interventions militaires de l'après Guerre froide. Notre étude s’appuie principalement sur des entretiens avec des responsables politiques impliqués dans le processus décisionnel ayant conduit à l’usage de la force après la Guerre froide. Ce processus décisionnel sera analysé à travers cinq études de cas
Recent qualitative studies of the relationship between public opinion and U.S. foreign policy put decisions into the following two categories: the President tends to lead or to follow public opinion; public opinion influences decision-making, constrains the decision, or has no impact. These studies typically research the initial decision to intervene, but fail to examine the subsequent decisions to sustain and win a war: financial and human means, conduct, objectives, duration, and communication. I argue that these elements of a winning strategy are impacted by concerns with public support at home. The impact of public opinion on the decision whether to use force is better understood when analyzing the compromise between the perception of anticipated public opinion and the necessities of a military campaign. Public opinion impacts the strategy, the timing, and length of an intervention, and inversely, those elements impact the anticipated public opinion and ultimately the decision to use force or choose a different course of action. The president can expect to influence public opinion and raise the acceptability of an intervention through various means. As a consequence, there is a back-and-forth process between anticipated public support for a given intervention and the consideration of the use of force. Contrary to the current literature, which tends to conclude that the president enjoys a substantial margin for maneuver, an analysis of post Cold War cases of interventions, limited interventions, and military escalations shows that anticipated public opinion limited the president's margin for maneuver and influenced not only the decision to intervene but also the military strategy and in the end, the result of the intervention. These findings contradict the realist paradigm for which only the structure of the international system matters and domestic politics are irrelevant in the study of international relations

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DeHart, Clara. "“Doesn’t Feel Warmer to Me”: Climate Change Denial and Fear in American Public Opinion." Wittenberg University Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wuhonors1617880209537027.

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Odeh, Rana Kamal. "The Impact of Changing Narratives on American Public Opinion Toward the U.S.-Israel Relationship." Wright State University / OhioLINK, 2014. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=wright1401818860.

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De, Vecchio Noemi <1986&gt. "The Perception of the US-Saudi Relationship in the American Public Opinion, 1969-1979." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/2209.

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Lo scopo di questo lavoro è quello di analizzare la percezione della relazione tra Stati Uniti ed Arabia Saudita per gli anni che vanno dal 1969 al 1979, all'interno dell'opinione pubblica Americana. Per fare questo sono stati esaminati diversi articoli di giornale, estrapolati da differenti pubblicazioni Americane: New York Times, Time Magazine, Foreign Affairs, Commentary, Monthly Review, Radical America. Il lavoro è composto di quattro capitoli: il primo analizza la nascita della relazione tra i due paesi. Il secondo capitolo esamina gli anni della presidenza Nixon, con particolar riferimento alle negoziazioni sviluppatesi tra i due paesi dopo la crisi petrolifera del 1973. Il terzo analizza gli anni della presidenza Ford, in particolar modo il riciclaggio dei petrodollari. L'ultimo capitolo si concentra sull'amministrazione Carter e, per quanto riguarda le relazioni tra Stati Uniti ed Arabia Saudita, esplora ed analizza momenti di cooperazione e conflitto tra i due paesi negli ultimi anni '70.

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Wang, Xiuli. "Winning American hearts and minds : country characteristics, public relations and mass media." Related electronic resource: Current Research at SU : database of SU dissertations, recent titles available, full text:, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/syr/main.

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Jarvis, Hugh Eugene. "Public opinion and the introduction of congressional environmental legislation, 1973-2002." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2008. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0002747.

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Barlow, Donald L. "Indiana editorial opinion on the League of Nations : January 1919-March 1920." Virtual Press, 1987. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/530366.

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This study sought to test on the state level the validity of Thomas A. Bailey's theory on reactions to the proposal for a League of Nations following World War I. Bailey, a noted diplomatic historian, suggested that most groups were guided by partisan loyalties to either support or oppose the League. Indiana newspaper editors were chosen as the test group for study because of their influence with the public and the accessibility of their views. Ten Indiana newspapers were surveyed fully between January 1919 and the end of March 1920, and an additional eleven papers were spot-checked during that period. The state newspapers were divided as equally as possible based upon their support for either the Democratic or the Republican party, and then were compared to two national newspapers, one Democratic and one Republican.The results of these comparisons appear to validate Bailey's hypothesis. The editorial positions of most of the Indiana newspapers coincided with the positions of thepolitical parties with which they were identified. The study also revealed greater diversity of opinion among editors of both political persuasions during the early months of 1919 as the participants at the Paris Peace Conference worked toward the first draft of the Covenant. After President Wilson presented the Treaty of Versailles to the United States Senate, partisan debate ensued, and a narrowing of editorial opinion parallel to that debate was evident among newspapers on both sides. Pro-League newspapers supported Wilson's position from the time he presented it to the Senate in July 1919. Anti-League newspapers supported Senator Henry Cabot Lodge and his followers in the Senate from about the same time. Neither group changed significantly from then until the final defeat of the treaty in March 1920. Thus, it would appear that Bailey's hypothesis regarding the partisan origins of most group's positions was correct.
Department of History

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Rotimi, Adewale R. (Adewale Rufus). "Perceptions of the Seriousness of Crime and Attitudes Regarding Criminal Justice Issues: An Analysis of the 1982 American Broadcasting Corporation's News Poll of Public Opinion on Crime." Thesis, North Texas State University, 1987. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331054/.

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This study deals with the analysis of public opinion about crime and attitudes regarding criminal justice issues along two major dimensions. The first part concerns how respondents rank crime among a list of nine social problems (unemployment, high interest rates, inflation, crime, the high cost of living, moral decline, taxes, dissatisfaction with the government, and Reagan). The second dimension examines some research questions. These are whether there was any association between the respondents' perception of crime trends and each of the following: demographic background, neighborhood safety, the death penalty, gun ownership, frequency of locking doors, avoidance of teenagers, and the evaluation of police job performance; and also whether there was any association between the respondents' victimization experience and seriousness of crime and police job performance. The data were obtained from the archives of the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research in Michigan.

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Rothenstein, Rike. "Out of Sync: Is There a Mismatch Between the American Environmental Movement and Public Opinion?" University of Cincinnati / OhioLINK, 2015. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ucin1439308068.

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McCallister, Joe Michael. "A Public View of Adult Education." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1988. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331571/.

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In this study the public view of adult education in the United States was inferred from articles published in nationally distributed magazines. Two hundred twenty-eight articles from fifty-three non-professional magazines published in the United States from January 1,1970, through December 31, 1987, were reviewed. The articles were selected from those listed under "adult education," or cross referenced as "see also" under "adult education" in the Reader's Guide to Periodical Literature. The research questions were: What concept of adult education appears in the print media? To what extent is this view congruent with professional views of adult education? Leisure learning and literacy programs were prevalent and available from a variety of sources. Adult illiteracy was reported as a national concern. Programs that were commonplace (basic education, general equivalency degree classes, job skills training, and industrial training) were reported less often than new or novel programs. Most articles were positive in tone, promoting adult education activities as useful, rewarding, and enjoyable experiences, but ignored adult education as a professional field. The public view as reflected in the articles was positive with programs available to adults of many levels of educational attainment. The public view was not congruent with professional writings. Group activities were more in evidence than self directed learning. Learners tended to be urban, educated, and Caucasian. Although few programs restricted participation because of age or gender there were discernible groups of aged people and women. Programs were usually sponsored by institutions of higher education and entrepreneurs, and rarely by public school systems, community organizations, or cultural groups. Program content reflected adult interest in self improvement and entertainment rather than professional growth. To refine an understanding of the public view, further research focusing on other information sources such as national and regional newspapers and the electronic media is needed, making it possible to compare the public view across various regions of the country.

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Shortle, Allyson F. "Threatened American Identity and Hostile Immigration Attitudes in the United States." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1339696609.

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Kost, Cecily R. "Conceptualization of depression among Japanese American elders." Virtual Press, 1997. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1045622.

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This study examined how Japanese American elders conceptualize depression. Japanese American elders age 65 years and older (N = 120) were recruited from a senior center in Los Angeles, CA. Participants read a brief vignette that described an individual who met the criteria for major depression and then filled out a series of questionnaires. Counter to prior theories, these Japanese American elders emphasized that the interpersonal criteria contributed to the individual's problem to a lesser degree than the somatic, emotional, and cognitive criteria. These elders expressed Explanatory Models of depression that were similar to Western Conceptualizations of depression. The results also indicated that having an important role within one's family and higher activity levels tended to be related to lower Geriatric Depression Scale scores. Finally, acculturation, generational status, sex, educational level, and income were not related to problem conceptualization. Clinical implications and directions for future research were discussed.
Department of Psychological Science

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Daigle, Delton T. "Catching the Big Wave: Public Opinion Polls and Bandwagons in US and Canadian Elections." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1282138561.

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Gabbert, Jeri Patricia. "The voice of an American icon : a feminist analysis of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton." Virtual Press, 1999. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1136704.

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This study examined the rhetoric of First Lady Hillary Rodham Clinton. Specifically, this analysis explored the relationship between Clinton's rhetoric and her public image. In addressing this issue, Foss' (1989) framework for feminist criticism was used to examine three key components: 1) the type of gender roles that Clinton describes and advocates in her rhetoric; 2) her gender portrayal of the first lady role; and 3) whether any alterations in her enactment of the first lady have helped or hindered the feminist cause. Clinton's rhetoric is focused on the empowerment of women, their children, and their families. Clinton's rhetorical perspective is aligned with a liberal feminist ideology and declares that women should make their own choices and should not fall victim to traditional patriarchal values and societal expectations. This analysis further reveals that Clinton combines feminine and masculine rhetorical styles to overcome the contradictory expectations that are placed upon women speakers. This analysis indicates that Clinton's image and role as first lady has fluctuated as she has grappled with societal expectations. Throughout Clinton's tenure in the White House, America has become more comfortable with her redesigned role as first lady. This analysis contributes to the lives of women by providing a model of a female rhetor who is successful despite the confines of a patriarchal society. In addition, this examination also legitimizes a woman's right to fight for equality and to use alternative ways to raise a family. Further, this analysis indicates the need to expand communication models to encompass a rhetor's blend of communication styles.
Department of Speech Communication

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Felts, Nicholas A. "Please Explain Yourself: Mechanisms of Opinion Improvement in Deliberative Forums." The Ohio State University, 2017. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1492555075881149.

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Miller, Troy Michael. "Reassessing the "American dream house"." Virtual Press, 1998. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1129634.

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This study presents a detailed and comprehensive overview of the context and domination of the "American Dream House" in the United States of the past one hundred years. Additionally, It investigates the present day status and effects of this dependence. This inquiry uses an alternative method of investigation that involves the use of the popular media and extensive research of the past presentation of the "American Dream House" in it. It also involves research into the effects of promotional campaigns on the public perception of the "American Dream House." The research suggests that there exists a crisis in this country in the form of a severe attachment to the mythological and historical nature of this limited housing form. The investigation further suggests that the characteristics and elements of the "American Dream House" have not substantially changed in the past fifty years. This severe attachment to the characteristics of the past both threatens and confines a search and pursuit for a cure to this country's housing problems of the late 20th and early 2131 century.
Department of Architecture

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Taylor, Rachel L. "American public opinion of Iraqi prisoner abuse an empirical test of the legitimacy and recreancy theoretical frameworks /." [Gainesville, Fla.] : University of Florida, 2005. http://purl.fcla.edu/fcla/etd/UFE0013272.

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Virginia, Richard A. Jr. "Why we fight: mass persuasion, morale, and American public opinion from World War I until the present." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/42748.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
This thesis examines the role of US mass persuasion during modern war and the effects of propaganda, strategic narrative, military strategy, and policy on morale and public opinion. Through historical analysis of several phases of US war propaganda, from the world wars to the Global War on Terror, this study aims to understand the political essence and the cultural and functional nuance of propaganda in a wartime democracy. Prevailing wisdom holds that the United States managed a coherent, focused, and intelligently wielded campaign of mass persuasion in Europe, 1941–1989. Yet, American strategic mass persuasion efforts since 2001 have consistently failed to persuade friend and foe of the strategic efficacy of American and allied campaigns. This thesis finds that wartime propaganda has little effect if it is not derived from a concrete overall strategy, policy, and narrative. The most impactful uses of mass persuasion rely on a perpetual rebalancing of military theorist Carl von Clausewitz’s paradoxical trinity—violence, chance, and policy, anchored in democratic statecraft and the virtues of pluralism. Therefore, to better facilitate balancing, an independent governmental agency charged with information management during war may better serve the public, policy makers and the military, producing the desired political ends.

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Rhodes, David T. "The Postwar Conversion to German Rearmament: A Look at the Truman Administration, Congress, and American Public Opinion." W&M ScholarWorks, 1987. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1539625404.

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Horan, Marion. "Trafficking in danger working-class women and narratives of sexual danger in English and United States anti-prostitution campaigns, 1875-1914 /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.

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Ni, Young-Chih. "American parents' and Taiwanese parents' perceptions of quality standards for early childhood programs." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1001184.

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The purpose of this study was to investigate and compare the perceptions of urban parents of two countries concerning standards of selected criteria of high quality standards of early childhood programs developed by the National Academy of Early Childhood Programs (NAECP).Two hundred and forty nine parents ( U. S. = 129, Taiwan = 120) participated in the study. The effects of country, sex, and educational background were examined.The study was conducted by using the questionnaire survey. The instrument was constructed by the researcher based on the Accreditation Criteria and Procedures of the National Academy of Early Childhood Programs.A three-way.MANOVA on 10 dependent variables with independent factors of country, sex, and educational background was used to test Hypothesis I at the .05 level of significance. The Hypothesis I was rejected.To test Hypothesis II, a Spearman's Rho rank order correlation coefficient was computed using the mean ranks of the 10 criteria. Significance was examined at the .05 level. The Hypothesis II was accepted.These findings leading to the following conclusions:1. American and Taiwanese parents shared the similar perceptions that supported the quality standards developed by the NAECP. Most of the statistically differences that existed between American and Taiwanese parents were the differences of the degree of acceptance of the quality standards.2. The only criterion that caused parents' selections to lean toward negative responses was the staffing standards.3. Whenever there was a statistically significant difference between American and Taiwanese parents, the Taiwanese parents were always agreed more than the American parents.4. Regardless of factors of sex and educational background, both American and Taiwanese parents shared similar values in that they ranked health-and-safety and teacher-child interactions as the first or second important factors.5. Regardless of the factors of sex and educational background, both American and Taiwanese parents shared the same values in that they ranked administration and evaluations as the two least important factors when selecting an early childhood program for their children.
Department of Elementary Education

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Green, Jonathan. "Belief Systems in American Politics: Three Papers on The Study of Ideas." The Ohio State University, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1596447323987776.

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Johnson, Ann K. "Urban ghetto riots, 1965-1968 a comparison of Soviet and American press coverage /." Boulder : New York : East European Monographs ; Distributed by Columbia University Press, 1996. http://catalog.hathitrust.org/api/volumes/oclc/34499684.html.

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Glant, Tibor. "Through the prism of the Habsburg monarchy : Hungary in American diplomacy and public opinion during the First World War." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1996. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/74531/.

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This is a study of American attitudes towards Hungary during the First World War. The focus is on the American images of Hungary and of key Hungarian politicians, such as Tisza, Apponyi, Andrassy and Karolyi. The opinions of President Wilson are given special attention both before and during the war. Other prominent Americans discussed include Theodore Roosevelt, various members of Wilson's cabinet (Lansing, Baker, Daniels) as well as his private advisors (Colonel House, Creel, the Inquiry), his Ambassadors (Penfield, Gerard, Stovall) and American intelligence agents. A second set of opinions has been obtained from dismemberment propaganda in America and from the survey of various American daily and weekly newspapers and the Hungarian·American press. Another major theme is the re·evaluation of Wilson's Habsburg diplomacy, which was prompted by new developments in Wilson research on the one hand and by many observations during my studies on the other. It is argued that claims that lansing, dismemberment propaganda and separatist politicians from the Habsburg Monarchy decided Wilson's actions do not hold water: the President made his decisions alone in the Habsburg case in response. to a series of events between April and June 1918. It is also pointed out that despite the growing American involvement in the war the prewar lack of interest in· Hungary was maintained, although the romanticized concept based upon the Kossuth· myth was replaced by another extreme interpretation based upon dismemberment propaganda. The fact that no, American authority decided to obtain a genuine picture of early twentieth century Hungary meant that American policies were based upon cliches and misconceptions, which were also carried into the Peace Conference period. Another thing to remember is the fact that Hungary was part of the Austro·Hungarian Empire during the First World War, which ruled out a separate Hungarian policy on the part of the Wilson administration. To get around this awkward situation the focus of the thesis is constantly shifted between Hungary and the Monarchy, with concentrating on Hungary when and where possible.

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Leiserowitz, Anthony. "Global Warming in the American Mind: The Roles of Affect, Imagery, and Worldviews in Risk Perception, Policy Preferences and Behavior." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2003. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/22984.

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224 pages
Natural scientists warn that global climate change is a risk with potentially devastating consequences for human societies and natural ecosystems around the world. Meeting this challenge will require a concerted national and international effort to dramatically reduce anthropogenic greenhouse gas emissions. It will also, however, require public support for political leaders and government mitigation policies, and committed action by individual citizens and consumers. This dissertation examined whether the American public perceives global warming as a real threat, supports public mitigation policies, or has taken individual actions to mitigate climate change. It found that measures of affect, imagery and cultural worldviews predict public risk perceptions, policy preferences, and individual behaviors. Finally, it used affective image analysis to identify several distinct "interpretive communities" within the American public. The data comes from three surveys: a national survey of the American public completed in February, 2003 (n=673); a statewide survey of the Oregon public completed in February, 2001 (n=900); and a survey of student activists at the 2000 World Climate Conference (COP6) in The Hague, Netherlands (n=112). This research describes an American public with broad concern about global warming, strong bipartisan support for international treaties and national mitigation policies, and strong opposition to higher energy or gasoline prices to reduce greenhouse gas emissions. Relatively few Americans have undertaken individual mitigation behaviors. While global warming does have negative connotations for most Americans, the thoughts and images evoked by this term primarily reflect impacts temporally and spatially distant from most people's lives. Critically, this research also finds that Americans do not currently associate global warming with any impacts on human health. Overall, these results suggest that American public opinion about global warming is at a critical turning point. Americans are aware and concerned about global climate change and predisposed to support political leaders and mitigation policies across party lines. Global warming is not a national priority, however, and Americans have yet to confront the tradeoffs that will ultimately be required.

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Lee, Sonja. "Press Reflections From 1976 to 1983: Public Opinion of the American Press as Reflected in Motion Pictures of the Period." Thesis, The University of Arizona, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/10150/292232.

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39

Hood-Brown, Marcia R. "Hegemony in two mainstream Oregon newspapers : the war on poverty era vs. the post-Reagan era." PDXScholar, 1992. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4323.

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In my research I use qualitative content analysis to determine if and how the hegemony of the capitalist class in the United States influences the content of news texts on poverty. I analyze messages from two contrasting historical eras, the War on Poverty era and the post-Reagan era.

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Burdette, Catherine Bowers. "Big Hair and Big Egos: Texan Stereotypes in American Entertainment Media as Formed Through Television Viewing." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2006. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc5386/.

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This thesis explores the stereotypes of Texans portrayed in American entertainment media, and attempts to identify the reasons for both the existence, and persistence of these images. The study includes a brief history of Texas, and background information on the formulation of stereotypes. Cultivation theory is used to explain the process of stereotypes formed through television viewing. Content analysis of the responses from an on line survey involving 52 participants revealed that people outside the state of Texas have strong perceptions about Texans that are consistent with media representations. As the level of television viewership increased, so did the indelibility of the impressions. Those who watch more television were more likely to perceive the image of Texans as negative, and less likely to change their opinions of Texans after visiting the state.

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Bauer, Jordan R. "Domestic anticommunism in Alabama and the resurgence of American conservatism." Birmingham, Ala. : University of Alabama at Birmingham, 2007. http://www.mhsl.uab.edu/dt/2007m/bauer.pdf.

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42

Naidoo, Anthony Vernon. "Factors affecting the career maturity of African-American university students : a causal model." Virtual Press, 1993. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/862292.

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Since the 1970s, several researchers have questioned the applicability of theories of career development based on research with White males to women, minority group members, andindividuals from low socioeconomic milieus. This study examined the validity of D.E. Super's theory of career development in an underresearched subject population, African-American male and female university students. A conceptual model of career maturity composed of determinants derived from Super's theory (1953, 1972, 1990) and based on research with Caucasians was hypothesized and examined. The rationale was that finding a good fit of the model that also accounted for a significant proportion of the variance would support the adequacy of Super's theory in explaining the career maturity of African-American students as well.The co-determinants of career maturity in the model were sex, educational level, and socioeconomic status (SES) as exogenous variables, and causality and work salience as endogenous variables. Causality and work salience were depicted as latent variables mediating the effects of the demographic variables on career maturity. The model was tested on a sample of 288 African-American students from freshman to doctoral levels. Additional hypotheses investigated which variables in the model were the best predictors of career maturity, sex differences in commitment to the work-role and in career maturity, and the relationship between SES and career maturity.Structural equation modeling using the EQS software program (Bentler, 1989) indicated that, while a good fit of the hypothesized model was obtained, only 12% of the variance in career maturity was explained by the variables in the model. The results suggested that Super's theory may not be wholly adequate in explaining the career maturity of African-American university students. Only commitment to work and educational level were found to be significant predictors of career maturity. Female students were found to be more committed to the work-role and to be more career mature than male students. In general, African-American students exhibited higher participation, commitment, and value expectations in the role of home and family than for the work-role. No significant relationship between SES strata and career maturity was found. Implications for theory, research, and practice were delineated and variables that may be more salient for African-American students' career maturity were also identified.
Department of Counseling Psychology and Guidance Services

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Castillo, Alexandra Paige. "Challenging Democracy: Latin American Attitudes on Presidential Term Limits." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu155561348366265.

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DeMayo, Jennifer Caye. "A Study of African American Women and their Perceptions of Life in Utah." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 1992. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/u?/MTAF,36713.

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Rush, Kyle Alexander. "Influence of the Presidential Inaugural Address on Audience Perceptions of Candidate Image and the State of the Nation." PDXScholar, 2017. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/3806.

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This study asks whether and how the presidential inaugural address influences American audiences. The current study explores how the 2017 Presidential Inaugural Address of Donald Trump influences audiences. Two areas were studied: Candidate image and the state of the nation. I hypothesized that participants who watched the address would have different attitudes regarding candidate image and the state of the nation compared to non-viewers. I also hypothesized that viewers of the address who voted for Donald Trump would respond differently to candidate image and the state of the nation when compared with those who did not vote for Trump. With one exception, none of the findings was significant. That is, attitudes of inaugural address viewers and non-viewers were similar, and attitudes of those who voted for the president and those who did not vote for the president were also similar. The exception was noted between those who voted for the candidate and oppositional voters: Those who voted for Donald Trump reported the nation is headed "in the right direction" while dissenters disagreed.

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Huang, Catalina Huamei. "Disillusionment and Disaggregation: Why Did Asian Americans Vote for Trump?" Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1514.

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In one of the most controversial and interesting election cycles in American history, Republican nominee, Donald Trump prevailed over his Democratic rival, Hillary Clinton. To many, his victory was shocking, if not completely unexpected, yet the circumstances that catalyzed such a defeat lie in the characteristics of his supporters, made up of several classes, races, and identities. Among them are the multifaceted Asian American population – diverse ethnically and politically. This thesis aims to unravel the reasons for which many Asian Americans gave their vote to Trump on November 8, 2016 through distinctions between their ethnic groups and demographics. It also suggests that Asian Americans who supported Trump believe that they are different from other minorities – the “model minority,” and highlights the importance of nonprofit research that has disaggregated the Asian subgroups. With these observations and analysis in mind, the American public and politic can no longer reduce the voting behavior of Asian Americans to a monolithic entity.

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Karlsson, Emelie. "THE BACKLASH THEORY: A REASON FOR POLITICAL CONCERN OR FAKE NEWS?" Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-403380.

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The contested backlash phenomenon assumes that changes to the status quo in favor of minorities will be met with resistance and resentment from majority groups. However, previous research has yielded ambiguous results. This has resulted in a continuous confusion regarding if, when and how backlashes occur. This thesis will attempt to enhance the understanding of this phenomenon through the use of a survey experiment. The experiment tests whether it is possible to detect a backlash in public opinion through the use of a treatment text. The text presents a fictive Supreme Court decision that approves outdoor broadcasting of the Islamic call to prayer in the US. The experiment tests whether this will create an increase in resentment directed towards Muslim Americans. The experiment tests a number of hypotheses regarding when and where backlash might occur and could not find any support of the backlash hypothesis. The results instead indicated that the treatment induced a decrease in the level of resentment reported by the respondents. These unexpected results have a number of possible explanations, ranging from social desirability bias to the possibility of a legitimizing effect stemming from the treatment. The findings are in line with a growing number of researches that have failed to statistically find any proof of the backlash theory.

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Nyborg, Anne Meredith. "Gentrified Barrio gentrification and the Latino community in San Francisco's Mission District /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p1453194.

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Thesis (M.A.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.
Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 1, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Includes bibliographical references (p. 94-97).

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49

Agboaye, Ehikioya. "Media Agenda-Building Effect: Analysis of American Public Apartheid Activities, Congressional and Presidential Policies on South Africa, 1976-1988." Thesis, University of North Texas, 1989. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc331332/.

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The mass media's role in informing the American public is critical to public support for government policies. The media are said to set the national agenda. This view is based on the assumption of selective coverage they give to news items. Media coverage also influences the salience the public attaches to issues. However, media agenda effect has been challenged by Lang and Lang (1983). These scholars, in their media agenda-building theory, argued that the success of media effect on national agenda is dependent on group support. In order to test this theory, time-related data on South Africa crises, media coverage"of South Africa, American public reactions, congressional, and presidential apartheid-related activities, between 1976 and 1988, were analyzed. Congressional anti-apartheid policies were the dependent and others, the independent variables. The theory made analysis of the data amenable to the additive adopted to test for the significance of the interactive variables, indicated that these variables were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid policies. The additive model was subsequently analyzed. The time series multiple regression analysis was used in analyzing the relationships. Given autocorrelation and multicollinearity problems associated with time series analysis, the Arima (p, d, q) model was used to model the relationships. This model was used to indicate support, or nonsupport, for the time series regression analysis. The result of the additive model indicated that South African political crises were negatively related to congressional anti-apartheid actions. It also showed that the relationship between the American public reactions and congressional anti-apartheid policies was greater in comparison to all other independent variables. The presidential actions taken against South Africa were negatively related to Congress' anti-apartheid actions. Television had the greatest relationship with congressional anti-apartheid actions compared to newspapers and magazines.

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McDonough, Matthew Davitian. "Manifestly uncertain destiny: the debate over American expansionism, 1803-1848." Diss., Kansas State University, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/13108.

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Doctor of Philosophy
Department of History
Charles W. Sanders
Americans during the first half of the nineteenth-century were obsessed with expansion. God had bestowed upon them an innate superiority in nearly all things. American settlers were culturally, economically, racially and politically superior to all others. But how accurate are such statements? Did a majority of Americans support such declarations? The purpose of this dissertation is to examine how Americans wrote and read about expansion. Doing so reveals that for every citizen extolling the unique greatness of Americans, one questioned such an assumption. For every American insisting that the nation must expand to the Pacific coast to be successful there was one who disdained expansion and sought to industrialize what territory the nation already possessed. Americans during the first half of the nineteenth century were of many minds about expansion. The destiny of the United States was anything but manifest. Using a wealth of nineteenth century newspapers this dissertation demonstrates that the concept of Manifest Destiny was far less popular than previously imagined. Newspapers were the primary source of information and their contents endlessly debated. Editors from around the country expressed their own views and eagerly published pertinent letters to the editor that further detailed how Americans perceived expansion. While many people have often read John O’Sullivan’s rousing words he was not necessarily indicative of American sentiment. For every article espousing the importance of acquiring Florida to deny it to the British there was one deriding the notion because they felt Florida to be nothing but a worthless swamp filled with hostile Indians. American justification and opposition to territorial expansion followed no grand strategy. Instead, its most fascinating characteristic was its dynamic nature. In the Southwest expansionist proponents argued that annexation would liberate the land from Papist masters, while opponents questioned the morality of such a conquest. Encouraging or discouraging territorial expansion could take on innumerable variations and it is this flexible rhetoric that the dissertation focuses upon. The debate that raged in the public forum over expansion was both heated and fascinating. The voices of both pro and anti-expansionists were crucial to the development of antebellum America.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'American Public opinion'

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