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Academic literature on the topic 'Americans United States China United States United States'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 13 February 2022

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Journal articles on the topic "Americans United States China United States United States"

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Paal, Douglas. "The United States and Asia in 2011." Asian Survey 52, no. 1 (January 2012): 6–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2012.52.1.6.

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Abstract The Obama administration moved to stabilize 2010's deteriorating relations with China and exploit the opportunity to deepen ties with China's nervous neighbors. Diplomatic, economic, and security initiatives were melded to “rebalance” American resources and attention to Asia in the 21st century. Early 2011 euphoria about China's rise and gloom about America's decline began to reverse themselves by end 2011. Obama made a key policy statement about the Asia-Pacific region in his address to Australia's Parliament.

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CO, Catherine Yap. "Chinese Contractors in the United States." East Asian Policy 05, no. 03 (July 2013): 67–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930513000287.

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A 2009 American Society of Civil Engineers report indicates significant underinvestment in the maintenance and upgrading of US infrastructure. The group estimates a five-year investment of US$2.2 trillion is required. This presents an exciting opportunity for Chinese construction and engineering firms. Because infrastructure work provides long-term economic benefits, if done without controversy, they might generate goodwill towards China and may even help advance Chinese commercial interests in the United States.

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Zhang, Yanban, Jeff Butler, and Burt Pryor. "Comparison of Apprehension about Communication in China and the United States." Perceptual and Motor Skills 82, no. 3_suppl (June 1996): 1168–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pms.1996.82.3c.1168.

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A translated version of the Personal Report of Communication Apprehension was administered to 688 students at four Chinese colleges and universities. The data were compared with American norms established by McCroskey in 1982 and with the responses of 177 students at a large state university in Florida. The Chinese sample reported a significantly higher mean score on apprehension about communication than the Americans. The findings were discussed with reference to cultural differences.

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Rehaiem, Jalel Ben Haj. "The United States-China Mutually Assured Distrust." Studies in Asian Social Science 4, no. 2 (July 3, 2017): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.5430/sass.v4n2p1.

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The 21st century geopolitical developments in East Asia have placed the People’s Republic of China (PRC) in aprime position to play a major role in the complexities of Asia-Pacific politics. China is a rising power, but whetherit is going to be a status quo power or a challenging one remains to be seen. With the world’s largest population, theworld second economy and a modernizing military force, China theoretically has room to have a say in the revisionof the security order in East Asia, which has been dominated so far by an already controversial Cold War alliancebetween the United States and Japan and a new American pivot to Asia since former President Obama announced hisnew Asia strategy in Canberra in November 2011.As China’s prowess grows, so do percolating challenges to U.S. prominence in the region. The gap between whatChina intends to do with accumulating power and how it is perceived in Asia and the West alike has created whatthis article calls China’s trust dilemma with the United States.The distrust between Beijing and Washington has ostensibly plagued their relationship and may continue to dominatetheir interaction for the unforeseeable future; an interaction between an already established world hegemon and arising regional player that is allegedly aspiring to challenge and even replace its rival, at least in Asia for the timebeing.As this article seeks to study the implications of the rise of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) as a world powerand the trust dilemma China’s rising might is incurring, this work,in its attempt to fathom Beijing’s strategic intents,adopts the security dilemma framework whichrefers to a situation wherein two states may be drawn into conflict,possibly even war, over security concerns, even though none of them actually seeks confrontation.

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Wang, Jianwei. "China: A Challenge or Opportunity for the United States?" Journal of East Asian Studies 3, no. 2 (August 2003): 293–334. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800001375.

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Ever since the end of the Cold War, the United States—from the government to the public, from the White House to Congress, from policymakers to pundits, from China specialists to people who know little about China—has engaged itself in the seemingly endless debate on China. Immediately after the collapse of the Soviet Union, people debated whether China was still important to the United States and whether the Sino-U.S. special relationship was worth preserving. Since the early 1990s, with China's remarkable economic “soft landing” and the consequent robust and sustained economic growth, Americans seemed to have reached a consensus that China still matters to the United States for better or worse. U.S.-China relations were often referred to as one of the most important bilateral relations to the United States. But important in what way? Much debate ensued with a series of frictions between the two countries that climaxed in the dispatch of two U.S. aircraft carriers to the South China Sea during the Taiwan Strait crisis in 1996, the U.S.-led NATO bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade in 1999, and the midair collision between the two air forces in 2001. The U.S. media tirelessly asked the question: “China: friend or foe?” The pattern for U.S. China policy since the end of the Cold War is that whenever the relationship appeared to be stabilizing and a consensus was shaping, new crises emerged and destroyed the hard-won progress, triggering another round of debate on China as if people never learned anything from the previous debate; the old and familiar discourse started all over again.

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Lundestad, Ingrid, and Øystein Tunsjø. "The United States and China in the Arctic." Polar Record 51, no. 4 (May 16, 2014): 392–403. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0032247414000291.

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ABSTRACTUS-China relations represent the most central bilateral relationship in the world, but few studies investigate the two countries’ approaches to the Arctic. This article explores the geopolitical shifts in the Arctic, and compares and contrasts American and Chinese policy in the region. The article examines to what extent the two have common or conflicting interests, and discusses the potential for US-China friction and rivalry. Some alarmist writers suggest that the future Arctic is set for confrontation. This article, however, argues that the current stakes in the circumpolar Arctic region are not sufficiently high to warrant confrontation between the two states. Cooperation predominantly guides their policies and activities. While they play different roles and increasingly seek to demonstrate their influence, there are common interests, such as in the freedom of the seas, in resource extraction and in developing infrastructure in the region.

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Beckley, Michael. "China's Century? Why America's Edge Will Endure." International Security 36, no. 3 (January 2012): 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00066.

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Two assumptions dominate current foreign policy debates in the United States and China. First, the United States is in decline relative to China. Second, much of this decline is the result of globalization and the hegemonic burdens the United States bears to sustain globalization. Both of these assumptions are wrong. The United States is not in decline; in fact, it is now wealthier, more innovative, and more militarily powerful compared to China than it was in 1991. Moreover, globalization and hegemony do not erode U.S. power; they reinforce it. The United States derives competitive advantages from its hegemonic position, and globalization allows it to exploit these advantages, attracting economic activity and manipulating the international system to its benefit. The United States should therefore continue to prop up the global economy and maintain a robust diplomatic and military presence abroad.

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Guifen, Pei, and Wang Xinying. "A Comparative Study of China and Japan’s Response to Section 301 Investigations of the United States." Management and Economics Research Journal 5 (2019): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.18639/merj.2019.902800.

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Japan is the country with the most Section 301 investigations initiated by the United States. Meanwhile, the ongoing Section 301 investigation case against China is the most complicated and tough case until now. The different responses of Japan and China will be the core theme of this paper. Originally, Japan, little by little, accepted all the demands of the United States under American pressure in the semiconductor conflict and then began to resist its unreasonable demands; eventually, Japan forced the United States to withdraw its excessive requirement in auto parts conflict. In the case of China, previous Section 301 investigations were resolved by bilateral or multilateral agreements although it was difficult. In this time, the Chinese government has taken a countermeasure against the United States’ bullying, evident from the very beginning. The situation is that China and the United States conducted bilateral negotiations on the stretch. Meanwhile, the United States continued to extend the scope of tariff goods and escalate the tariff rate against China, and the Chinese government immediately published the same amount and tariff rate for imported products from the United States. China and other countries are jointly suffering the sanction from the United States and are trying to restrain the trade hegemony of the United States.

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Blanchard, Jean-Marc F. "The United States - China Rivalry and the BRI." Vestnik RUDN. International Relations 21, no. 2 (December 15, 2021): 288–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-0660-2021-21-2-288-303.

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The article describes the United States - China rivalry and Chinas Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) through a fine-grained review of primary materials such as major US policy documents and speeches by and media interviews with key American foreign policy decisionmakers, as well as the selective use of secondary materials such as think tank studies and articles in scholarly publications. It shows that the BRI has fueled the bilateral rivalry since its birth in 2013 and that the rivalry, in turn, has affected US views about the BRI. Under President Barack Obama, the US took a muted stance towards the BRI, expressing modestly cooperative sentiments regarding it. In contrast, under President Donald Trump, Washingtons posture towards the BRI dramatically changed with his administration frequently denigrating the BRI, raising it in major security and foreign policy documents, initiating competing development schemes such as the BUILD Act, and building closer cooperation with allies against Chinas venture. Despite its angst about the BRI, however, the Trump administration never launched any large-scale countermeasures. This article contributes to clarifying the situation by correcting some factual errors in past analyses and updating the general understanding about the Trump administrations response. It systematically contemplates how internal and external economic, political, and ideational factors affected the Obama and Trump administrations responses to the BRI, demonstrating that such factors shaped or shifted US policy or bounded its form and intensity. These factors, being similar to those stressed by neoclassical realists who emphasize the role of leaders as interpreters within limits of the external environment and responders to it subject to various domestic constraints, provide a foundation which is used to speculate about the USs probable response to the BRI under President Joseph Biden, Jr.

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Ghaleh Teimouri, Kamran Jafarpour, and Seyed Mohammad Taghi Raeissadat. "IMPACT OF THE UNITED STATES AND CHINA TRADE WAR ON GROWTH IN ASEAN COUNTRIES." International Journal of Research -GRANTHAALAYAH 7, no. 3 (March 31, 2019): 64–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.29121/granthaalayah.v7.i3.2019.944.

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For more than a century, American had the biggest economy and the highest Gross Domestic Product (GDP) about 24.1%. On the other side of the world. Recently, China with 15.1% Gross Domestic Product (GDP) placed as the second biggest and the most influential economy in the world in 2017 (World Bank, 2019). Therefore, China and United States together have over 40% of the world GDP with the huge spatial economic influence in the world. The impact of a trade war between the United States and China has a negative influence in other countries and regions in particular in the ASEAN countries. The ASEAN countries are very exposed to China and United States they are more vulnerable to trade war between the United States and China. This study first evaluates the degree of negative impact of China and United States trade war on ASEAN countries. After that, show how an effective regional economic integration can minimize such problems in future. This research is based on available secondary data in United States government reports (e.g., United States Department of State, Office of United States trade) and (e.g. OCBC Bank and ASEAN). Based on data and research the descriptive-analytical method is used in this paper.

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Dissertations / Theses on the topic "Americans United States China United States United States"

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Li, Xiaodong. "American policy on China, 1949-1971 : a study of correlation between America's perception of China and its China policy /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1998. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B19859685.

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Keliher, Macabe. "Americans in eastern Asia, revisited Anglo-American rivalry and the China market /." online access from Digital Dissertation Consortium, 2007. http://libweb.cityu.edu.hk/cgi-bin/er/db/ddcdiss.pl?1442231.

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Zhang, Shu. "Chinese-Americans and the U.S.-China relations : the role of Chinese-Americans in U.S.-China relations." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554511.

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Nguyen, Thach Hong Politics Australian Defence Force Academy UNSW. "Vietnam between China & the United States (1950-1995)." Awarded by:University of New South Wales - Australian Defence Force Academy. School of Politics, 2001. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/38753.

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Vietnam is a tragic land, which has witnessed three successive wars since it won independence in 1945. The purpose of this dissertation is to seek answers to the question of why so many tragedies struck the Vietnamese people, and in particular to examine the contribution made by Sino-American competition to this tragic history. Analysing the IMPACT of Sino-American relations on Chinese and American policies towards Vietnam, the study finds that Vietnam never was the primary subject of American foreign policy, though America was deeply involved in Vietnam during the twenty-five years between 1950 and 1975. Washington???s Vietnam policy was largely based on its perception of China. Likewise, Beijing???s policy towards Vietnam was greatly affected by the state of its relations with Washington. Vietnam was a victim of their confrontation. The analysis shows that the increase in American involvement during the last stage of the first Vietnam War and the start of the second Vietnam War was due to enmity between China and the United States. US neglect was a result of Sino-American rapprochement while US isolation of Vietnam resulted from Sino-American strategic co-operation. Though the third Vietnam War was a consequence of Sino-Soviet competition, Washington also indirectly encouraged Beijing to be tough with Vietnam, as it needed Chinese support in its relations with Moscow. Analysing changes in Chinese and American polices towards Vietnam, the study observes that when a small state is caught in an intra-power struggle, bug powers will always try to use the small state as a tool in their rivalry. The main lesson for small states is to avoid being caught in such big-power competition. Politicians in small states should also avoid taking sides with big powers lest this create opportunities for big power interference and draw the small state into big power competition. This needs the political acumen and flexibility to distinguish national interest from self-interest.

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Zhang, Kan. "The Sino-American Cold War in the US senate a study of the role of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations in the making of China policy, 1953-1972 /." Click to view the E-thesis via HKUTO, 2004. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record/B31463381.

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Ou, Yu Ying. "Analysis of American protectionism policy towards China : from the perspective of interest group theory." Thesis, University of Macau, 2012. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2595103.

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Gjochi, Marigona. "Economic Relations Between China and the United States of America." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-198691.

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The master thesis emphasizes the economic relations between China and the United States. It gives an overview and theoretical background support on the significance of contemporary the economic relations between countries in today`s globalized era. Secondly, it analyzes how the theoretical background of economic and trade relations affect the empirical case study of the economic relations between China and the USA. The goal is to show how the economic and trade relations between China and the United States influence each other`s economies and what is the effect of such relations on the economic performance of both countries. More precisely, in order to answer the question above, the master thesis deals with complex analysis in regard of historical perspective concerning the economic relations between these countries, their ongoing cooperation in terms of balance of payments, the current and potential issues what both countries face and the existing challenges for the future. In order to complete the analysis and answer the research question, list of various sources will be used, starting from academic journals, books, literature reviews, reports from the World Trade Organization (hereafter WTO), reports from the respective countries on their economic progress, data available from the ministries of trade of respective countries and other sources related to the analysis of the contemporary economic and trade relations between the countries participating in the global economy.

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Suryodipuro, Sidharto R. "Implications of Sino-American strategic competition on Southeast Asia's post-Cold War regional order." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Dec%5FSuryodipuro.pdf.

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Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, December 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): H. Lyman Miller, Edward A. Olsen. Includes bibliographical references (p. 95-105). Also available online.

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Mark, Chi-kwan. "America's response to the Chinese communist peaceful coexistence initiative, 1954-1957 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 1996. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B1967174X.

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Riley, Joseph. "Hedging engagement : America's neoliberal strategy for managing China's rise in the post-Cold War era." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2016. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:307b4b67-77d0-40f3-bcfc-26d9598aa6bb.

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This thesis examines America's post-Cold War relations with China in the context of the neoliberal vs. neorealist debate. It concludes that neorealism - the dominant school of thought in the international relations literature - is incapable of explaining America's response to China's rise in the post-Cold War era. Because America was the leading global power and China was its most obvious potential rival, a neorealist theory that prioritized the distribution of relative power would anticipate this relationship to be a most-likely case for American policymakers to pursue containment and prioritize relative gains. However, I leverage insights from more than 100 personal interviews to demonstrate that in reality American leaders have overwhelmingly preferred a strategy of neoliberal engagement with China that has remained decidedly positive-sum in nature. My explanation for this consistent, bipartisan preference is that American policymakers have not adopted the neorealist assumption that conflict is inevitable between existing and rising great powers. As a result, policymakers have not focused exclusively on how to minimize the relative costs of a potential conflict with China by trying to contain China's relative power and limit America' exposure to China (as they did with the Soviet Union in the Cold War). Instead, policymakers have subscribed to the neoliberal belief that conflict can be avoided, and that increasing engagement and interdependence is the best strategy to maintain peace. They have pursued this strategy despite acknowledging that engagement and interdependence have increased the costs of a potential conflict by helping to facilitate China's rise in both an absolute and relative sense, and by increasing America's exposure to China. This thesis helps to define the differences between hedging and containing strategies. It argues that while relative material power is often important in deciding whether to hedge or not hedge, these purely material calculations play no role in decisions of whether to pursue containment or engagement. Instead, the decision to contain or not hinges on the target state's behavior and what that reveals about the regime's underlying intentions. Within this new framework, I argue that American policymakers' strategy has been to engage China economically while simultaneously hedging militarily. Furthermore, to the extent that American policymakers have expressed increased concerns about China in recent years, this has been primarily a consequence of China's increased assertiveness - not changes in its relative power.

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Books on the topic "Americans United States China United States United States"

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America's response to China: A history of Sino-American relations. 5th ed. New York: Columbia University Press, 2010.

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Chineseness across borders: Renegotiating Chinese identities in China and the United States. Durham: Duke University Press, 2004.

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Tiger trap: America's secret spy war with China. Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2011.

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Useful adversaries: Grand strategy, domestic mobilization, and Sino-American conflict, 1947-1958. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1996.

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Chʻi, Shou-hua. Bridging the Pacific: Searching for cross-cultural understanding between the United States and China. San Francisco, CA: China Books and Periodicals, 2000.

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Air America: The true story of the CIA's mercenary fliers in covert operations from pre-war China to present day Nicaragua. London: Corgi, 1990.

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Ocean of bitter dreams: Maritime relations between China and the United States, 1850-1915. Tucson, Ariz: Westernlore Press, 1988.

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America's coming war with China: A collision course over Taiwan. New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006.

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Carpenter, Ted Galen. America's coming war with China: A collision course over Taiwan. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005.

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Sino-American relations: Mutual paranoia. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003.

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Book chapters on the topic "Americans United States China United States United States"

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Ferguson, Yale H., and Richard W. Mansbach. "Expanding Chinese influence and China-United States relations." In Foreign Policy Issues for America, 45–57. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge studies in US foreign policy: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351186872-4.

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Ikenberry, G. John. "Introduction: The United States, China, and Global Order." In America, China, and the Struggle for World Order, 1–16. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137508317_1.

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Jisi, Wang, and Zhu Feng. "Conclusion: The United States, China, and World Order." In America, China, and the Struggle for World Order, 359–78. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137508317_14.

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de Stange, Ana Soliz. "The triangular relation between China, the United States and Venezuela." In China-Latin America and the Caribbean, 126–39. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, Taylor & Francis, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003037934-11.

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Patrick, Stewart. "The United States, the United Nations, and Collective Security: Exploring the Deep Sources of American Conduct." In America, China, and the Struggle for World Order, 71–102. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137508317_4.

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Schüller, Margot. "Europe’s economic and technological relationship with the United States and China." In Europe in an Era of Growing Sino-American Competition, 123–37. First edition. | New York : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge studies in European security and strategy: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003007746-11.

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Stallings, Barbara. "A Dependency Perspective on the United States, China, and Latin America." In International Political Economy Series, 29–53. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-71315-7_2.

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Escudé, Carlos. "The United Kingdom, the United States and China as Competitors for Hegemony in Argentina, 1860–2020." In A New Struggle for Independence in Modern Latin America, 43–67. New York: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003042686-2.

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Henry, Clement M. "The United States and Iraq: American Bull in a Middle East China Shop." In Striking First, 65–73. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-08576-4_5.

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Zamora, Carlos Murillo. "China-Central American relationship in the context of tensions between China, Russia and the United States." In China-Latin America and the Caribbean, 173–87. Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, Taylor & Francis, 2021.: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003037934-15.

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Conference papers on the topic "Americans United States China United States United States"

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Mezei, Attila. "COMPETITION FOR EAST ASIA – BALANCING STRATEGIES OF THE USA AGAINST CHINA." In NORDSCI International Conference. SAIMA Consult Ltd, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.32008/nordsci2020/b2/v3/12.

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China has been a rising power in East Asia for decades. The end of the Cold War and the increasing effects of globalization brought the country in the forefront of attention on the international scene. The economic importance of the East Asian giant cannot be denied. Its economic power has been translating into a powerful tool to upset the balance of power tremendously. China has been expanding its influence around the globe and challenging the status quo more than ever before. The United States, the strongest state in the current international system has to pay attention to the increasingly assertive China. The USA uses several strategies to mitigate the threat China poses to the world order that the USA built. The structural forces of the international system, the Covid-19 pandemic, and American domestic politics make the threat of rising China more challenging. In my paper, I try to identify the balancing strategies of the United States in the 21st century against China. In my opinion, the application of neoclassical realist school of international relations can foreshadow the possible paths of the conflict. The United States of America has to use a wide variety of balancing strategies in order to counter the threat. A heavier reliance on allies is inevitable for the United States if it wants to contain the increasing influence of China around the globe. The USA should increase its hard-, soft-, and asymmetrical balancing methods mixed with smart power strategies to remain on the top of the international system. In my opinion, the showdown between China and the United States of America will be inevitable in the medium term. If the USA uses its position right, the peaceful containment of Chinese ambitions is possible. The successes of the above-mentioned strategies will decide how the competition of these two countries shape the international relations in the coming decades.

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Rahatmawati, Istiana, and Sri Muryantini. "United States of America – China Trade War: Challenge and Opportunity for Indonesian National Resilience." In International Conference on Community Development (ICCD 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.201017.081.

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Wong, Kau-Fui V., Thomas Hutley, and Emma Salgado. "Offshore Wind Power and its Potential for Development in the West Wind Drift." In ASME 2010 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2010-39825.

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Offshore wind power is an emerging technology capable of providing coastal cities, states, and countries with a substantial portion of their energy needs. The vast potential of offshore wind power has not been fully explored. This work endeavors to perform a review of the literature on offshore wind power. Structural, economic, and environmental aspects are discussed keeping in mind the current status of offshore wind power development around the world. Offshore wind power is a relatively new technology being used by countries such as Denmark, the United Kingdom, the United States, Germany, and China to provide larger and larger portions of their total energy needs. In 1991 Denmark opened its first commercial offshore wind farm in Vindeby producing a mere 4.95 MW of power. More ambitious projects followed and in 2001 the Middelgrunden, Copenhagen wind farm opened producing 40 MW of power. Then in 2000 the Horns Rev wind farm was put online producing 160 MW of power. The United Kingdom has many offshore wind power projects as well. The Blyth Offshore was opened in 2000 and produces 3.8 MW of power and several others in the United Kingdom produce anywhere from 10 to 90 MW of power. By 2007 end, Denmark had 402 MW and the UK had 395 MW, Ireland, Sweden and the Netherlands had varying amounts. Countries such as China and Germany are also leaders in the development of offshore wind power. In the United States, commercial offshore wind projects had a late start. The first operational offshore wind farms opened in 2007. However, the United States does not lag behind in wind power. In 2008 the United States produced more megawatt of wind power than any other country, making them the leader of wind power production. Offshore wind, however, only constitutes a tiny portion of the total wind power production of the United States. Recent advancements in the technology associated with wind power as a renewable energy source have made it a feasible form of climate change mitigation. Recent development has led countries such as Denmark, Portugal, and Spain to devote as much as 19% of their total energy production to wind power as of 2008, and is encouraging many other developed countries to do the same. This paper performs a review of the status of offshore wind projects internationally. It considers specifically the potential of the West Wind Drift near the southernmost tip of South America and the Antarctic Peninsula as a geographically and meteorologically advantageous location for the implementation of these wind technologies. Many of the more general problems associated with the use of wind turbines are eliminated by location alone. The winds that cause the Antarctic Circumpolar Currents (ACC) have a consistent west to east pattern and are some of the strongest winds on Earth, both ideal qualities when considering the possibility of wind power, and the wind in this area has very low intermittency. The average wind speed between 40°S and 60°S is 15 to 24 knots with strongest winds typically between 45°S and 55°S. Cape Horn is about 56°S [1]. Historically, the ACC has been called the ‘West Wind Drift’ because the prevailing westerly wind and current are both eastward. Owing to the remoteness of the Cape Horn area and Antarctica, many of the social matters associated with the development of wind farms are eliminated. Obvious factors must be considered when developing in such an area. The paper will cover the engineering requirements of turbines functioning in subzero temperatures consistently as well as the long distance transmission associated with development in this area and its economic feasibility. It will also cover the environmental and regulatory issues associated with the development in such an area.

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Robert C. Bates. "China/United States Collaboration, Models and Strategies." In 2003, Las Vegas, NV July 27-30, 2003. St. Joseph, MI: American Society of Agricultural and Biological Engineers, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.13031/2013.14193.

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5

Kender, Walter J. "Citrus Canker: Impacts of Research on Eradication and Control." In ASME 1986 Citrus Engineering Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/cec1986-3204.

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Citrus Bacterial Canker Disease (CBCD), caused by Xanthomonas campestris pv. citri, occurs in many citrus areas of the world. It has been reported in 40 different countries, on 5 continents (Asia, South Africa, Australia, South America and North America). Prior to the 1984 outbreak in Florida, the 4 known strains of the bacterium were A, B, C and Mexican bacterioses. Canker-A or Strain-A, endemic in Asia, was reported in China, India and Java in the early 1800’s, found in Japan in 1899 and in the Philippines in 1914. It affects most citrus species and hybrids. Grapefruit is especially susceptible. Strain-A was introduced into the United States from Japan on trifoliate orange seedlings in 1910. An eradication program was started in 1915 in Florida and the disease was eradicated in 1927. In South America, the Asiatic form was not found until 1957 in Brazil and 1972 in Argentina. In 1979, the A Strain broke out in the commercial citrus area of Sao Paulo State, Brazil. Paper published with permission.

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Bixler, N. E. "The Global Nuclear Futures Model: A Dynamic Simulation Tool for Energy Strategies." In 10th International Conference on Nuclear Engineering. ASMEDC, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icone10-22541.

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The Global Nuclear Futures Model (GNFM) is a dynamic simulation tool that provides an integrated framework to model key aspects of nuclear energy, nuclear materials storage and disposition, global nuclear materials management, and nuclear proliferation risk. It links nuclear energy and other energy shares dynamically to greenhouse gas emissions and twelve other measures of environmental impact. It presents historical data from 1990 to 2000 and extrapolates energy demand through the year 2050. More specifically, it contains separate modules for energy, the nuclear fuel cycle front end, the nuclear fuel cycle back end, defense nuclear materials, environmental impacts, and measures of the potential for nuclear proliferation. It is globally integrated but also breaks out five regions of the world so that environmental impacts and nuclear proliferation concerns can be evaluated on a regional basis. The five regions are the United States of America (USA), The Peoples Republic of China (China), the former Soviet Union (FSU), the OECD nations excluding the USA, and the rest of the world (ROW).

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Zhang, Bo, Shuying Jin, and Li Cheng. "Model Analysis the United States' Direct Investment in China." In 2010 International Conference on Management and Service Science (MASS 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmss.2010.5576227.

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Fry, Nicholas. "Cost and Technical Profiling of Geothermal District Heating Using GEOPHIRES and Comsof Heat Simulation Software." In ASME 2021 15th International Conference on Energy Sustainability collocated with the ASME 2021 Heat Transfer Summer Conference. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/es2021-65121.

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Abstract The heating of commercial and residential buildings in the United States is mostly dependent on fossil fuel sources such as natural gas. GeoVision, a U.S. Department of Energy study from 2019, found a tremendous market potential for geothermal district heating systems (GDHS). To date, most of the GDHS development, conventional or with heat pumps, has taken place in China and Europe. GDHS component manufacturing capacity in North America is not mature and significant increases in construction would likely require importation of European goods. This project attempts to expand market intelligence by simulating the cost for installation of modern European pipe, control, substations, and heat interface units serving a conventional GDHS in Helena, Montana. A shallow, low-temperature (< 75°C) surface manifestation, 2 kilometers from the service area, is the heat source. Three production simulations with varying wellhead flow rates were made, then projected across a heat network using two simulation tools: GEOthermal energy for Production of Heat and electricity (GEOPHIRES) and Comsof Heat. Correlations between flow rates, heat losses, utilization factors, and costs indicate important variables for developer consideration. A cost profile was made using the average of these simulations. Exploiting a shallow, low-temperature heat source for a GDHS often requires greater investment in the heat network than the wellfield. This project suggests North American geothermal developers must prepare for interdisciplinary GDHS projects that fall outside of their current business models. European DH operators and manufacturers can provide surface system expertise and materials while North America assesses subsurface exploitation targets. Bringing European DH professionals together with North American geothermal experts may help realize the potential of the GeoVision study, unlocking new business opportunities.

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Dow, Benjamin L. "Engineering management practices in the United States, Europe, and China." In 2010 IEEE International Conference on Management of Innovation & Technology. IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmit.2010.5492735.

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Ma You-jie, Shi Li-guo, Zhou Xue-song, Ma Bu-yun, and Gu Yue. "China and the United States survey on Smart Grid technology." In 2012 7th International Conference on System of Systems Engineering (SoSE). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/sysose.2012.6333626.

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Reports on the topic "Americans United States China United States United States"

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Jackson, Anthony L. The United States and China in the Near Term: And the United States Military's Role. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 1998. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada343313.

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Birchmeier, Joseph F. China in Africa: Implications for the United States. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada521360.

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Lai, David. The United States and China in Power Transition. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, December 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada555133.

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Sprenger, Matthew P. The Energy Puzzle Between the United States and China. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada589488.

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Patridge, Bryan. Constructivism -- Is the United States Making China an Enemy? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, March 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada561838.

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Rodriguez, Simon, Autumn Toney, and Melissa Flagg. Patent Landscape for Computer Vision: United States and China. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20200054.

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China’s surge in artificial intelligence development has been fueled, in large part, by advances in computer vision, the AI subdomain that makes powerful facial recognition technologies possible. This data brief compares U.S. and Chinese computer vision patent data to illustrate the different approaches each country takes to AI development.

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Wong, Tom K. Reaching Undocumented Asian Americans and Pacific Islanders in the United States. Center for Migration Studies, July 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.14240/cmsesy070615.

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Fogarty, Stephen G. The United States, China and Taiwan: Reunification, Reconciliation or War? Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada414588.

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Sledge, Nathaniel H., and Jr. Broken Promises: The United States, China, and Nuclear Non-Proliferation. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, November 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada393523.

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Cronin, Patrick M., Peter A. Dutton, M. T. Fravel, James R. Holmes, Robert D. Kaplan, Will Rogers, and Ian Storey. Cooperation from Strength: The United States, China and the South China Sea. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, January 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada554558.

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