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Kupsky, Gregory J. "“The True Spirit of the German People”: German-Americans and National Socialism, 1919–1955." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1268155678.
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Vaccaro, Jenanne. "Understanding the Rise of Bernie Sanders." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2017. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/1632.
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The nation stood in either awe or disbelief when Bernie Sanders, a political Independent, only recently turned Democrat, defeated the establishment candidate and former first lady, Hillary Clinton, in the early 2016 New Hampshire primary. As the primaries concluded, it became clear that Sanders’ message resonated. But why was this the case after eight years of “hope and change” under the Obama administration? Furthermore, to what extent did Sanders align with traditional Democrats or traditional Socialists and how can we understand the unprecedented success of a presidential candidate who identifies with socialism? My thesis seeks to answer these puzzles. I do so by: interviewing Sanders supporters, investigating the development of American Socialism and Sanders’ own political identity, and analyzing the economic and social factors leading up to the 2016 primaries. Ultimately, my thesis proposes that Sanders’ ability to win over twelve million votes in the Democratic Party primaries stems from his creation of his own brand of socialism that merged traditional socialist principles of championing the working person with the economic and social realities of twenty first century middle-class America.
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Klein, Gary A. "The American press and the rise of Hitler, 1923-1933." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 1997. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1459/.
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This Ph.D. study will trace the development of National Socialism in Germany as it was depicted by three major American newspapers: the New York Times, the Chicago Daily Tribune and the Chicago Daily News. While news stories and editorials will be analyzed with respect to scope and bias, particular attention will also be paid to the decision-making processes within the newspaper establishments themselves. In attempting to understand the "news behind the news", an archival-driven methodology will be used in conjunction with the more conventional product-driven one. That is to say, memoranda and cables between publishers, editors and foreign correspondents will be examined in addition to the back issues of the newspapers themselves. By adopting this twin-pronged methodological approach, the scholar will be able to view the Hitlerian phenomenon through the eyes of the American public as well as penetrate the minds of newspapermen. My choice of publications is based strongly on the availability of primary source evidence. The Newberry Library possesses important internal documents of the Chicago Daily News. Specifically, a great deal can be learned about this newspaper's coverage of the rise of Hitler through an analysis of the relevant sections of the Charles H. Dennis Papers, Edward Price Bell Papers, Carroll Binder Papers, Edgar Mowrer Papers, Paul Mowrer Papers and Victor Lawson Papers, as well as other assorted materials. I will use the data generated from the Newberry Library in conjunction with information from the Sigrid Schultz Papers, courtesy of the State Historical Society of Wisconsin (Mass Communications History Center), as well as documents from the New York Times Archive. This will provide fresh insights into the news and editorial perceptions of the Chicago Daily News, Chicago Daily Tribune and New York Times as they relate to the events in Germany between 1923 and 1933. A key feature of this study will be a comprehensive analysis of how the relationship between a newspaper's management (which in the upcoming chapters will also be referred to as the "Home Office") and its Berlin bureau influenced the publication's news and editorial coverage of Germany. Furthermore, by examining the transatlantic correspondence between the Home Offices of the New York Times. Chicago Daily News and Chicago Daily Tribune and their field reporters, the reader will gain insight into issues which transcend the subject matter of this dissertation. These issues include: 1) Who exercised control over the formation and presentation of news -- management or the field reporter. 2) How did each paper's coverage of Hitler's rise to power reflect the journalistic principles of the day, especially those related to accuracy and objectivity. and 3) How did journalists define their role in the conduct of international affairs during the 1920's and early 1930's. Did they view themselves as detached recorders of events or as active participants in the political process, hoping to influence the course of events by shaping their coverage to conform to a particular ideological agenda?
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Burns, Dave B. "The soul of socialism : American citizenship and Christian civilization in the thought of Eugene Debs." Virtual Press, 2004. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1286398.
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This thesis examines how Christianity and citizenship shaped the ideology of Eugene Debs, the most popular radical in Progressive Era America. It argues that scholars have failed to conduct a thorough exploration of Debs' religious thought. This thesis also challenges the belief among historians that Debs' Christianity was a variant of the alternative Americanism he used to legitimate his agitation against industrial capitalism. This misconception has led historians to follow the lead of Nick Salvatore and conclude that Debs' Christianity was merely an aspect of his attempt to renew the values of republican citizenship associated with the American Revolution. A more accurate representation is that the concept of citizenship formed the core of Debs' ideology as a trade and industrial unionist, but that he found citizenship to be too restrictive and turned to Christianity to address the concerns of humanity and civilization as a socialist.Department of History
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Henson, Andrew B. "Before the seizure of power American and British press coverage of National Socialism, 1922 to 1933 /." Connect to this title online, 2007. http://etd.lib.clemson.edu/documents/1181666243/.
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Viner, Russell Mardon. "Healthy children for a new world : Abraham Jacobi and the making of American pediatrics." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/272427.
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Walker, Lisa Kay. "Anti-Bolshevism and the Advent of Mussolini and Hitler: Anglo-American Diplomatic Perceptions, 1922-1933." PDXScholar, 1993. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4629.
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The history of World War II has led many Americans to vie~ Benito Mussolini's Fascist Italy and Adolf Hitler's Nazi Germany as European variants of a single Fascist ideology. Ho~ever, in the early years of the Mussolini and Hitler regimes, the conceptual category of international Fascism was by not so well-established, particularly ~here the Nazis were concerned. American and British diplomats stationed in Germany in the early 1930s only occasionally interpreted the rising Nazi party as an offshoot of Fascism, but frequently referred to it as a possible form of or precursor of Bolshevism in Germany. Published and unpublished American foreign policy documents, published British diplomatic documents, and a wide array of secondary sources have contributed information showing how perceptions of Nazism and Bolshevism were influenced by matters that clouded the issues. The similarity of American and British views on the subjects of Bolshevism, Fascism, and Nazism can be attributed to the new understanding among the policy elites of the two nations as they became the leading status quo powers after World War I. The United States in particular had gone through tremendous organizational changes during and after the war, and was entering into a new era of professional and bureaucratized foreign policy that differed from its ad hoc diplomacy of the past. American foreign policy of the interwar period combined a strong interest in business expansion with a relative lack of desire for international political entanglements. American political commitments of the 1920s, particularly in Germany, were backed primarily by loans and investment, and through reparations revision plans designed by unofficial diplomats recruited from the private sector. As American financial commitments to Germany became more dependent on German repayment, and as the Depression tightened its grip, the rise of the Nazis became an ever greater source of alarm. This concern was related not only to their unclear and ill-defined political ideas, but to the threat they seemingly posed to financial stability -- a threat that increased their resemblance to the Bolsheviks in the minds of many diplomatic observers. Various other factors were important in developing the Anglo-American view of Nazism as related to Bolshevism. These included the almost obsessive intensity of anti-Bolshevism in the United States and Great Britain throughout the interwar period; the close association of Bolshevism with economic chaos in the minds of Anglo-American leaders, with a concomitant tendency to see Bolshevism developing wherever economic chaos occurred in Europe; and the strong admiration for Mussolini's Italy in both Britain and the United States, which precluded possibilities of seeing much in common between Italian Fascism and Nazism during this period. Some important sources of conceptual confusion were inherent in the policies of Germany's post-World War I Weimar Republic. Leading German diplomats and politicians of the republic, such as Gustav Stresemann, used Anglo-American fears of Bolshevism as a cornerstone of their policy to gain revisions and modifications of the harsh terms of the Versailles Treaty. In the early 1930s, the "Bolshevism bogey" was used by Ambassador Frederic Sackett, a political appointee of Herbert Hoover, to get Hoover's attention so that he would modify reparations policy in favor of Sackett's friend, the embattled Chancellor Heinrich Bruning. The internal factions of the rising Nazi party, including the left-leaning wing led by Gregor Strasser, appeared to give some credence to the idea that the Nazis could harbor communistic elements. After Hitler's rise to the chancellorship in 1933, American and British observers began to note more resemblances between the Hitler and Mussolini regimes. However, many of their earlier observations about the similarities of Nazism and Bolshevism have validity in terms of the more totalitarian nature of these regimes as compared to Italian Fascism and its other less extreme variants.
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Bishop, Eleanor M. "Jacobin Magazine, Community Journalism, and the Legacy of American Socialist Publications in the Early Twentieth Century." Ohio University Honors Tutorial College / OhioLINK, 2021. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ouhonors1619224719634209.
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Häusler, Clemens Albert Josef. "The transatlantic exchange between American liberals, British Labourites, and German social democrats from the mid-1950s to the mid-1970s." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2010. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609089.
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Geddes, Gregory Edmund. "Literature and labor Harvey Swados and the twentieth-century American left /." Diss., Online access via UMI:, 2006.
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Neely, Gloria Jean. "The effects of American influence on British culture." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2001. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2025.
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This study notes similarities and differences between the United States (U.S.) and the United Kingdom (U.K.). Study findings suggest that while at first glance the United Kingdom and the United States may seem similar in many ways, the differences between these countries are great, making each one unique.
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Bowden, Robin L. "Diagnosing Nazism U.S. perceptions of National Socialism, 1920-1933 /." [Kent, Ohio] : Kent State University, 2009. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=kent1247588433.
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--Kent State University, 2009-07-14.Title from PDF t.p. (viewed March 5, 2010). Advisor: Mary Ann Heiss. Keywords: Foreign Relations; United States; Germany; Weimar Republic; Hitler, Adolf; National Socialism; Nazis; U.S. State Department; Houghton, Alanson; Schurman, Jacob Gould; Sackett, Frederic; Murphy, Robert; Smith, Truman; 1920s; 1930s; Interwar Period; America. Includes bibliographical references (p. 318-335).
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West, Tiffany. "A Generation of Race and Nationalism: Thomas Dixon, Jr. and American Identity." FIU Digital Commons, 2016. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2579.
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Thomas Dixon (1864-1946) has won a singular place in history as a racial ideologue and an exemplar of Southern racism. The historical evidence, however, suggests Southern culture was only one of a variety of intellectual influences, and, though highly visible in most famous works, not Dixon’s primary concern. Rather, his discussions of the South are framed within larger intellectual debates over the region as a whole, and how it related to the rest of the nation. Throughout his life, Dixon helped shape and articulate those values in the formation of a new American identity at the turn-of-the-century. By incorporating the methods of intellectual biography, whiteness studies, literary analysis, and cultural studies into the scholarly approaches of history, this work enlarges the historical understanding of Dixon through the examination of his very long life and varied career and the exploration of his equally diverse and numerous writings, both personal and public. This project’s end goal is to enrich historical understanding of how national identity is interpreted, constructed, and shaped over time, and the many different components influencing its formation.
This research found that defining what is and is not American built on and responded to the major issues of a specific historical context. Dixon’s, and the nation’s larger attempts at defining the terms of Americanism became increasingly complicated during key national turning points, such as the Spanish-American War, the economic depressions of the 1890s, and political realignments at the turn-of-the-century. Analyzing Dixon’s works revealed the influence of the various forces that reshaped American identity, including race theories, scientific advancements, immigration, sectional reconciliation, imperialism, and religion. This work concludes that national identity construction is fluid, and that researchers must consider the importance of historical context in analyses of ideology and cultural trends.
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Lindberg, Miryam. "Conflict Analysis of Economic Perceptions and Misperceptions in the United States." NSUWorks, 2016. http://nsuworks.nova.edu/shss_dcar_etd/52.
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Economics plays a vital role in people’s lives and societal development. Research shows a prevalence of large deficits in economic literacy among the U.S. population, which may help perpetuate misperceptions about how economic systems operate and why they render specific results. The issue of human nature and how it influences policy design is explored. The purpose of this study is to explore Americans’ perceptions and misperceptions regarding three economic systems—capitalism, socialism, and communism—to determine if there is a generational gap. Furthermore, this research explores how people acquire their epistemological assumptions on economics in the era of Internet; and how perceptions and misperceptions about these three economic systems and economic literacy may play an important role in macro-conflict formation. This dissertation identifies specific conditions, factors, and characteristics driving this conflict-saturated social trend. It leverages a thirty-five question survey, designed for this research and administered among U.S. residents, as a method of inquiry to provide a quantitative description from the lens of macro conflict. This study also analyzes some of the effects of the tech revolution by executing data about how people are currently getting their impressions about economic systems and the primary sources and experiences that inform them. This research argues that endogenizing economic knowledge can have far-reaching repercussions in the prevention and avoidance of macro conflict. It also recommends the use of non-Marxist theoretical frameworks to analyze conflict.
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Gailan, Mohammad. "Financial Success and the American Dream : A Marxist Reading of Arthur Miller’s Death of a Salesman." Thesis, Högskolan i Gävle, Avdelningen för humaniora, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hig:diva-21547.
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This paper analyses Arthur Miller’s play, Death of a Salesman. The main focus is on the theme American Dream and its influences on the characters. Classical Marxism and Althusser’s Marxist theory have been used as the theoretical framework for this paper to answer the questions: In which ways has the American dream as a concept of happiness and financial success affected the characters? Can the American dream and capitalism be blamed for the Loman family’s situation? The conclusion drawn after studying Miller’s play is that the material side of the American dream can be identified as the dominant in the play and it has more negative effects than positive ones on the Lomans, the effects are both mental and physical. Despite the negative effects of the American dream and capitalism on the characters in Miller’s Death of a Salesman, one cannot blame them for the Loman family’s situation. It is the individuals (characters) that must be blamed because everyone can independently in a democratic and free society make their own choices. For that reason, people have to stand up for their actions and take responsibility for the consequences of their choices and actions whether the consequences are good or bad. Hence, the problem in Miller’s play is not so much about ideological influences as it is about self-awareness.
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Barton, Evan P. "The Messenger and The Crisis during World War I and The Red Scare, 1917-21." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1307624298.
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Taylor, Rush H. ""This is not a Politburo, but a madhouse," The post World War II Sovietization of East Germany up to the 1953 worker's uprising." [Tampa, Fla] : University of South Florida, 2006. http://purl.fcla.edu/usf/dc/et/SFE0001498.
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Tolley, Rebecca. "Georgia O'Keeffe, Gastonio Strike of 1929, Socialism & the Socialist Party of America." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2008. https://www.amzn.com/0765680785.
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Shade, Taylor J. "La evolucion del neoliberalismo en Chile hasta 2015." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1461071310.
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Gonçalves, Bruno Simões. "Nos caminhos da dupla consciência: socialismo indo-americano, libertação e descolonização na América Latina." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2014. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/17679.
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Previous issue date: 2014-05-23The present work is a study of the historical and philosophical background of Latin American double consciousness. Since the beginning of America, Latin American identity has been forged through a breakup and a tension between the logic of coloniality of power (one as a principle) and the logic of critical mestizaje (two as a totality). In the first one, difference is radically denied; in the second one, it is legitimized as a foundation of reality. This originates a dialectic of extremes proper to Latin America s formation, in which different memories and times are mixed in a heterogeneous and contradictory totality. In the beginning of the XX century, the work of the thinker José Carlos Mariátegui was the expression of such tension. Being the first great Marxist thinker of Peru, Mariátegui defended the idea that there is an agonizing struggle between two souls in Latin American consciousness: on the one hand, the positivist decaying edifice built from capitalism; on the other hand, the new impetus, the passionate desire in search of Indo-American socialism, capable of bringing together indigenous world, revolution, spirituality and poetic imagination in the same movement of the subversion of Latin America s historical double consciousness. The tradition of a critical thinking that can express the way of life of different populations of Latin America continued throughout the XX century, when the idea of a critical mestizaje develops in the literature, the philosophy and the social thinking of the whole continent. It is in this context that the category of liberation is constituted as an expression proper of the Latin American critical thinking and, in the beginning of the XXI century, unfolds in the search for an intercultural and decolonized praxis. Considering this long-lasting historical arc, the thesis brings subsidies to a reading of the current context of capitalism s structural crisis, from the standpoint of the intersubjective dimension as divided historical consciousness. And it puts forward approaches to the construction of a new historical sense for the contemporary social struggles
O presente trabalho é um estudo sobre a formação histórico-filosófica da dupla consciência latino-americana. Desde o início da América, a identidade latino-americana se forjou a partir de uma cisão e de uma tensão entre a lógica da colonialidade do poder (um como princípio) e a lógica da mestiçagem crítica (dois como totalidade). Na primeira, a diferença é radicalmente negada; na segunda, é legitimada enquanto fundamento da realidade. Disso se origina uma dialética dos extremos própria à formação latino-americana, em que diferentes memórias e tempos se combinam em uma totalidade heterogênea e contraditória. No início do séc. XX, a obra do pensador José Carlos Mariátegui é a expressão dessa tensão. Primeiro grande pensador marxista do Peru, Mariátegui defendia a ideia de que havia uma luta agônica entre duas almas na consciência latino-americana. De um lado, o decadente edifício positivista erigido a partir do capitalismo. Do outro, o novo ânimo, a vontade apaixonada em busca do socialismo indo-americano, capaz de reunir mundo indígena, revolução, espiritualidade e imaginação poética em um mesmo movimento e de subverter a dupla consciência histórica latino-americana. A tradição de um pensamento crítico que seja expressão do modo de vida das diferentes populações da América Latina tem continuidade no decorrer do séc. XX, quando a ideia de uma mestiçagem crítica se desenvolve na literatura, na filosofia e no pensamento social de todo o continente. É nesse contexto que a categoria da libertação se constitui como uma expressão própria do pensamento crítico latino-americano e se desdobra, no início do séc. XXI, na busca por uma práxis intercultural e descolonizada. Ao analisar esse arco histórico de larga duração, a tese traz subsídios para uma leitura do atual contexto de crise estrutural do capitalismo, a partir da dimensão intersubjetiva enquanto consciência histórica dividida e aponta caminhos para a construção de um novo sentido histórico para as lutas sociais do tempo presente
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Viddal, Grete Tove. "Vodú Chic: Cuba's Haitian Heritage, the Folkloric Imaginary, and the State." Thesis, Harvard University, 2014. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:11315.
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Hundreds of thousands of Haitian agricultural laborers arrived in Cuba to cut cane as the Cuban sugar industry was expanding between the 1910s and the 1930s, and many settled permanently on the island. Historically, Haitian laborers occupied the lowest strata in Cuban society. Until relatively recently, the maintenance of Haitian traditions in Cuba was associated with rural isolation and poverty. Today however, the continuation of Haitian customs is no longer associated with isolation, but exactly the opposite. Cuba's Haitian communities are increasingly linked with cultural institutes, heritage festivals, music promoters, and the tourism industry. In Cuba's socialist economy, "folklore" is a valuable resource that demonstrates the unity of a multi-racial and multi-ethnic nation and attracts tourists. Music, dance, and rituals associated with Vodú have been re-imagined for the public stage. The "folkloric imaginary" creates new careers and opportunities for people of Haitian descent in Cuba. Haitiano-cubanos themselves have found innovative ways to transform the once abject into the now exotic, and are currently gaining a public presence in Cuba through folkloric performance.African and African American Studies
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Fare, Diane. "The edges of the unsaid : transgressive practices in the fiction of Kathy Acker." Thesis, University of Central Lancashire, 2002. http://clok.uclan.ac.uk/1741/.
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This thesis is the first full-length study of the fiction-of Kathy Acker, a radical and transgressive American female writer (1947-1997). The study maps the development of Acker's fiction by focusing on the political dimension of her aesthetic strategies. It explores the politics of plagiarism and appropriation; the subversive representation of gender and sexual politics; and the anarchistic impulse of Acker's work. The main theoretical and political approaches employed are: feminist theory, poststructuralism, abjection and anarchism. The study begins with an introduction to Acker's life, since there is a significant if problematic autobiographical impulse in her writing, and her socio-cultural context. It proceeds to a detailed critical exploration of work published between 1968 and 1986, drawing attention to Acker's affinities with a poststructuralist project. Acker's strategies of juxtaposition, paradox, and contradiction, alongside her fragmented, non-linear, digressive narratives, are read as a form of social critique. Her use and abuse of the white, male, Euro-centric canon is examined in light of the construction of female sexuality, and Acker's focus on phallocentric language as a source of subjugation is also considered. The study then argues for and interrogates Acker's move towards a more affirmative narrative strategy before looking in detail at her fiction of the 1990s - fiction which, until now, has received slight attention. Through close readings of her later novels, the study illustrates how Julia Kristeva's concept of the abject is fruitful for an examination of Acker's work, and examines cross-cultural intertextuality (from the horror film to the avant-garde). It also relates the trope of piracy that is present in Acker's later works to the political ideology of anarchism. The conclusion to the thesis argues that Acker's strength lies in her uncompromising belief in the avant-garde, and details her sustained attempt to make critically incisive political art.
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Kim, Ilnyun. "The Party of Hope: American Liberalism from the Fair Deal to the Great Society." The Ohio State University, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1566169939602897.
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Campos, João Carlos de. "A integração latino-americana nas escolas latino-americanas de agroecologia da Cloc-Via campesina no Brasil e Venezuela." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Parana, 2014. http://tede.unioeste.br:8080/tede/handle/tede/885.
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Previous issue date: 2014-08-29This work allows a reflection on the historical process of creation and implementation of the Latin American Schools of Agro-ecology, under the responsibility of CLOC-Via Campesina (Latin American Coordination of Rural Organizations and Via Campesina), as an established strategy to carry on formation of activists to build up the integration of peasants of Latin America. This school project had its begin on the first years of the 21st century. It is rooted in the perspective of Bolivarian Alliance to People of Our America ALBA (Commerce Trade of the People), out of the concept that integration is cooperation, solidary and complementarity. Therefore, the problem in this paper is to analyze how to express the Latin American integration in the curriculum of these schools. From a qualitative analytical approach the general goal of this dissertation was to analyze how the Latin American integration expresses itself in the formation process of the students of the Latin American School of Agro-ecology (ELAA-Brasil) and of the Latin American College Institute of Agro-ecology Paulo Freire (IALA-Paulo Freire/Venezuela), throughout the curricular framing and syllabus of the disciplines. In order to come to true this objective the following specific goals were established: a) to present some aspects of theories that guide the concept of Latin American integration in the region; b) to present the historical process of creation and implementation of the schools of Agro-ecology of the CLOC-Via Campesina in Brasil and Venezuela; c) highlight from the curriculums of those schools listed above the mention of Latin American Integration; d) identify and analyze the concept of integration expressed in the curricular framing and its contends. From the literature, documentary and field research , which was gathered from the Latin American School of Agroecology Cloca - Via Campesina fit into the context of a dispute of class projects with antagonistic content, and express the theoretical orientations of curriculum and content the disciplines that make up the courses , as well as the internationalist character, which are in the opposite direction of the projects that advocate the integration and incorporation of new markets. It is a political , educational and social project that aims to shine their light to the different corners of Latin America, since the subjects trained in Elaa Iala Paulo Freire and return to their countries of origin where they continue to struggle for a decent life for future generations , to build and strengthen a new mode of production oriented to socialism and supported in agroecology , which is linked to the need for an integration that takes place among Latin American countries to constitute a " Patria Grande " Latin America based on values of equality and solidarity.
O presente trabalho permite uma reflexão sobre o processo histórico da criação e implementação das Escolas Latino-Americanas de Agroecologia da Coordenadora Latino-Americana de Organizações do Campo e Via Campesina (Cloc-Via Campesina) como uma estratégia de formação de militantes na construção da integração camponesa latino-americana. Este projeto de escola teve início na metade da primeira década do século XXI, orienta-se desde a perspectiva da Aliança Bolivariana para os Povos de Nossa América Tratado de Comércio dos Povos (Alba-TCP), que parte da concepção de integração como cooperação, solidariedade e complementaridade, portanto, a problemática neste trabalho é analisar como se expressa a integração latino-americana na estrutura curricular destas escolas. A partir de uma abordagem qualitativa e analítica o objetivo geral desta dissertação foi analisar como se expressa a integração latino-americana na formação dos estudantes da Escola Latino-Americana de Agroecologia (Elaa-Brasil) e do Instituto Universitário Latino-Americano de Agroecologia Paulo Freire (Iala Paulo Freire-Venezuela), por meio da organização curricular e dos conteúdos inscritos nas disciplinas. Para concretizar esse objetivo foram definidos os seguintes objetivos específicos: a) apresentar aspectos de algumas teorias que orientam o conceito de integração latino-americana e suas lições na conformação teórica da integração na região; b) apresentar o processo histórico de criação e da implementação das escolas de agroecologia da Cloc-Via Campesina no Brasil e na Venezuela, como constitutivo central da construção do currículo dessas escolas; c) destacar nos currículos das referidas escolas os conteúdos que tratam especificamente sobre a integração latino-americana; d) identificar e analisar a concepção de integração expressa na organização curricular e seus conteúdos. A partir da pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e de campo, se depreendeu que as Escolas Latino-americanas de Agroecologia da Cloca-Via Campesina se inserem no contexto de disputa de projetos de classe com conteúdos antagônicos, e expressam nas orientações teóricas do currículo e nos conteúdos das disciplinas que compõem os cursos ministrados, como também pelo caráter internacionalista, que estão na direção contrária dos projetos que defendem a integração como processo de incorporação de novos mercados. Trata-se de um projeto político, educativo e social que pretende irradiar sua luz aos distintos rincões da América Latina, pois os sujeitos formados na Elaa e no Iala Paulo Freire retornarão aos seus países de origem onde continuarão a luta por uma vida digna para as futuras gerações, na construção e fortalecimento de um novo modo de produção orientado ao socialismo e apoiado na agroecologia, que se vincula à necessidade de uma integração que se realiza entre países latino-americanos por constituir a Pátria Grande latino-americana com base nos valores de igualdade e solidariedade.
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Evans, Peter William Robert. "British and American socialist utopian literature, 1888-1900." Thesis, University of Bristol, 2014. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.681497.
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This dissertation studies socialist utopian literature published in Britain and America from 1888-1900. The central thesis is that they shared an underlying theoretical basis regarding how they were imagined to function, and why. Details obviously varied, but these texts shared a common structure which can be defined in terms of five interrelated themes: economics; ethics; environment; education; and evolution. These socialist utopias embodied a certain set of relations between these themes. Planned cooperative economies would be founded upon a socialist ethic inculcated by education and the environment, and the whole was posited as the product of historical evolution. These interrelated aspects were seen as the necessary foundations that would enable a socialist utopia - a united, harmonious society, characterised by association, community, and cooperation. This would convert society into a "community of interests", and an "administration of things", enabling collective democratic control of a socialist economy. This pattern can be found across the literature, underlying various strands of contemporary socialism and internal splits dividing the ideology. The most prominent of these, as manifested in utopian literature, was between state socialism and communitarian or libertarian socialist approaches. This divide is best encapsulated in the two most-famous examples, represented by Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward and William Morris' News from Nowhere respectively, which dominate existing secondary accounts. However, the differences between these two strands were not as great as often supposed. These complex issues have been approached through the prism of the key figure of Bellamy, and five of his respondents who are essentially unstudied. This is both because of the size of the literature (around 50 texts), but also Bellamy's overwhelming significance in existing secondary accounts, and to his contemporaries. Morris however is considered mainly as a touching-point in relation to other texts, there being little to add to existing accounts.
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Engren, Jimmy. "Railroading and Labor Migration : Class and Ethnicity in Expanding Capitalism in Northern Minnesote, the 1880s to the mid 1920s." Doctoral thesis, Växjö universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-1636.
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In the 1880s, capitalism as a social and economic system integrated new geographic areas of the American continent. The construction of the Duluth & Iron Range Railroad (D&IR), financed by a group of Philadelphia investors led by Charlemagne Tower and later owned by the US Steel was part of this emerging political economy based on the exploitation of human and material resources. Migrant labor was in demand as it came cheap and, generally, floated between various construction-sites on the “frontier” of capitalism. The Swedish immigrants were one part of this group of “floaters” during the late 1800s and made up a significant part of the force that constructed and worked on the D&IR between the 1880s and the 1920s. This book deals with power relations between groups based on class and ethnic differences by analyzing the relationship between the Anglo-American bourgeois establishment and the Swedish and other immigrant workers and their children on the D&IR and in the railroad town of Two Harbors, Minnesota. The Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony in Minnesota, to a large extent, dictated the conditions under which Swedish immigrants and others toiled and were allowed access to American society. I have therefore analyzed the structural subordination and gradual integration of workers and, in particular, immigrant workers, in an emerging class society. The book also deals with the political and the cultural opposition to Anglo-American bourgeois hegemony that emerged in Two Harbors and that constructed a radical public sphere during the 1910s. In this process, new group identities based on class and ethnicity emerged in the working class neighborhoods in the wake of the capitalist expansion and exploitation, and as a result of worker agency. Building on traditions of political insurgency an alliance of immigrant workers, particularly Swedes, Anglo skilled workers and parts of the local petty bourgeoisie rose to a position of political and cultural power in the local community. This coalition was held together by the language of class that became the basis of a local multi-ethnic working class identity laying claim to its own version of Americanism. The period of preparedness leading up to the Great War, the war itself, and its aftermath, produced a reaction from the Anglo American bourgeoisie which resulted in a profound change in the public sphere as a coalition between “meliorist middle class reformers”, represented primarily by the YMCA and local church leaders and the D&IR and its program of welfare capitalism launched a broad program to counter socialism locally, and to forge new social bonds that would cut across class lines and ethnic boundaries. By this process, the ethnic working class in Two Harbors was offered entry into American society by acquiring citizenship and by their inclusion in a broader civic community undifferentiated by class. But this could only be realized by the workers’ adoption of an Anglo-American national identity based on identification with corporate interests, a new local solidarity that cut across class lines and a white racial identity that diminished the significance of ethnic boundaries. By these means the Swedish immigrants, or at least a portion of them, became Americans on terms established by the D&IR and its class allies.
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Ferreira, John Kennedy. "Do socialismo utópico ao científico na América Latina: apontamentos sobre o encontro do comunismo latino-americano e a III Internacional Comunista." Universidade de São Paulo, 2015. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8137/tde-11032016-141317/.
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O debate sobre o socialismo americano começa no inicio do Século XIX e foi ganhando adeptos conforme cresceu sua importância dentro das sociedades latinas americanas. Ao mesmo tempo, foi seguido de várias rupturas e continuidades, várias e ricas abordagens sobre a Sociedade. O presente estudo busca resgatar essa contribuição e busca realizar um exame da organização do pensamento comunista e da III Internacional na América Latina. Este estudo desenvolve um panorama do inicio da formação do pensamento socialista no continente na primeira metade do Século XIX e centra sua preocupação em observar como foi o encontro entre o pensamento comunista latino americano e o comunismo da III Internacional. Ao mesmo tempo, detêm-se no impacto que a filiação dos partidos comunistas latino americano a III internacional teve no processo de amadurecimento de suas idéias, estratégicas e táticas, na ação política e na formação de um ideário de superação do Capitalismo pelo Socialismo.The debate about American socialism starts at the beginning of ninetieth century and won adepts as its importance grew up inside the latin-american societies. At the same time, was followed by several ruptures and continuities, several and valiant approaches about the society. This study seeks to rescue this contribution and seeks an examination of the communist thought organization and the III International in Latin-America. This study develops a panorama of the socialist thought beginning in the continent at the first half of ninetieth century and focus its preoccupation on observe how was the meeting between latin-american communist thought and the III International communism. At the same time, arrests in the impact that the filiation of Latin-American communist parties the III International had in the ripening process of its strategically ideas and tactics on political action and the formation of an ideology about an overcoming of the Capitalism by Socialism.
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Esposito, Anthony V. "The ideology of the Socialist Party of America, 1901-1917 /." New York : Garland, 1997. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37679708p.
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Adams, E., and Jamie Branam Kridler. "A History of Socials Welfare in America." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2006. https://dc.etsu.edu/etsu-works/5850.
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Wight, Philip A. "From Citizens to Consumers: The Countercultural Roots of Green Consumerism." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2013. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1368030088.
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Costaguta, Lorenzo. "Which way to emancipation? : race and ethnicity in American socialist thought, 1876-1899." Thesis, University of Nottingham, 2017. http://eprints.nottingham.ac.uk/41285/.
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This thesis investigates socialist ideas of race and ethnicity in the US during the Gilded Age. By charting the attempts of the Socialist Labor Party to defend the economic and social rights of racial minorities such as African Americans, Chinese immigrants, and Native Americans, it explores the tension between the struggle for class emancipation on the one hand and the demand for racial equality on the other. Focusing on a group of little-investigated newspaper sources, in many cases involving new translations from German-language local socialist press, this thesis challenges the idea held by many historians of American radicalism that late-nineteenth century socialists were apparently uninterested in race. On the contrary, American socialists of the Gilded Age actively engaged with the specific interracial and inter-ethnic composition of the US working class. Applying both methods of institutional and intellectual history, this thesis argues that the Socialist Labor Party between 1876-1899 was divided into two main areas of opinion: the first, defined in this work as “colour-blind internationalist,” held that class solidarity – rather than race and ethnicity – should be used to unite workers and fight for their rights. The second, here termed “scientific racialist,” used a variety of intellectual approaches, which spanned from pseudo-scientific theories of race to Darwinism and anthropology, to demonstrate the existence of a hierarchy of human groups with different levels of physical, cultural, and social development. From the late 1870s to the end of the 1880s the scientific racialist position was prominent in the Socialist Labor Party, but was contested by colour-blind assertions. Indeed, when Daniel De Leon became the party’s leader in the 1890s, he imposed colour-blind socialism as the sole approach. This moved American socialism away from anti-egalitarian outlooks, but created a blind spot in which socialists stopped recognising race as a key element that shaped the social dynamics of the country – a situation that made it hard for them to successfully implement anti-racist policies. This, in turn, helps to explain the relative historic weakness of socialism in the US.
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Coimbra, Eric Araújo Dias. "O socialismo de século XXI na América Latina e a superação do capitalismo." Florianópolis, SC, 2009. http://repositorio.ufsc.br/xmlui/handle/123456789/92433.
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Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal de Santa Catarina, Centro de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas. Programa de Pós-graduação em GeogradiaMade available in DSpace on 2012-10-24T08:50:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0
Esta dissertação refere-se ao projeto sócio-político-econômico denominado socialismo do século XXI. Esta concepção de sociedade tem por base a construção da democracia participativa e direta em substituição à democracia formal-plutocrática. O objetivo geral desta pesquisa consistiu em estudar as condições para a implementação do socialismo do século XXI na América Latina, visando a necessidade de superação do modelo capitalista global. Os objetivos específicos foram: 1) analisar as contradições do modelo capitalista global e a viabilidade histórica para a implementação do Socialismo do Século XXI; 2) estudar o conceito de democracia e suas aplicações, diferenciando a democracia formal (plutocracia) da democracia participativa; 3) analisar as principais transformações geopolíticas que estão ocorrendo na América Latina neste início de século XXI e a possibilidade de integração e libertação dos povos latino-americanos. Para uma melhor sistematização, o trabalho está dividido em cinco capítulos que compreendem os seguintes assuntos: 1) a democracia formal; 2) a democracia participativa; 3) a transição para o socialismo do século XXI; 4) a América Latina e o socialismo do século XXI; 5) as experiências institucionais na Venezuela, Bolívia e Equador. Neste último, são analisadas as experiências políticas concretas dos governos de Hugo Chávez (Revolução Bolivariana), Evo Morales (Revolução Democrática e Cultural) e Rafael Correa (Revolução Cidadã). Estes três governos se comprometeram em construir a democracia participativa e realizar profundas reformas de cunho nacionalista, antineoliberal e antiimperialista.
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McMillan, Rebecca J. "Building “21st Century Sewer Socialism”: Sanitation and Venezuela’s Technical Water Committees." Thèse, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/26255.
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This thesis assesses the potential of Venezuela’s technical water committees (mesas técnicas de agua, MTAs) to address governance and logistical challenges for improving sanitation in the barrios (low income settlements) of Caracas. The MTAs are a radical experiment in urban planning whereby beneficiary communities map their own water and sanitation needs and help to plan infrastructure development, which is financed by the state. In addition to improving services, the MTAs aim to promote “popular” or “citizen power” as part of a broader political transformation, the Bolivarian Process (1999-present). Based on Hickey and Mohan’s (2005) four criteria for “transformative participation,” the paper argues that the MTAs have opened spaces for citizen empowerment and improved services in the barrios; however, participation at the local scale cannot resolve many of the challenges for improving sanitation such as institutional overlap and the financing gap, especially given that sanitation is the least profitable form of service provision in terms of economic and political payoffs.
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Wertheimer, John. "The ISS on Campus: The Intercollegiate Socialist Society, 1905-1921." Oberlin College Honors Theses / OhioLINK, 1985. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=oberlin1364202700.
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Altman, Jacob Scott. "Reviving socialism: from Union Theological Seminary to Highlander Folk School." Diss., University of Iowa, 2016. https://ir.uiowa.edu/etd/6360.
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This work reconsiders the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Great Depression and the unaffiliated social-democratic movement developed by those who left the Socialist Party to join President Roosevelt’s New Deal coalition. The substance and implications of socialism’s revival in the 1930s have received insufficient attention, overshadowed by an emphasis on the character and impact of American communism. Viewed over multiple decades, socialists remained relevant in the labor movement. Their integration into the New Deal coalition confounds claims that American socialists were too rigid and programmatic in their beliefs to be effective political actors in the United States. Their shift from a revolutionary socialism to a pragmatic embrace of social democracy suggests that socialists were able to find an accommodation with both capitalism and with the Democratic Party.
For much of the Depression, the Socialist Party was a vibrant political force on the American left, challenging the mainstream parties to address the economic crisis, creating a space in which women claimed leadership, and provided a cohort of skilled organizers for the labor movement. During the revival, women were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts, provided vital election support, publically debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity, and held important offices within the party.
Socialists also built institutions. Highlander and Soviet House, two institutions that must be understood within their proper socialist contexts, developed out of the radicalism fostered by Reinhold Niebuhr at Union Theological Seminary. Radical young socialists, drawn to Reinhold Niebuhr’s pessimistic critique of capitalism, carried their belief that capitalism was in its terminal crisis into the SP’s Revolutionary Policy Committee. Their energy yielded impressive organization success for the labor movement.
The continued intellectual coherence of socialists in the decades after the revival suggest that evolving socialist ideas survived within and at odds with the New Deal coalition. Far from abandoning socialism, those socialists who participated in the New Deal coalition maintained a distinctive set of ideas. The existence of a strong cohort of women in the Socialist Party’s revival runs contrary to scholars’ claims that women did not play a significant role in the Socialist Party after the early 1920s. Socialist women rebuilt socialist institutions during the Depression. They were central to the party’s successful organizing efforts; provided vital election support; debated the meanings of femininity and masculinity; and held offices within the party.
Viewed from within the confines of parties and elections, the history of the socialist movement in the United States appears limited in its scope and importance. During the 1930s, socialists’ successful municipal projects were eclipsed by rising factionalism and the unrequited attraction of revolution. Socialists seemed much less interesting and their critiques less incisive and useful when mired in historical accounts that give primacy to factional feuds and electoral politics. This was not the entirety of the socialist experience in the 1930s. Socialists did fight amongst themselves and against communists, primarily with words but also with fists. They also served as productive forces and provided significant leadership within the labor movement. Throughout those decades, they continued to distinguish themselves from other trade unionists. Socialists retained their class-based critique of American society even as they softened their ideas about the remedies that they intended to employ to make that society more equitable.
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Brady, Christopher David. "Mid-century American Marxist : the progressive education of Leo Huberman /." view abstract or download file of text, 1999. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p1396671.
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Thesis (M.A.)--University of Oregon, 1999.Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 300-319). Also available for download via the World Wide Web; free to University of Oregon users. Address: http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/uoregon/fullcit?p1396671.
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López, Peña Laura. "Beyond the Walls-Potentiality Aborted. The Politics of Intersubjective Universalism in Herman Melville’s Clarel." Doctoral thesis, Universitat de Barcelona, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/128332.
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This dissertation argues that Herman Melville’s Clarel: A Poem and Pilgrimage in the Holy Land (1876) is a universalist poem which analyzes the necessity, political potentiality, and challenges of intersubjectivity to the creation of more democratic human relationships beyond the walls of individualism and of traditional communities such as those organized around the notions of nation-state, ‘race’, culture, religious affiliation, or sexual identities. My argument is that, in Clarel, Melville conceives what I have termed ‘intersubjective universalism’ as an ethicopolitical process subjected to the potentialities and limitations of those who may either develop or neutralize it: human beings conditioned by their fears, egocentric behaviors, and ultimately, by their imperfect, limited, human nature. In this respect, Clarel, I claim, gives continuity to Melville’s recurrent exploration of the dangers, beauties, and interlacing of the (im)possibilities of intersubjectivity, universalism, and democracy, always torn between the democratizing potentiality the author located in interpersonal relationships and the bleak realization that human beings might never materialize such democratic project. My dissertation is divided into two chapters, which correspond to the two principal axes of my study: the defense and articulation of the intersubjective universalism I conceive in Melville’s Clarel from a theoretical perspective, on the one hand, and my interpretation of Clarel: A Poem and Pilgrimage in the Holy Land as a universalist poem, representative of Herman Melville’s political literary project, on the other. In order to justify my defense of Clarel as a universalist poem, my dissertation incorporates the points of view of contemporary theorists such as Hannah Arendt, Etienne Balibar, Zygmunt Bauman, Martin Buber, Judith Butler, Jacques Derrida, Ernesto Laclau, Emmanuel Levinas, Jean-Luc Nancy, Martha Nussbaum, and Linda Zerilli, among others, whose analyses on community, intersubjectivity, interpersonal relationships, global ethics, and universalism, from the perspectives of poststructuralism, sociology, philosophy, or politics, have been enabling to my own work.Esta tesis doctoral analiza el caso de "Clarel: A Poem and Pilgrimage in the Holy Land (1876)" , un poema universalista de Herman Melville, que analiza la necesidad, el potencial politico, y los desafíos de la intersubjetividad para el desarrollo de relaciones humanas más democráticas fuera de los muros del individualismo y de comunidades tradicionales organizadas sobre nociones como estado-nación, “raza”, cultura, afiliación religiosa, o identidades sexuales. Mi argumento es que, en Clarel, Melville concibe lo que he llamado “universalismo intersubjetivo” como un proceso eticopolítico sujeto al potencial y a las limitaciones de aquellos que pueden tanto desarrollarlo como neutralizarlo: seres humanos condicionados por sus miedos, comportamientos egocéntricos y, últimamente, por su imperfecta y limitada naturaleza humana. En este sentido, mi tesis argumenta que Clarel da continuidad a la exploración recurrente de Melville de los peligros, las bellezas, y las interconexiones de las (im)posibilidades de la intersubjetividad, el universalismo, y la democracia. Estas exploraciones están divididas entre el potencial democratizador que el autor situaba en las relaciones interpersonales y en la triste conciencia de que los seres humanos quizás nunca materializarían tal proyecto democrático. Mi tesis se divide en dos capítulos, que corresponden a los dos ejes principales de mi estudio: la defensa y la articulación del universalismo intersubjetivo que concibo en el poema de Melville Clarel desde un punto de vista teórico, por un lado, y mi interpretación de Clarel: A Poem and Pilgrimage in the Holy Land como poema universalista, representativo del proyecto político literario de Herman Melville, por otro lado. Con tal de justificar mi defensa de Clarel como poema universalista, esta tesis doctoral incorpora los puntos de vista de teóricos contemporáneos como Hannah Arendt, Etienne Balibar, Zygmunt Bauman, Martin Buber, Judith Butler, Jacques Derrida, Ernesto Laclau, Emmanuel Levinas, Jean-Luc Nancy, Martha Nussbaum, y Linda Zerilli, entre otros, cuyos análisis sobre comunidad, intersubjectividad, relaciones interpersonales, ética global, y universalismo, desde las perspectivas del postestructuralismo, la sociología, la filosofía, y la política, fundamentan mi propio trabajo.
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Deleporte, Pierre. "Etude éco-éthologique et évolutive de Periplaneta americana et d'autres blattes sociales." Grenoble 2 : ANRT, 1988. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37613118n.
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Deleporte, Pierre. "Etude éco-éthologique et évolutive de P. Americana et d'autres blattes sociales." Rennes 1, 1988. http://www.theses.fr/1988REN10134.
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Etude du developpement des relations sociales dans des groupes de p. A. , de la naissance a l'age adulte, dans des dispositifs experimentaux (terrariums de differentes tailles). Description, en fonction des classes d'age et de sexe, du repertoire comportemental et de la structure des relations interindividuelles. Differents aspects de l'activite des groupes sont etudies : structure et localisation spatiale des sous groupes, stabilite spatiale individuelle et retour au gite, creusement du substrat, transport de nourriture. A partir des donnees experimentales discussion de l'organisation sociale et particulierement de la pertinence des concepts de hierarchie, de dominance et de territorialite chez p. A. Et d'autres blattes sociales. Discussion de la phylogenie des blattes
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Cury, Márcia Carolina de Oliveira [UNESP]. "Júlio César Jobet e a cultura política do socialismo chileno (1957-1973)." Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP), 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93279.
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cury_mco_me_fran.pdf: 726598 bytes, checksum: f5e6db5c5642377f52202e86414a94fb (MD5)Em grande parte dos países da América Latina alguns intelectuais se destacaram por proporem não só interpretar a realidade política de seus países, mas também intervir na mesma de maneira a transformá-la. Entre eles, muitos mantiveram uma colaboração orgânica com o movimento político e partidário da esquerda. Em meio ao debate de interpretações do desenvolvimento nacional e de propostas de ação política para a América Latina, o Chile se destacou na participação de intelectuais na formulação de projetos de ação que influenciaram a arena política do país ao longo do século XX. Partindo do debate em torno da interação entre os intelectuais e a cultura política, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo refletir acerca do papel do intelectual Julio César Jobet (1912-1980) na cultura política do socialismo chileno. Vinculado organicamente ao Partido Socialista, Jobet foi dirigente desde a sua fundação e destacou-se na formulação do pensamento socialista e dos princípios teóricos que o animariam. Buscaremos apreender a singularidade do pensamento deste intelectual por meio das interpretações e propostas expressas nos seus escritos, nos debates tanto no interior do seu partido como com as demais forças de esquerda da política nacional, de maneira a apreender o alcance e a influência da sua produção nos rumos do socialismo chileno
To a large extent of the countries of Latin America some intellectuals attracted attention not only for commenting on the political reality in their countries, but also intervening in order to transform it. Among them, many kept an organic collaboration with political and partisan leftwing movement. In the midst of the debate of interpretations of national development and proposals for political action for Latin America, Chile stood out because of the participation of intellectuals to the formulation of action plans that influenced the country’s political arena throughout the twentieth century. Starting from the debate on the interaction between intellectuals and political culture, this work aims at reflecting about the role of an intellectual called Julio César Jobet (1912-1980) in Chilean socialism’s political culture. Organically tied to the Socialist Party, Jobet was its leader since its foundation and outstood in the formation of the socialist thinking and the theoretic principles that would drive it. We will seek to get hold of the singularity of his thought through the interpretations and proposals expressed in his writings, in the debates inside his party as well as with other Chilean left-wing groups, in order to apprehend the reach and influence of its production in the routes of Chilean socialism
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Cury, Márcia Carolina de Oliveira. "Júlio César Jobet e a cultura política do socialismo chileno (1957-1973) /." Franca, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/11449/93279.
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Orientador: Alberto AggioBanca: Marcos Alves de Souza
Banca: Teresa Maria Malatian
Resumo: Em grande parte dos países da América Latina alguns intelectuais se destacaram por proporem não só interpretar a realidade política de seus países, mas também intervir na mesma de maneira a transformá-la. Entre eles, muitos mantiveram uma colaboração orgânica com o movimento político e partidário da esquerda. Em meio ao debate de interpretações do desenvolvimento nacional e de propostas de ação política para a América Latina, o Chile se destacou na participação de intelectuais na formulação de projetos de ação que influenciaram a arena política do país ao longo do século XX. Partindo do debate em torno da interação entre os intelectuais e a cultura política, o presente trabalho tem por objetivo refletir acerca do papel do intelectual Julio César Jobet (1912-1980) na cultura política do socialismo chileno. Vinculado organicamente ao Partido Socialista, Jobet foi dirigente desde a sua fundação e destacou-se na formulação do pensamento socialista e dos princípios teóricos que o animariam. Buscaremos apreender a singularidade do pensamento deste intelectual por meio das interpretações e propostas expressas nos seus escritos, nos debates tanto no interior do seu partido como com as demais forças de esquerda da política nacional, de maneira a apreender o alcance e a influência da sua produção nos rumos do socialismo chileno
Abstract: To a large extent of the countries of Latin America some intellectuals attracted attention not only for commenting on the political reality in their countries, but also intervening in order to transform it. Among them, many kept an organic collaboration with political and partisan leftwing movement. In the midst of the debate of interpretations of national development and proposals for political action for Latin America, Chile stood out because of the participation of intellectuals to the formulation of action plans that influenced the country's political arena throughout the twentieth century. Starting from the debate on the interaction between intellectuals and political culture, this work aims at reflecting about the role of an intellectual called Julio César Jobet (1912-1980) in Chilean socialism's political culture. Organically tied to the Socialist Party, Jobet was its leader since its foundation and outstood in the formation of the socialist thinking and the theoretic principles that would drive it. We will seek to get hold of the singularity of his thought through the interpretations and proposals expressed in his writings, in the debates inside his party as well as with other Chilean left-wing groups, in order to apprehend the reach and influence of its production in the routes of Chilean socialism
Mestre
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Ferreira, John Kennedy. "A questão indígena-camponesa e a luta pelo socialismo: apontamentos sobre a contribuição de José Carlos Mariátegui." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2008. http://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/2778.
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Previous issue date: 2008-04-30In the present study we examine some contributions of the Marxist José Carlos Mariátegui concerning the construction of the worker-peasant alliance formulated by III International Communist as regards to Peru and the others countries of Latin America. Mariátegui s effort involves debates made at the beginning of the twenties with nationalist and communist sectors, union and indigenous leaderships concerning themes as socialism, antiimperialism, worker peasant and revolution. We start from the analysis of his main work, Seven Interpretive Essays on Peruvian Reality, in view to demonstrate the fundamental presence of indigenous-peasant question in the center of his theoretical and pratical struggle for socialism
No presente estudo, examinamos algumas contribuições do marxista José Carlos Mariátegui a respeito da construção da aliança operário-camponesa formulada pela III Internacional Comunista em relação ao Peru e demais países da América Latina. O esforço de Mariátegui envolve debates realizados no início dos anos 20 com setores nacionalistas e comunistas, lideranças sindicais e indígenas, sobre temas como socialismo, antiimperialismo, aliança operário-camponesa e revolução. Partimos da análise de seu principal trabalho, Sete ensaios de interpretação da realidade peruana, com vistas a demonstrar a presença fundamental da questão indígena-camponesa no centro de sua luta teórica e prática pelo socialismo
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Merhrioui, Stéphanie. "Le statut de la femme cubaine à l'épreuve d'une société machiste." Phd thesis, Université de la Sorbonne nouvelle - Paris III, 2009. http://tel.archives-ouvertes.fr/tel-00797111.
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La situation de la femme est souvent mal perçue à travers le monde. Beaucoup d'entre elles sont opprimées même dans les pays les plus développés. Cela proviendrait essentiellement du machisme. Dans tous les pays, le manque d'éducation, l'appartenance à une religion et les fortes traditions ancestrales font des hommes de vrais machos. Ils ont du mal à faire la part des choses et traitent la femme comme une vulgaire domestique. Dans de nombreux pays, cette situation n'évolue pas et incite les femmes à se débrouiller par leurs propres moyens. Le féminisme les a aidées à lutter contre ces atrocités et à reprendre confiance en elles. Il a eu un fort impact sur la condition des femmes dans le monde et nous verrons ce qu'il leur a apporté. Beaucoup de femmes furent séduites par ce courant qui voulait redonner à la femme sa vraie valeur et sa position dans la société. Aujourd'hui, l'image de la femme est beaucoup mieux perçue.Mais ces dernières se heurtent toujours à de terribles inégalités, que ce soit dans le monde du travail, de la politique ou dans la vie de tous les jours. Aujourd'hui, la femme européenne étudie beaucoup plus et a accès à des postes beaucoup plus qualifiés, mais malgré tout, elle se heurte à de terribles inégalités en ce qui concerne le salaire, ou à un manque d'évolution dans leurs postes. Aujourd'hui, l'Europe affirme se ranger du côté de la cause des femmes, mais qu'en est-il réellement ? La femme latino-américaine a dû batailler ferme pour changer son image. Ce continent est réputé pour son machisme et naître femme est un combat quotidien. Mais qu'est-ce que le féminisme a apporté réellement sur ce continent où l'homme fait sa loi ? A Cuba, le féminisme existe depuis longtemps, mais le triomphe de la Révolution a changé beaucoup de choses en l'incorporant à la société. Nous verrons que tous ces changements ont bouleversé leur vie de famille et leurs conditions de vie.
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Philogène, Gina. "De "Black" à "African american" : l'élaboration d'une nouvelle représentation sociale." Paris, EHESS, 1997. http://www.theses.fr/1996EHES0019.
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Cette these vise a montrer a quel point le changement de nom, de black a african american, signale une transformation dans la representation sociale des noirs americains. Le nouveau terme est positif, et cette caracteristique particuliere lui donne une qualite progressiste qui redefinit le groupe de maniere plus inclusif. Il s'agit ici d'une representation sociale anticipatrice, qui refait le present en regardant vers l'avenir. N'etant pas encore pleinement concretise dans notre realite, cette nouvelle representation est gardee vivante par un repertoire de presuppositions collectivement defini de references symbomiques et par sa contradistinction a black. En deplacant l'attention loin de la race, le ternie african american a cree un vacum qui semble etre rempli avec des notions de culture, d'ethnicite, et de multiculturalisme,tous accentuant le destin commun de tous les americains.
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Borges, Elisa de Campos. "O projeto da via chilena ao socialismo do PC chileno: nem revisionismo,nem evolucionismo, nem refornismo, nem cópias mecânicas." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2005. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/12725.
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This work have as purpose to know, to comprehend and to attend the effort for the introduction of the project the chilean way to socialism idealized by the Communist Party of Chile. This project has purposed the passage from chilean capitalist regime to socialism based on the maintance of the establishment, without insurrections or armed conflicts. Such formulation had a great repercussion in the political project of the Popular Unity, wich had conducted Salvador Allende to Presidency of the Republic in 1970. To accomplish this research it was made use of a bibliography as source about the Popular Unity and about the subject of our research, many documents from the Communist Party, and personal witness by the same way, which constitutes oral source for the studies in History. In the Introduction, we had made a characterization from the Communist Party and from the original project of this research, that will be separated into the first and the second chapters, such as a chilean political and economical contextualization. In Chapter I we had upraised some arguments occurred about the peaceful way to socialism. We had tried even to identify the political development of the Comunist Party along it s policy of alliances and it s fundaments in several presidential elections. In Chapter II we looked forward to reflect how the mentioned questions from the past Chapter will influence the formulation of The Chilean Revolution, it s repercussions among the left-side parties and the for the Popular Unity consolidation to face the 1970´s elections. In Chapter III then we looked forward to analyze, from the Communist Party documents written between 1970 and 1973, the political behavior of the Party in the Alludes government quotidian
Este trabalho tem como proposta conhecer, compreender e acompanhar o esforço para a implantação do projeto via chilena ao socialismo , idealizado pelo Partido Comunista do Chile. Este projeto propunha a passagem do regime capitalista chileno para o socialista a partir da manutenção da institucionalidade, sem insurreições ou luta armada. Essa formulação teve uma grande repercussão no projeto político da Unidade Popular que levou à Presidência da República Salvador Allende em 1970. Para realizar essa pesquisa foram utilizadas como fonte uma bibliografia sobre a Unidade Popular e sobre o nosso objeto de pesquisa, diversos documentos do PC, assim como depoimentos pessoais que se constituem fonte oral para estudos da História. Na introdução, realizamos uma caracterização do PC e do projeto que se desdobrará no primeiro e segundo capítulo, assim como uma contextualização do sistema econômico e político chileno. No Capítulo I levantamos algumas discussões realizadas sobre a via pacífica ao socialismo. Também procuramos identificar o desenvolvimento político do Partido Comunista através da sua política de alianças e seus fundamentos em diversas eleições presidenciais. Procuramos no Capítulo II refletir como as questões apontadas no capítulo anterior vão influenciar na formulação da Revolução Chilena, sua repercussão entre os partidos de esquerda e a consolidação da Unidade Popular para disputar as eleições de 1970. No Capítulo III procuramos então, analisar a partir dos documentos partidários do PC escrito entre 1970 e 1973, o comportamento político desse partido no cotidiano do governo Allende
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Guvenc, Serpil S. "Socialist Perspectives On Foreign Policy Issues: The Case Of Tip In The 1960s." Master's thesis, METU, 2005. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12606866/index.pdf.
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ABSTRACT
SOCIALIST PERSPECTIVES ON FOREIGN POLICY ISSUES:
THE CASE OF TiP IN THE 1960s
Serpil Güvenç
M.S., Department of Public Administration and Political Sciences Supervisor: Assist. Prof. Dr. Galip Yalman December 2005, 207 pages In this study, the foreign policy perspectives of the Turkish socialist left during the 1960s are evaluated. TiP (Turkish Labour Party) is chosen as a case study and its theoretical approach and practical proposals pertinent to Turkey / USA relations, Turkey / USSR relations, Turkey / European Union relations and the Cyprus Problem are discussed by comparison to some domestic and foreign political parties and important left wing currents of the period in question.
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Cruz, John J. "Discursos y tensiones sociales en Colombia sobre la moralidad, modernizacion y “deber ser” femenino en el cine silente y publicaciones periodicas durante el periodo de 1886-1930." The Ohio State University, 2018. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1534347323918833.
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Gainza, Cortes Carolina. "Identidades Culturales, Redes Tecnológicas y Acción Colectiva: El Movimiento Zapatista y el Movimiento de los Foros Sociales en América latina." Tesis, Universidad de Chile, 2006. http://www.repositorio.uchile.cl/handle/2250/108894.
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El concepto sociedad de la información corresponde a una denominación de la sociedad actual sustentada en los cambios generados a partir del proceso de globalización y el desarrollo de las nuevas tecnologías de la información y comunicación. Se trata de una sociedad que se aparta de la sociedad industrial de Estados Nacionales y aparece asociada a una transformación del capitalismo industrial, denominado capitalismo informacional. La ideología neoliberal asociada al desarrollo económico actual fetichiza los elementos presentes en este nuevo capitalismo, apropiándose de las nuevas tecnologías y el proceso de globalización como elementos que contribuyen a fortalecer la idea del mercado como regulador de todas las esferas de la sociedad. En este trabajo, recurrimos principalmente a las visiones de Castells y Touraine como sustento para develar la contradicción presente en el capitalismo actual que ha permitido el surgimiento de nuevos actores sociales, en los cuales el sentido de la acción descansa principalmente en las identidades culturales, y cuyos proyectos de sociedad entran en conflicto con el proyecto de sociedad capitalista de la información.
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AGUIAR, Jórissa Danilla Nascimento. "Entre a subalternidade e o socialismo indoamericano: existe um pensamento marxista decolonial?" Universidade Federal de Campina Grande, 2017. http://dspace.sti.ufcg.edu.br:8080/jspui/handle/riufcg/1324.
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Capes
A colonização e o pensamento europeu trouxeram aos povos originários não só a marca da dependência financeira e o capitalismo. Foram cruciais, sobretudo, à expansão de uma influência intelectual eurocentrista, um colonialismo cultural que, junto com a propriedade privada, marcaram nossas formações econômico-sociais. Contudo, como a história dos homens precisa ser observada em sua construção dialética, as duas últimas décadas do século XXI e suas mudanças políticas trouxeram à baila novas questões teóricas para se pensar a América Latina contemporânea, onde governos e movimentos sociais formavam uma alternativa política às estruturas de poder vivenciadas desde a terceira onda democrática em meados da década de 1980, buscando recuperar uma aproximação entre sociedade e Estado. Na esteira dessa reflexão, esta tese tem como principal objetivo analisar criticamente, desde uma perspectiva marxista, o movimento decolonial na América Latina. Trata-se de um projeto teórico-político de intelectuais latino-americanos que surge contemporaneamente com o argumento de resistência ao ocidental-centrismo e consequente renovação crítica das Ciências Sociais no subcontinente. Para tanto, buscamos investigar como duas teorias que são chaves para pensar a constituição do nosso objeto, o movimento decolonial, se expandem na academia, são elas a teoria pós-colonial e o estudo dos sujeitos subalternos, assim como a forma com que essas teorias são recebidas no subcontinente, ganhando força a partir da década de 1990, sendo marcante o lançamento da obra Colonialidad y modernidad-racionalidad, de 1992, do peruano Aníbal Quijano (1928). Tendo como eixo teórico-metodológico a recuperação de parte do conjunto da obra político historiográfica de Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) e J. C. Mariátegui (1894-1930), tendo em vista que esses autores realizam interpretações sobre a questão nacional e desenvolvimento desigual a partir das contribuições da metodologia dialética marxista que fomentam suas formulações teóricas, nossa hipótese indica que conceitos e teorias recuperados pela corrente de autores decoloniais e já postulados anteriormente pelos autores aqui destacados – a subalternidade e socialismo indoamericano – não necessariamente se vinculam de maneira rigorosa àquilo que Gramsci e Mariátegui haviam pensado para tais conceitos, apresentando fundamentalmente conclusões políticas distintas. Recuperamos, para testar a hipótese, os pressupostos teóricos dos autores decoloniais sobre o tema e assim lançamos como hipótese secundária a possibilidade da teoria marxista tratar de temas que atingem a América Latina, não sendo necessário o rompimento com o marxismo revolucionário para se concretizar avanços na teoria social e política latino-americana. Foi possível verificar que os autores decoloniais não são unanimes quanto a essa rotura, assim, podemos comparar essa divisão à questão do essencialismo latino-americano, uma das faces que caracterizou o debate marxista no subcontinente na década de 1930, principalmente por tratar da fragmentação política que propõe uma classificação social baseada na questão das raças como a luta e não como parte da luta de classes. Por fim, concluímos que Gramsci e Mariátegui, marxistas com visões não hegemônicas do marxismo, aproximaram a concepção tradicional da política marxista dos subalternos, estimulando uma profunda associação entre saber intelectual e vontade popular, indicando elementos que contemporaneamente são apresentados pela esquerda decolonial.
Colonization and European thought brought to the original people not only the mark of financial dependence and capitalism. They were crucial, above all, to the expansion of a Eurocentric intellectual influence, a cultural colonialism that, together with private property, marked our economic and social formation. However, as the history of men needs to be observed in their dialectical construction, the last two decades of the twenty-first century and its political changes have brought to the fore new theoretical questions to think about contemporary Latin America, where governments and social movements formed a political alternative to Structures of power experienced since the third democratic wave in the mid-1980s, seeking to recover an approximation between society and state. In the wake of this reflection, this thesis aims to critically analyze, from a marxist perspective, the decolonial movement in Latin America. It is a theoretical-political project of Latin American intellectuals that arises simultaneously with the argument of resistance to the western-centrism and consequent critical renovation of the Social Sciences in the subcontinent. Therefore, we sought to investigate how two theories that are key to think the constitution of our objectthe decolonial movement, expand in the academy, are postcolonial theory and the study of the subaltern subject, as well as the way in which these theories Are received in the subcontinent, gaining strength from the 1990s onwards, with the launch of Coloniality and modernity-rationality (1992) by Peruvian Aníbal Quijano (1928). Having as a theoretical-methodological axis the recovery of part of the set of the historiographical political work of Antonio Gramsci (1891-1937) and J. C. Mariátegui (1894-1930), considering that these authors make interpretations on the national question and uneven development from the contributions of the Marxist dialectical methodology that foment their theoretical formulations, our hypothesis indicates that concepts and theories recovered by the current of decoloniais authors and already postulated previously by the authors here highlighted - Indo-American subalternity and socialism - do not necessarily strictly bind themselves to what Gramsci and Mariátegui had intended for such concepts, presenting fundamentally different political conclusions. We Recovered, to test the hypothesis, the theoretical assumptions of decolonial authors on the subject and thus launched as secondary hypothesis the possibility of Marxist theory address issues that affect Latin America, the break with revolutionary Marxism is not necessary to achieve advances in Social and political theory in Latin America. It was possible to verify that the decolonial authors are not unanimous about this rupture, so we can compare this division to the question of Latin American essentialism, one of the faces that characterized the Marxist debate in the subcontinent in the 1930s, mainly because it deals with political fragmentation which proposes a social classification based on the question of races like the fight and not as part of the class struggle. Finally, we conclude that Gramsci and Mariátegui, Marxists with non-hegemonic visions of Marxism, approached the traditional conception of Marxist politics of subalterns, stimulating a deep association between intellectual knowledge and popular will, indicating elements that are contemporaneously presented by the decolonial left.
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Braham, Kira. "Working in Utopia: Locating Marx's "Realm of Necessity" in the Socialist Futures of Bellamy and Morris." ScholarWorks @ UVM, 2015. http://scholarworks.uvm.edu/graddis/507.
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This project examines two works of nineteenth-century utopian fiction, Edward Bellamy's Looking Backward and William Morris's News from Nowhere, and considers the way in which the organization of work in these imagined post-capitalist futures is guided by their respective philosophies of labor: while Bellamy's utopia is structured by an understanding of labor as primarily a social duty, Morris presents labor as central to the full development and happiness of the individual. These two utopias are read as representative of a fundamental tension within the writings of Marx: while Morris's understanding of labor aligns with the early works of Marx, Bellamy's vision is an expression of later attempts by Marx to distinguish between productive activity performed in the "realm of necessity" and that performed in the "realm of freedom." This project identifies in Bellamy's utopia a continued presence of alienated labor and reads this limitation as the inevitable outcome of an attempt to realize Marx's distinction between necessary and free production; Morris's ability to eradicate alienated labor in his utopia is thus only possible because he abandons this distinction and recognizes, as did the early Marx, the centrality of all forms of production to the individual's realization of her creative human essence. However, while Morris overcomes alienation, his attempt to break with the material foundations of capitalism leaves his utopia unsustainable; this project therefore looks to Bellamy's economic structures in an attempt to imagine how Morris's labor philosophy might be infused with Bellamy's structural elements to create a socialist future which would grow from the material conditions of capitalism while fully separating itself from the alienation of capitalist labor relations.