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Journal articles on the topic 'American socialism'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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1

Smith, Robert C. "Democracy, Race, and the Socialist Project in the United States." National Review of Black Politics 1, no. 1 (January 2020): 34–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/nrbp.2020.1.1.34.

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This paper examines the relationship between race, socialism, and democracy in America. It is organized into five sections and a conclusion. The first section explores how socialism has been viewed by many black leaders and intellectuals as necessary, imperative perhaps, in the black struggle for material equality, and further investigates the relationship of this black perspective on socialism to white opposition. The second section uses the most recent historical work to identify the factors that have the stalled the development of socialism in America. I also assess how these factors have changed or not in terms of making the socialist project more likely. In the third section, I analyze available poll data on American opinion about socialism from the 1930s to the present. While the data show unambiguously increased support for socialism since the 1930s, socialism does not today command the support of a majority of the American people. In the fourth section I examine the paradigmatic Franklin Roosevelt presidency on how liberal Democratic presidents have avoided the socialist label while embracing socialist programs. The fifth section is a brief examination of what socialism—really existing socialism—means in the early twenty-first century, and the idea of “socialist smuggling” as manifested in the presidencies of FDR and Lyndon Johnson. The speculative conclusion asks what are the prospects for the socialist project, and whether the white liberal cosmopolitan bourgeoisie rather than the white working class might become a mass base for the socialist project.

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2

JEFFREYS-JONES, RHODRI. "Changes in the Nomenclature of the American Left." Journal of American Studies 44, no. 1 (December 17, 2009): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021875809991356.

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A frequency survey of Google Books and other digital sources indicates that in political terminology the use of the phrase “American socialism” yielded to “American left” in the course of the twentieth century. Reasons for this include the tactical and personal ambitions of reformers who saw advantage in dropping the socialist tag in the face of domestic antisocialism. In mid-century, domestic antisocialism revived both in extremist rhetoric and in mainstream Republican charges of “creeping socialism.” The Cold War also played a role in changing the nomenclature balance, as it led to the identification of American socialism with the creed of the Soviet adversary. At the same time, a broadening in the left's agenda beyond the election platforms of the Socialist Party of America contributed to the change. The nomenclative “-ism” failure is significant as an indicator of left tendencies because it relates to perceptions of the failure of socialism itself.

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3

Costaguta, Lorenzo. "“Geographies of Peoples”: Scientific Racialism and Labor Internationalism in Gilded Age American Socialism." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 2 (March 8, 2019): 199–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781418000701.

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AbstractThis article investigates ideas of race in Gilded Age socialism by analyzing the intellectual production of the leaders of the Socialist Party of America (SLP) from 1876 to 1882. Existing scholarship on socialism and race during the Gilded Age and the Progressive Era rarely addresses socialist conceptions of race prior to 1901 and fails to recognize the centrality of scientific racialism and Darwinism in influencing socialist thought. By positioning American socialism within a transatlantic scenario and reconstructing how the immigrant origins of Gilded Age socialists influenced their perceptions of race, this article argues that scientific racialism and Darwinism competed with color-blind internationalism in shaping the racial policies of the SLP during the Gilded Age. Moreover, a transatlantic investigation of American socialist ideas of race presents a reinterpretation of the early phases of the history of the SLP and addresses its historical legacies. While advocates of scientific racialism and Darwinism determined the racial policies of the SLP in the 1880s, color-blind internationalists abandoned the party and extended their influence beyond organized socialism, especially in the Knights of Labor.

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4

Schneirov, Richard. "New Perspectives on Socialism II Socialism and Capitalism Reconsidered." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 4 (October 2003): 351–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000487.

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The July 2003 special issue of the Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era revisited the history of the Socialist Party of America during the Progressive Era. This second issue on “New Perspectives on Socialism” examines socialism largely outside the party context, thereby challenging the tendency of scholars and non-scholars alike to identify socialism with a party-based political movement. To the degree that the essays collected here examine party-based socialism, they focus on the gradualist or revisionist wing of the party, whose socializing and democratic reforms, programs, and ideas helped establish a context for the Progressive Era and thereafter, when a “social democratic” type of politics became intrinsic to the mainstream American politics.

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5

Da Silva, Cristhian Teófilo. "Mariátegui entre dois mundos: Visões do comunitarismo indígena andino." Revista de Estudos e Pesquisas sobre as Américas 8, no. 2 (December 30, 2014): 140. http://dx.doi.org/10.21057/repam.v8i2.10758.

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Resumo Este artigo visa demonstrar que a presença da herança andina no projeto de socialismo “indo-americano” de Mariátegui gerou uma tensão epistemológica original e crítica do pensamento social marxista na América Latina. A partir desta releitura da perspectiva mariateguiana apoiada em duas vertentes, indigenista peruana e marxista europeia, o presente artigo afirma a importância dos estudos sobre o indigenismo para a compreensão dos limites do socialismo de orientação marxista no Peru. O artigo será concluído ressaltando a importância do socialismo indo-americano de Mariátegui para a “descoberta” da constituição híbrida do modo de produção peruano. Palavras-chave Indigenismo; marxismo; Peru; José Carlos Mariátegui ---Resumen Este artículo tiene como objetivo demostrar que la presencia de la herencia andina en el diseño del socialismo "indoamericano" de Mariátegui ha generado una crítica epistemológica original del pensamiento social marxista en América Latina. De este recuento la perspectiva de Mariátegui apoyada en dos frentes, indigenista peruana y marxista europea, este artículo defiende la importancia de los estudios sobre el indigenismo para la comprensión de los límites del socialismo marxista en el Perú. El artículo concluirá destacando la importancia del socialismo indo-americano de Mariátegui en el "descubrimiento" de la constitución híbrida del modo de producción peruana. Palabras clave Indigenismo; marxismo; Perú; José Carlos Mariátegui---AbstractThis article aims to demonstrate that the presence of the Andean heritage in Mariátegui's "Indo-American" socialist project generated a new and critical epistemological tension of the Marxist social thinking in Latin America. From this mariateguian retelling, which is established in two ways, Peruvian indigenous and European Marxist, this article maintains the importance of studies on the indigenous movement to understand the boundaries of Marxist socialism in Peru. The text highlights the importance of Mariátegui's Indo-American socialism in the "discovery" of the hybrid constitution of the Peruvian way of production.Keywordsindigenism; Marxism; Peru; José Carlos Mariátegui____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ERRATAOnde se lê na página 141, v.8, n. 2 (2014):Esse aspecto é precisamente o cerne das polêmicas que surgiram em torno de suas idéias, que culminaram em desavenças com a III Internacional Comunista, em Montevidéu (maio de 1929).Lê-se:Esse aspecto é precisamente o cerne das polêmicas que surgiram em torno de suas idéias, que culminaram em controvérsias na primeira conferência comunista latino-americana, em Buenos Aires (junho de 1929). ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

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6

Weston, Jack. "American Socialism Lives." Monthly Review 42, no. 6 (November 6, 1990): 48. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-042-06-1990-10_6.

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7

Phelps, Christopher. "Recovering American Socialism." Monthly Review 43, no. 7 (December 6, 1991): 58. http://dx.doi.org/10.14452/mr-043-07-1991-11_6.

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8

Evers, Williamson M. "Liberty of the Press Under Socialism." Social Philosophy and Policy 6, no. 2 (1989): 211–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0265052500000704.

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Writing in 1912, before the Bolshevik Revolution, American socialist John Spargo said that it was “inconceivable” that a democratic socialist society would ever abolish the “sacred right” of freedom of publication which had been won at so great a sacrifice. According to Spargo, “every Socialist writer of note” agreed with Karl Kautsky that the freedom of the press, and of literary production in general, is an “essential condition” of democratic socialism.

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9

Seymour, Richard. "John Spargo and American Socialism." Historical Materialism 17, no. 2 (2009): 272–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156920609x436225.

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AbstractMarkku Ruotsila's impressive new biography of John Spargo is an incisive assessment of one of the earliest architects of neoconservatism. Spargo, a British socialist who spent most of his life in the United States, had moved gradually to the right of the socialist movement, advocating a gradualist and anti-revolutionary interpretation of Marxism. Having defended the American intervention in WWI, he was an early and avid critic of the Bolshevik Revolution. It was Spargo who composed the Colby Note that formalised the Wilson administration's anti-communist doctrine, and engaged in a political alliance with Benito Mussolini which he maintained through Italy's Fascist years on account of Mussolini's intransigent anti-communism. A harsh critic of the Roosevelt administration's 'New Deal' and its recognition of the USSR, he moved to the hard right in his domestic politics, supporting the Dies Commission and McCarthy, and later supporting first Richard Nixon then Barry Goldwater in the 1964 elections. This review examines Spargo's journey to the right in the light, not only of the peculiar Hyndmanite Marxism into which he was initially inducted and the reformist socialism to which he later graduated, but also of his social Darwinism, his support for colonialism, and his perceptions of the global racial order. I argue that Ruotsila, while providing an unprecedented glimpse into a neglected prehistory of neoconservatism, is mistaken to see Spargo's transition as a logical and linear progression in which he successfully preserved the core of his 'Social Gospel' even as he became a Republican activist. He also understates, I will maintain, the role of Spargo's racial concerns in the fervent anti-communism that he espoused after 1917.

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10

Gómez, Juan D. "Socialism and Identity in the Life and Works of Richard Wright." LA PALABRA, no. 27 (November 25, 2015): 33. http://dx.doi.org/10.19053/01218530.3966.

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Richard Wright was a pioneer in American Literature whose relationship with socialism helped to define him as a person and as a writer. The inspiration behind his literary accomplishments and their impact on his contemporaries can be understood by tracing two of the most important themes in his life; socialism and identity. This article describes the evolution of his relationship with socialism in order to better understand the writer and his best known works in their social and political context. This exercise can also help us to gain a clearer understanding of the cultural and social implications of socialist ideology in the United States after the First World War.Key words: Richard Wright, communism, racism, politics, socialism.

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11

Burwood, Stephen. "Debsian Socialism Through a Transnational Lens." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 2, no. 3 (July 2003): 253–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781400000414.

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Socialism in the United States between 1901 and 1919 has usually been viewed in a national context replete with assumptions about American Exceptionalism. Taking their cue from Werner Sombart's classic 1906 essay “Why Is there No Socialism in the United States?,” historians of American socialism from Daniel Bell and David Shannon to Seymour Martin Lipset have pointed to distinctly American conditions inimical to the growth of Socialism. For Ira Kipnis and Philip Foner, the problem was that American socialism before World War One was too rooted in American political traditions, not pure or Marxist enough. For Daniel Bell, it was a “foreign virus,” and was unable to be domesticated. And in the work of Paul Buhle, the “foreign” nature of American socialism in its ethnic and immigrant members has found its rescuer. The distinction between the “American” and “foreign” character of American socialism dominated debate for far too long.

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12

Dorn, Jacob H. "The Social Gospel and Socialism: A Comparison of the Thought of Francis Greenwood Peabody, Washington Gladden, and Walter Rauschenbusch." Church History 62, no. 1 (March 1993): 82–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3168417.

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For American Protestants who were sensitive to the profound social disruptions associated with rapid industrialization and urbanization in the late nineteenth century, the twin discoveries of the “alienation” of the working class from Protestant churches and of a rising and vibrant socialist movement caused much consternation and anxious soul-searching. Socialism offered not only a radical critique of American political and economic institutions; it also offered the zeal, symbols, and sense of participation in a world-transforming cause often associated with Christianity itself. The religious alienation of the working class and the appeal of socialism were often causally linked in the minds of socially-conscious Protestant leaders.

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13

BEVIR, MARK. "British Socialism and American Romanticism." English Historical Review CX, no. 438 (1995): 878–901. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/cx.438.878.

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14

Olson, Frederick I., and Richard W. Judd. "Socialist Cities: Municipal Politics and the Grass Roots of American Socialism." Journal of American History 77, no. 2 (September 1990): 703. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2079286.

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15

Ottanelli, Fraser, and Richard W. Judd. "Socialist Cities: Municipal Politics and the Grass Roots of American Socialism." American Historical Review 97, no. 1 (February 1992): 304. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2164742.

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16

McNaught, Kenneth, and Richard W. Judd. "Socialist Cities: Municipal Politics and the Grass Roots of American Socialism." Labour / Le Travail 26 (1990): 212. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143448.

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17

Bockman, Johanna. "Democratic Socialism in Chile and Peru: Revisiting the “Chicago Boys” as the Origin of Neoliberalism." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 654–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417519000239.

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AbstractIn the 1950s and 1960s, the U.S. government paid the economics department at the University of Chicago, known for its advocacy of free markets and monetarism, to train Chilean graduate students. These students became known as the “Chicago Boys,” who implemented the first and most famous neoliberal experiment in Chile after 1973. Peruvian, Mexican, and other Latin American economics students followed a similar path and advocated a turn to neoliberal policies in their own countries. The Chicago Boys narrative has become an origin story for global neoliberalism. However, the focus on this narrative has obscured other transnational networks whose ideas possess certain superficial, but misleading, similarities with neoliberalism. I examine Chilean and Peruvian engagements with Yugoslavia's unique form of socialism, its worker self-management socialism, which was part of a worldwide discussion of anti-authoritarian socialism. I first introduce the Yugoslav socialist model that inspired those in Chile and Peru. I then examine socialist discussions in Chile and Peru that called for decentralized, democratic socialism and looked to Yugoslavia for advice. I conclude by examining the 1990s postponement of socialism in the name of a very narrow democracy and realization of neoliberalism. The Chicago Boys story assumes the easy global victory of neoliberalism and erases what was at stake in the 1988–1994 period: radically democratic socialism on a global scale.

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18

Rutherford, M. "Thorstein Veblen: seer of American socialism." History of Political Economy 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 146–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00182702-17-1-146.

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19

Bosco, Robert M. "DSA's Religion and Socialism Commission: A Social Movement Analysis." Critical Research on Religion 6, no. 2 (June 7, 2018): 151–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2050303218774911.

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This article examines religious socialism as an American social movement. It focuses on the most recent iteration of this tradition, the Religion and Socialism Commission, formed in the 1970s as a subgroup of the Democratic Socialists of America. Drawing on concepts from social movement theory such as frame alignment and political opportunity structure, it argues that the Religion and Socialism Commission ultimately failed in its attempt to transition from an organization into a social movement. It then considers various possibilities for the future of religious socialism in the United States, given new variables such as a changing political opportunity structure and the rise of social media.

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20

Gangross, Aaron. "Eugene V. Debs and the Politics of Dissent in Modern America." International Labor and Working-Class History 60 (October 2001): 206–9. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547901224521.

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Eugene V. Debs made the first of five runs for the United States presidency on the Socialist Party ticket in 1900, establishing him as the popular face of American socialism for a quarter century. With Debs as its standard-bearer, the party achieved its largest share of the vote in its history in 1912. But the party's success at the presidential level waned afterward, dashing the promise of a permanent socialist electoral presence.

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Friedman, Gerald. "Worker Militancy and Its Consequences: Political Responses to Labor Unrest in the United States, 1877–1914." International Labor and Working-Class History 40 (1991): 5–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900001101.

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Werner Sombart asks two questions in Why is there no Socialism in the United States?: Why the United States, home of the world's premier capitalist economy, lacks a strong socialist movement, and why American democracy has not led to significant reforms in the interests of the working class. To Sombart, these are the same question because he assumes that without popular sanction democratically elected officials would never act as openly as America's have in support of capitalist expansion and against labor. Assuming this democracy, he can then draw conclusions about popular attitudes from political outcomes, causally attributing procapitalist state policy to popular procapitalist attitudes. Indeed, the juxtaposition of democracy and state policy leads to his central conclusion that “emotionally the American worker has a share in capitalism …he loves it.”

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22

Marks, Gary, and Matthew Burbank. "Immigrant Support for the American Socialist Party, 1912 and 1920." Social Science History 14, no. 2 (1990): 175–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200020721.

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The period of greatest socialist strength in the United States, the second decade of the twentieth century, coincided with the final decade of a great wave of immigration. This phenomenon has attracted the attention both of scholars seeking to understand the basis of support for the American Socialist party and of those seeking to address the more general question of the sources of immigrant radicalism (Bodnar 1985; Lipset 1977). Both perspectives pose a basic empirical question: What role did ethnicity play in support for the Socialist party, or, more specifically, which immigrant groups supported the party and which groups opposed it?The attempt to answer this question has spawned a vast scholarship on the part of historians and social scientists, but a definitive answer remains elusive. Part of the reason for this is that we lack sufficiently detailed and disaggregated data on the political orientations and activities of immigrants themselves. The smallest units of electoral return are at the ward or county level, and information at this aggregate level can never allow us to draw conclusions about individual behavior with any certainty. But it also seems to be the case that the analysis of currently available data has not been taken as far as possible. Previous research has explored the relationship between ethnicity and socialism by examining particular immigrant groups in individual states, cities, or towns (e.g., Critchlow 1986; Gorenstein 1961; Leinenweber 1981; Lorence 1982; Miller 1975; Wolfle and Hodge 1983). Such case studies provide invaluable accounts of the diversity of immigrant politics, but they do not provide a reliable basis for generalization. In this article we take a step back from the wealth of illustrative analysis and try to gain a broader, more systematic, overview of immigrant support for socialism across a wide range of contexts by examining voting among eight immigrant groups—Germans, English, Finns, Irish, Italians, Norwegians, Russians, and Swedes—in the presidential elections of 1912 and 1920, elections in which the American Socialist party received its highest levels of support.

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23

Antunes, Ricardo, and Amy Shimshon-Santo. "Socialism and the Latin American Labor Movement." Latin American Perspectives 25, no. 6 (November 1998): 26–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094582x9802500603.

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24

Allitt, Patrick. "The Forgotten Heritage of American Christian Socialism." American Political Thought 9, no. 4 (September 1, 2020): 629–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/711041.

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25

Hacker, Jacob. "Measuring the Quality of Life in the U.S.: Political Reflections." Perspectives on Politics 7, no. 4 (December 2009): 911–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592709991927.

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Reports from abroad on the American condition have a special place in the canon of social commentary. There is Lord Bryce's American Commonwealth (1888), Gunnar Myrdal's American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (1944), Werner Sombart's Why Is There No Socialism in the United States? (1906) and, of course—the standard setter—Alexis de Tocqueville's Democracy in America in 1835. What makes these works touchstones is not just the quality of the analysis or the fame of their authors but the privileged status they have come to enjoy as works of external reflection and criticism. For a people prone to ignore the rest of the world or see abroad only a mirror image of themselves, Americans have always had a surprisingly soft spot for the foreign observer willing to discourse on what makes their nation unique.

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Taylor, Moe. "“One Hand Can't Clap”: Guyana and North Korea, 1974–1985." Journal of Cold War Studies 17, no. 1 (January 2015): 41–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00530.

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In a little-known episode of the Cold War that challenges many common assumptions, North Korea forged extensive political, economic, military and cultural relations with the small South American-Caribbean coastal state of Guyana in the 1970s and 1980s. During this time, Guyana was ruled by an authoritarian socialist regime under Forbes Burbham, whose unorthodox conception of “socialism” was viewed skeptically by Communist countries other than North Korea. Burnham's program of “co-operative socialism,” which envisaged a population strictly obedient to his own wishes as the supreme leader, was distinctly similar to the juche philosophy espoused by the long-time North Korean dictator, Kim Il-Sung. Burnham deeply admired North Korea's economic and military “achievements,” attributing them to the strict obedience of the North Korean populace to the wishes of Kim Il-Sung. Burnham envisaged a similar role for himself in Guyana and attempted to import various North Korean approaches to socialist education and culture. Guyana came to resemble North Korea in some important respects, but it gradually moved away from this pattern after Burnham's death in 1985.

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De Zoysa, Richard, and Otto Newman. "American declinism and the impact of petro-socialism." Contemporary Politics 14, no. 4 (December 2008): 411–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13569770802519334.

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Scott, Jonathan. "Octavia butler and the base for American socialism." Socialism and Democracy 20, no. 3 (November 2006): 105–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08854300600950269.

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Medearis, John. "Schumpeter, the New Deal, and Democracy." American Political Science Review 91, no. 4 (December 1997): 819–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2952166.

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Joseph Schumpeter is known to American political scientists as the originator of an elite conception of democracy as a political “method,” a conception found in his Capitalism, Socialism and Democracy (1942). But I show in this paper that in Schumpeter's study of the development of liberal capitalist societies, he also treated democracy as a socially transformative historical tendency, one of several that he thought were propelling such societies toward a form of “democratic” socialism. Schumpeter regarded the politics of labor and the reorientation of state policy in the New Deal era as evidence of these tendencies—especially of a tendency toward the democratic reconstruction of workplace hierarchy, which he deplored. In his later work, Schumpeter sketched the outlines of a “democratic” socialist society in which the most harmful of these tendencies, in his estimation, would be curbed.

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Forbes, H. D. "Hartz-Horowitz at Twenty: Nationalism, Toryism and Socialism in Canada and the United States." Canadian Journal of Political Science 20, no. 2 (June 1987): 287–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900049453.

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AbstractTwenty years’ debate have revealed many weaknesses in the Hartz-Horowitz interpretation of conservatism, liberalism, and socialism in Canada, but it continues to be widely taught, for it provides a simple and appealing explanation for some striking differences between Canadian and American politics. This article argues that the interpretation is best understood as a form of neo-Marxism, that its basic weaknesses are most easily seen by examining its treatment of French Canada, and that its explanation for the exceptional strength of socialism in English Canada, linking socialism to toryism, can be strengthened by linking both socialism and toryism to nationalism.

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Xiaodong, Li. "The Chinese Model and Chinese Wisdom of Modernization." EDUCAÇÃO E FILOSOFIA 33, no. 69 (December 30, 2020): 1223–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14393/revedfil.v33n69a2019-56405.

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The Chinese Model and Chinese Wisdom of Modernization 1 Abstract: The Soviet model of socialism and the American model of capitalism are the two major solutions to modernization. Under the guidance of the traditional Chinese Doctrine of the Mean and the Marxist dialectical materialism, the Communist Party of China, by successively learning from these two major solutions and combining with the actual situation of China, has proposed Chinese solutions of socialism with Chinese characteristics to modernization of state governance and thus offered to the world Chinese wisdom beyond the conflicts between two major ideologies, namely, socialism and capitalism. Keywords: State governance. Modernization. Chinese wisdom. Chinese situations. O modelo chinês e a sabedoria chinesa da modernização Resumo: O modelo soviético de socialismo e o modelo americano de capitalismo são as duas principais soluções para a modernização. Sob a orientação da doutrina chinesa tradicional do caminho do meio e do materialismo dialético marxista, o Partido Comunista da China, aprendendo sucessivamente com essas duas soluções principais e combinando-se com a situação atual da China, propôs soluções chinesas de socialismo com características chinesas, modernização da governança do estado e, assim, ofereceu ao mundo a sabedoria chinesa além dos conflitos entre duas grandes ideologias, a saber, socialismo e capitalismo. Palavras-chave: Governança estatal. Modernização. Sabedoria chinesa. Situações chinesas. El modelo chino y la sabiduría china de la modernización Resumen: El modelo soviético del socialismo y el modelo estadounidense del capitalismo son las dos soluciones principales para la modernización. Bajo la guía de la Doctrina tradicional china de la media y el materialismo dialéctico marxista, el Partido Comunista de China, al aprender sucesivamente de estas dos soluciones principales y combinar con la situación actual de China, ha propuesto soluciones chinas del socialismo con características chinas para modernización de la gobernanza estatal y, por lo tanto, ofreció al mundo sabiduría china más allá de los conflictos entre dos ideologías principales, a saber, el socialismo y el capitalismo. Palabras clave: Gobernanza estatal. Modernización. Sabiduría china. Situaciones chinas. 1This paper is related to “the Research of the Relationship between the Thought of the Communist Party of China about state Governance and Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture” supported by Beijing Social Science Fund Research Project Base (Project No. 17JDKDB003) Data de registro: 30/07/2020 Data de aceite: 21/10/2020 1 This paper is related to “the Research of the Relationship between the Thought of the Communist Party of China about state Governance and Excellent Traditional Chinese Culture” supported by Beijing Social Science Fund Research Project Base (Project No. 17JDKDB003).

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Brotherston, Gordon. "The Impact of British Socialism on Latin American Studies." Nuevo Texto Crítico 15, no. 29-32 (2002): 121–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ntc.2002.0009.

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Chilcote, Ronald H., and Aiskell Roman. "Latin American Perspectives: A Journal on Capitalism and Socialism." International Critical Thought 5, no. 4 (October 2, 2015): 533–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21598282.2015.1102190.

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Pittenger, M. "Evolution, 'Woman's Nature' and American Feminist Socialism, 1900-1915." Radical History Review 1986, no. 36 (October 1, 1986): 47–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1986-36-47.

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Przeworski, Adam. "Wird der »Osten« zum »Süden«?" PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 22, no. 86 (March 1, 1992): 89–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v22i86.1089.

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In retrospect, it is easier to acknowledge the »necessary« collapse of Eastem European socialism than explaining it in terms of what brought it about. The Theory of Totalitarianism had blurred the view on the social dynamics of real-socialist societies, in the course of which the binding-force of state-sustaining ideology had been increasingly eroded over the past decades. In the end, this was also among those in power - hence the bloodless course ofthe uprisings. What will the future hold: flourishing capitalism, as in the case of Spain, or a South-American-type poor capitalism?

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Cherkovets, Viktor. "J. K. Galbraith’s New Socialism." Moscow University Economics Bulletin 2018, no. 1 (February 28, 2018): 18–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.38050/01300105201812.

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The article studies the original conception of convergence of capitalism and socialism proposed by well-known American (USA) economist and sociologist John Galbraith in connection with 50-th anniversary of publishing his world-wide known book «The New Industrial State», which actuality is connected with current problems of implementation the newly industrialization of economy, including – and especially – in Russia. The article proves that the «epoch of industrial state» has not been finished yet neither in the middle of last century, nor in our century. The Galbraith’s conception is been compared with J. Schumpeter’s and J. Keynes’s theories of economic development of capitalism. The article gives critical analysis of the evolution of Galbraith’s views, his explanation of «new socialism», which, according to Galbraith’s point of view, has come to industrially developed western countries and Japan. There are also suggested some thoughts about the content of the newly industrialization, as far as it’s special features and tasks in Russia.

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WILLIAMS, THEO. "GEORGE PADMORE AND THE SOVIET MODEL OF THE BRITISH COMMONWEALTH." Modern Intellectual History 16, no. 02 (January 16, 2018): 531–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1479244317000634.

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This article argues for an appreciation of the permeability of the Western socialist and black radical traditions and a recognition of their codevelopment. This relationship is illustrated through an analysis of George Padmore's intellectual history, particularly focusing on How Russia Transformed Her Colonial Empire (1946), in which Padmore applied Marxist ideas to his project of colonial liberation. The book functions as Padmore's manifesto for the transformation of the British Empire into a socialist federation following the model of the Soviet Union. Through comparisons with the manifestos of British socialist F. A. Ridley and American pan-Africanist W. E. B. Du Bois, this article contextualizes this manifesto within a moment of postwar internationalist optimism. This approach also facilitates a discussion of the meaning of “pan-Africanism” to Padmore, concluding that pan-Africanism was, for him, a methodology through which colonial liberation, and eventually world socialism, could be achieved.

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Cheng, Yinghong. "The “Socialist Other”: Cuba in Chinese Ideological Debates since the 1990s." China Quarterly 209 (March 2012): 198–216. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741011001548.

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AbstractThis article offers an analytical introduction to some important Cuba-related discussions in China in the last two-and-a-half decades. No Latin American nation has been treated like Castros' (Fidel and Raul) Cuba in China's ideological development. Cuba's revolutionary experience in the past and the regime's defiance of major global trends – from retreat of socialism to advancement of neo-liberalism – correspond to a wide range of opinions in China and are exploited by them to address their own concerns. To borrow Orientalist analysis, just like the “Other” helps define “Self,” as a “socialist Other,” Cuba in Chinese perception often reflects China's own confusions and contradictions.

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Kurtz, Geoffrey. "American Socialism and American Political Culture: Irving Howe’s Conciliation with (and Dissent from) Individualism." American Political Thought 10, no. 1 (January 1, 2021): 25–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/712348.

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Barkan, Elazar, and Stefan Kuhl. "The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism." American Historical Review 100, no. 4 (October 1995): 1236. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2168230.

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Victoria Kingham. "THE PAGAN, JOSEPH KLING, AND AMERICAN SALON SOCIALISM." Journal of Modern Periodical Studies 1, no. 1 (2010): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jmodeperistud.1.1.0001.

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Thomson, M. "The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism." German History 14, no. 1 (January 1, 1996): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gh/14.1.109.

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Stauff, Jon, and Stefan Kuhl. "The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism." History Teacher 28, no. 1 (November 1994): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/494302.

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Anheier, Helmut K., and Stefan Kuhl. "The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism." Contemporary Sociology 24, no. 6 (November 1995): 771. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2076683.

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Grill, Johnpeter Horst, and Stefan Kuhl. "The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism." German Studies Review 19, no. 1 (February 1996): 174. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1431738.

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Penchaszadeh, Victor B., and Stefan Kuhl. "The Nazi Connection: Eugenics, American Racism and German National Socialism." Journal of Public Health Policy 17, no. 1 (1996): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3342668.

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Tevis, Britt P. "“The People’s Judge”: Jacob Panken, Yiddish Socialism, and American Law†." American Journal of Legal History 59, no. 1 (January 28, 2019): 31–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ajlh/njy026.

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Grebenik, E. "The Nazi Connection. Eugenics, American Racism, and German National Socialism." Population Studies 49, no. 1 (March 1, 1995): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0032472031000148386.

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Victoria Kingham. "The Pagan, Joseph Kling, and American Salon Socialism." Journal of Modern Periodical Studies 1, no. 1 (2010): 1–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmp.0.0000.

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Oldroyd, David, Thomas N. Tyson, and Richard K. Fleischman. "American ideology, socialism and financial accounting theory: A counter view." Critical Perspectives on Accounting 27 (March 2015): 209–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.cpa.2014.03.001.

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