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Journal articles on the topic 'Americo liberians'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 3 February 2022

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1

Allen, William E. "Historical Methodology and Writing the Liberian Past: the Case of Agriculture in the Nineteenth Century." History in Africa 32 (2005): 21–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2005.0002.

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Some of the late nineteenth century success of Liberia coffee, sugar, and other commodities can be attributed to the leasing of plantations to enterprising foreigners, although a few leading politicians did own successful farms … For most Americo-Liberians, the role of dirt farmer was decidedly beneath their station.Yet the reasons for this apathy among most Americo-Liberians for agriculture, which prevailed up to the early 1870s, were not far to seek. The majority of them being newly emancipated slaves, who had in servitude in America been used to being forced to work, erroneously equated their newly won freedom with abstinence from labour.Both arguments are inaccurate, yet the authors made essential contributions to the writing of Liberian history. J. Gus Liebenow became renowned within Liberian academic circles for his earlier book, Liberia: the Evolution of Privilege. In that book he analyzed the policy that enabled the minority Americo-Liberians (descendants of free blacks from the United States who founded Liberia in 1822), to monopolize political and economic power to the exclusion of the majority indigenous Africans for more than a century. M. B. Akpan dissected Liberia's dubious political history and concluded that Americo-Liberian authority over the indigenous population, was identical to the discriminatory and oppressive policy practiced by European colonizers in Africa.

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2

Greer, Brenna W. "Selling Liberia: Moss H. Kendrix, the Liberian Centennial Commission, and the Post-World War II Trade in Black Progress." Enterprise & Society 14, no. 2 (June 2013): 303–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/es/kht017.

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This article examines the activities of Moss H. Kendrix, a budding black entrepreneur and Public Relations Officer for the Centennial Commission of the Republic of Liberia, during the years immediately following World War II. To secure US investment in Liberia’s postwar development, Kendrix re-presented African Americans and Americo-Liberians as new markets valuable to US economic growth and national security. This article argues that his tactics advanced the global significance of black peoples as modern consumers and his worth as a black markets specialist, while simultaneously legitimating notions of progress that frustrated black claims for unconditional self-determination or first-class citizenship. Kendrix’s public relations work on behalf of Liberia highlights intersections between postwar black entrepreneurialism and politics and US foreign relations, as well as the globalization of US business and consumerism.

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3

Saha, Santosh C. "Agriculture in Liberia during the Nineteenth Century: Americo-Liberians' Contribution." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne des Études Africaines 22, no. 2 (1988): 224. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/485903.

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4

Saha, Santosh C. "Agriculture in Liberia During the Nineteenth Century: Americo-Liberians' Contribution." Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue canadienne des études africaines 22, no. 2 (January 1988): 224–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00083968.1988.10804194.

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5

Tonkin, Elizabeth. "Historical Discourse: the Achievement of Sieh Jeto." History in Africa 15 (1988): 467–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3171876.

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In this paper I consider how an African historian, Sieh Jeto, plotted his narratives. Sieh was a citizen of Jlao/Sasstown, a Kru polity in Southeastern Liberia. Jlao also author and perform other past-oriented accounts in different genres, and I have written on some of these. There is not room here to discuss all the ways in which Jlao refer to their pasts, and scene-setting is equally brief. I also confine myself to Sieh Jeto's plotting of narrative.I first encountered Jlao in 1972, and spent a year there in 1975/76. The new regime of President Tolbert at first promised reform, but emergent contradictions and rising opposition culminated in the coup of 1980. Kru groups had several times fought against the ‘Americo Liberian’ government, and in the 1930s Sasstown was the focus of a long war (in which the League of Nations at first intervened) which they lost after painful struggles. No history could be neutral there, and some people were very cautious about provoking official wrath by talking about these times. While fanpote, ‘old time business’, of a distant past might be safer, it was denied in the official ideology that indigenous Liberians had a significant history at all.It now seems to me that the performances I recorded at different times were part of general changes of consciousness in the country. Sieh Jeto was recommended to me by an eminent Jlao man in Monrovia.

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6

WEBB, JAMES L. A. "Historical Settlement of Liberia and Its Environmental Impact. By SYRULWA L. SOMAH. Lanham, MD, New York, and London: University Press of America, 1995. Pp. i–xvii [unpaginated] + 153. $42.00 (ISBN 0-8191-9653-3); $29.50, paperback (ISBN 0-8191-9654-1)." Journal of African History 38, no. 1 (March 1997): 123–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021853796516907.

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This book will disappoint readers who expect an historical study of the environmental impact of Americo–Liberian settlement. It is, rather, a polemical survey of the environmental problems which have beset Liberia and a normative prescription for Liberia's environmental and political future.

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7

Gobewole, Stephen H. "Land in Liberia: The Initial Source of Antagonism Between Freed American Blacks and Indigenous Tribal People Remains the Cause of Intense Disputes." Journal of Politics and Law 14, no. 4 (June 27, 2021): 19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v14n4p19.

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This study examines factors of land grabbing in Liberia, especially from tribal communities, due originally to different social expectations regarding land and contracts between indigenous people and settlers from America. In addition, land appropriation throughout the history of the Liberian nation is due largely to the Americo-Liberian oligarchy and public corruption. The study analyzes survey, empirical, and concession contracts data gathered by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Sustainable Development Institute, Government of Liberia, Center for Transparency and Accountability in Liberia, and United Nations Mission in Liberia. It then correlates associations between a number of concession companies, their land acreage under operation, county acreage, and incidence of land grabbing to demonstrate an increase in disputes during the early 2000s due to practices of corrupt public officials. This has resulted from the consistent implementation of inequitable land laws, which have perpetuated land transfer from tribal communities to mostly Americo-Liberian descendants and foreign concessionaires. This land appropriation has fostered public corruption, increased land related disputes, and raised the level of conflict in Liberian society.

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8

Kieh, George Klay. "The American style of development aid to Liberia." Africanus: Journal of Development Studies 44, no. 2 (January 30, 2015): 33–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.25159/0304-615x/71.

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There is a growing corpus of literature on the critical issue of the various styles used by donors in giving development aid to recipient states in various parts of the world, including Africa, Asia, Europe and Latin America. This article seeks to contribute to the body of literature by examining the nature and dynamics of the American style of development aid to Liberia and the resulting implications for the latterâ€™s social and economic development. Using the realpolitik model as its analytical framework, the article situates the American style of development aid giving within the broader context of Liberia-United States (US) relations. Based on this foundation, the article then interrogated the flows of US development aid to Liberia from 1946â€“2013. The findings indicate that the American style of aid giving is ostensibly designed to serve the economic, political, military and strategic interests of the US. In this vein, Liberia is required to serve as a foot soldier in the promotion of American national interests in the former and elsewhere. Accordingly, in terms of the implications for social and economic development, for the past six decades American development aid has not helped to advance the material conditions of Liberiaâ€™s subaltern classes. However, in order to change this situation, the US would need to rethink the realpolitik foundation of its development aid programme and the Liberian government would need to press for such a policy rethinking. However, both of these possibilities are highly unlikely, given the USâ€™ determination to prosecute its imperial project and its clientelist relationship with the Liberian government.

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9

Whyte, Christine. "A State of Underdevelopment: Sovereignty, Nation-Building and Labor in Liberia 1898–1961." International Labor and Working-Class History 92 (2017): 24–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547917000084.

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AbstractIn the nineteenth and early twentieth century, Liberia was in the unusual position of being a colony with no metropole. Without military or financial support, the settlers’ control over their territory remained weak. Surrounding European empires preyed on this weakness, and Americo-Liberian rule was often at risk from coalitions of European forces and indigenous African resistance. From the early twentieth century, the political elite took on the concept of “development” as a central part of government policy in an attempt to gain political and economic control of the hinterland areas and stave off European incursions. This policy involved the extension and reinforcement of labor policies and practices that had developed through the nineteenth century as means to incorporate settlers and indigenous people into Liberian society. When these plans failed, huge swathes of territory were turned over to foreign commercial interests in an attempt to bolster Liberian claims to sovereignty. And after the Second World War, new policies of “community development” introduced by international agencies again tried to solve Liberia's “land and labor” problem through resettlement. At each stage developmentalist rationales were deployed in order to facilitate greater government control over the Liberian interior territory.

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10

Woods, Tryon P. "Marronage, Here and There: Liberia, Enslavement's Conversion, and the Settler-Not." International Labor and Working-Class History 96 (2019): 38–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547919000206.

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AbstractThis proposed contribution to the special issue of ILWCH offers a theoretical re-consideration of the Liberian project. If, as is commonly supposed in its historiography and across contemporary discourse regarding its fortunes into the twenty-first century, Liberia is a notable, albeit contested, instance of the modern era's correctable violence in that it stands as an imperfect realization of the emancipated slave, the liberated colony, and the freedom to labor unalienated, then such representation continues to hide more than it reveals. This essay, instead, reads Liberia as an instructive leitmotif for the conversion of racial slavery's synecdochical plantation system in the Americas into the plantation of the world writ large: the global scene of antiblackness and the immutable qualification for enslavement accorded black positionality alone. Transitions between political economic systems—from slave trade to “re-colonization,” from Firestone occupation to dictatorial-democratic regimes—reemerge from this re-examination as crucial but inessential to understanding Liberia's position, and thus that of black laboring subjects, in the modern world. I argue that slavery is the simultaneous primitive accumulation of black land and bodies, but that this reality largely escapes current conceptualization of not only the history of labor but also that of enslavement. In other words, the African slave trade (driven first by Arabs in the Indian Ocean region, then Europeans in the Mediterranean, and, subsequently, Euro-Americans in the Atlantic) did not simply leave as its corollary effect, or byproduct, the underdevelopment of African societies. The trade in African flesh was at once the co-production of a geography of desire in which blackness is perpetually fungible at every scale, from the body to the nation-state to its soil—all treasures not simply for violation and exploitation, but more importantly, for accumulation and all manner of usage. The Liberian project elucidates this ongoing reality in distinctive ways—especially when we regard it through the lens of the millennium-plus paradigm of African enslavement. Conceptualizing slavery's “afterlife” entails exploring the ways that emancipation extended, not ameliorated, the chattel condition, and as such, impugns the efficacy of key analytic categories like “settler,” “native,” “labor,” and “freedom” when applied to black existence. Marronage, rather than colonization or emancipation, situates Liberia within the intergenerational struggle of, and over, black work against social death. Read as enslavement's conversion, this essay neither impugns nor heralds black action and leadership on the Liberian project at a particular historical moment, but rather agitates for centering black thought on the ongoing issue of black fungibility and social captivity that Liberia exemplifies. I argue that such a reading of Liberia presents a critique of both settler colonialism and of a certain conceptualization of the black radical tradition and its futures in heavily optimist, positivist, and political economic terms that are enjoying considerable favor in leading discourse on black struggle today.

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11

Allen, William E. "Liberia and the Atlantic World in the Nineteenth Century: Convergence and Effects." History in Africa 37 (2010): 7–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hia.2010.0028.

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William C. Burke, an African American emigrant in Liberia, wrote the following to an acquaintance in the United States on 23 September 1861: This must be the severest affliction that have visited the people of the United States and must be a sorce [sic] of great inconvenience and suffering and although we are separated from the seane [sic] by the Atlantic yet we feel sadly the effects of it in this country. The Steavens not coming out as usual was a great disappointment and loss to many in this country.Burke's lamentation about the impact of the American Civil War on the distant Atlantic shores of Africa underscores a problem—and opportunity—in Liberian historiography. Burke's nineteenth-century world extended past the distinct national boundaries that separated the United States and Liberia. Geographically, this was the vast littoral of the four continents—Africa, Europe, North America, and South America—abutting the Atlantic Ocean. But the Atlantic world, as historians now dubbed this sprawling transnational zone, was much more extensive. Societies near and faraway were also drawn into the web of socioeconomic activities in the basin. The creation of the Atlantic world spanned almost four centuries, from the late fifteenth to the waning decades of the nineteenth century. In this period, an unprecedented multitude of migrants crisscrossed the Atlantic creating a vast network. For example, by the nineteenth century, regular transatlantic packages such as the Mary Caroline Stevens whose delay Burke called “a great disappointment,” transported passengers, provisions, and dispatches between the United States and Liberia.

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12

Everill, Bronwen. "‘Destiny seems to point me to that country’: early nineteenth-century African American migration, emigration, and expansion." Journal of Global History 7, no. 1 (February 24, 2012): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022811000581.

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AbstractTraditional American historiography has dismissed the Liberian settlement scheme as impractical, racist, and naïve. The movement of Americans to Liberia, and other territorial and extraterritorial destinations, however, reveals the ‘push’ and ‘pull’ factors that influenced movement in the African diaspora. The reaction of different African Americans to these factors influenced the political and social development of Liberia as well as the colony's image at home. Africans migrating within and beyond US borders participated in a broader movement of people and the development of settler ideology in the nineteenth century.

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13

Nash, Marian, and (Leich). "Contemporary Practice of the United States Relating to International Law." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 2 (April 1996): 263–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203689.

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In response to a request from the court to the Legal Adviser of the Department of State, by a letter dated November 29, 1995, the United States submitted a Statement of Interest in Meridien International Bank Ltd. v. Government of the Republic of Liberia. The United States stated that the executive branch had determined that allowing the (second) Liberian National Transitional Government (LNTG II) access to American courts was consistent with U.S. foreign policy. The court, the United States maintained, should therefore accord that Government standing to assert claims and defenses in the action on behalf of the Republic of Liberia.

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14

Botto, C., A. Escalante, M. Arango, and L. Yarzabal. "Morphological differences between Venezuelan and African microfilariae of Onchocerca volvulus." Journal of Helminthology 62, no. 4 (December 1988): 345–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022149x00011755.

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AbstractComparative morphological and biometric characteristics of microfilariae of Onchocerca gutturosa and O. volvulus from different geographical areas (Upper Orinoco, Venezuela; Togo; Liberia) were assessed. “Stepwise” discriminant analysis and Mahalanobis estimators were applied to measure distance between populations. The results indicate a strong similarity between the two strains from the Upper Orinoco (Venezuela) and the Togo strain, as well as a clear separation between these strains and that of O. gutturosa. The Liberian strain was easily distinguishable from microfilariae from Togo and Venezuela. Discriminant analysis showed the Liberian deme to be as different from the Venezuelan and Togo demes as these demes were from microfilariae of the reference species, O. gutturosa. Although it is necessary to confirm these data using formalin-fixed specimens obtained from the skin, the present findings suggest the existence of geographically-different strains of O. volvulus in America and Africa.

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15

Nettles, Darryl. "Liberia: Study of Liberian Government and its Relationship to American Government." International Journal of Interdisciplinary Social Sciences: Annual Review 2, no. 4 (2007): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.18848/1833-1882/cgp/v02i04/59333.

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16

Trapp, Micah M. "Already in America: Transnational Homemaking among Liberian Refugees." Refuge: Canada's Journal on Refugees 31, no. 1 (April 2, 2015): 31–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/1920-7336.40140.

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This article explores how refugees at the Buduburam Liberian refugee settlement in Ghana constructed and imagined home in and through a place they have never been to—“America.” Drawing on ethnographic examples of homemaking at Buduburam, this article develops the concept of entanglement to show how preferences for and access to the three durable solutions of the United Nations High Commission for Refugees were influenced by centuries of transnational homemaking embedded in the histories of the transatlantic slave trade and colonization of Liberia. Refugees preferred and practised resettlement not as a final destination, but as an active form of transnationalism. The reconfiguration of homemaking through the lens of entanglement demonstrates the importance of developing migratory policies and practices that are attentive to historic and future forms of inequality.

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17

Hammer, Ricarda, and Alexandre I. R. White. "Toward a Sociology of Colonial Subjectivity: Political Agency in Haiti and Liberia." Sociology of Race and Ethnicity 5, no. 2 (September 24, 2018): 215–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2332649218799369.

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The authors seek to connect global historical sociology with racial formation theory to examine how antislavery movements fostered novel forms of self-government and justifications for state formation. The cases of Haiti and Liberia demonstrate how enslaved and formerly enslaved actors rethought modern politics at the time, producing novel political subjects in the process. Prior to the existence of these nations, self-determination by black subjects in colonial spaces was impossible, and each sought to carve out that possibility in the face of a transatlantic structure of slavery. This work demonstrates how Haitian and Liberian American founders responded to colonial structures, though in Liberia reproducing them albeit for their own ends. The authors demonstrate the importance of colonial subjectivities to the discernment of racial structures and counter-racist action. They highlight how anticolonial actors challenged global antiblack oppression and how they legitimated their self-governance and freedom on the world stage. Theorizing from colonized subjectivities allows sociology to begin to understand the politics around global racial formations and starts to incorporate histories of black agency into the sociological canon.

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18

Saha, S. C. "Transference of American Values Through Agriculture to Liberia: A Review of Liberian Agriculture During the Nineteenth Century." Journal of Negro History 72, no. 3-4 (July 1987): 57–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3031508.

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19

GLOVER, NIKOLAS. "Between Order and Justice: Investments in Africa and Corporate International Responsibility in Swedish Media in the 1960s." Enterprise & Society 20, no. 2 (January 29, 2019): 401–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/eso.2018.87.

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This article analyzes how the public relations of multinational companies was affected by the double impact of decolonization and spread of television during the 1960s. It contributes to recent theoretical conceptualizations of corporate social responsibility by adding the dimension of home country stakeholders and the border-crossing character of corporate responsibility. The analysis deals with the changing media representations in Sweden of Swedish-owned firms in Liberia and South Africa before, during, and after what has been called the “postcolonial moment” (1960–1963). In its wake, Swedish industrialists faced a new policy problem: firms in overseas markets were no longer expected to do only what was legal in the host country but also what was considered right in their home country. The analysis follows the debates concerning this issue of corporateinternationalresponsibility throughout the 1960s, and how national business organizations and executives in firms such as the Liberian-American-Swedish Mining Company publicly sought to defend the role of Swedish foreign direct investment in Africa. The business community developed various public relations strategies to engage with its critics, professionalized their media relations, and organized international study tours for unions and politicians.

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20

Dorjahn, Vernon R., Svend E. Holsoe, and Bernard L. Herman. "A Land and Life Remembered: Americo-Liberian Folk Architecture." International Journal of African Historical Studies 23, no. 1 (1990): 121. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219988.

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21

Luke, David Fashole, and Yekutiel Gershoni. "Black Colonialism: The Americo-Liberian Scramble for the Hinterland." International Journal of African Historical Studies 19, no. 1 (1986): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/218730.

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22

Fisher, Colin. "Antebellum Black Climate Science: The Medical Geography and Emancipatory Politics of James McCune Smith and Martin Delany." Environmental History 26, no. 3 (May 24, 2021): 461–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/envhis/emab024.

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Abstract This article argues that two prominent antebellum Black physicians—James McCune Smith and Martin Delany—developed competing scientific theories of nature’s impact on the human body in response to the climatic theories of the American Colonization Society, polygenist race scientists, and southern defenders of slavery. It further argues that the physicians’ divergent conclusions regarding nature’s agency played a significant role in underwriting arguably the most important and consequential political debate in antebellum Black America—namely, the dispute between integrationists who advocated remaining in the United States and fighting for equality and emigrationists who argued that America was so hopelessly racist that African Americans should evacuate and even form their own nation. McCune Smith’s rejection of Liberian colonization, his call to stay in the United States and fight for inclusion, and his hopeful vision of the American future rested in large part on his climate science. Employing statistical evidence, he argued that all humans were healthiest in temperate rather than tropical climates and that a beneficial North American natural environment was slowly eliminating the racial distinctions that underwrote American racism and slavery and giving all Americans, regardless of ancestry, the physical features of Native Americans. Delany’s politics were also profoundly shaped by climate science, but, unlike McCune Smith, he agreed with polygenist race scientists that climate could not alter biological race. He further concluded that, while Black people remained healthy in all climates, white people degenerated physically, mentally, and morally when they migrated from a temperate to a subtropical or tropical climate. Since the North American natural environment could not eliminate the racial features referenced by white racists and slaveholders and because enfeebled whites would always need Black labor in the subtropical South, Delany took a pessimistic view of the American future and advocated that African Americans emigrate and form a new Black nation in a tropical location fatal to white people. The article demonstrates that, long before the rise of the environmental justice movement, prominent abolitionists wed the Black freedom struggle to sophisticated and even proto-ecological scientific models of the body’s place in nature.

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23

Adams, Melinda. "Context and Media Frames: The Case of Liberia." Politics & Gender 12, no. 02 (May 26, 2016): 275–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743923x16000039.

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There is a growing body of work examining gender stereotypes in media representations of female candidates, but much of this literature is based on analysis of media sources in developed countries, including the United States (Braden 1996; Jalalzai 2006; Kahn 1994, 1996; Smith 1997), Australia (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), Canada (Kittilson and Fridkin 2008), France (Murray 2010b), and Germany (Wiliarty 2010). The increase in female presidential candidates and presidents in Latin America has encouraged research on media portrayals of women in Argentina, Chile, and Venezuela (Franceschet and Thomas 2010; Hinojosa 2010; Piscopo 2010; Thomas and Adams 2010). To date, however, there has been little research exploring media representations of female politicians in Africa. (Exceptions include Adams 2010; Anderson, Diabah, and hMensah 2011). A question that emerges is whether the gender stereotypes common in coverage in the United States, Europe, and Latin America are also prevalent in Africa.

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Korczyc, Aleksandra. "State Security Policy and Changing the Nature of the Conflict after the End of the Cold War Rivalry." Security Dimensions 30, no. 30 (June 28, 2019): 22–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.7549.

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The aim of the paper is to try to determine the essence of the new face of armed conflict. Liberia is the main point of reference in the analysis for two reasons. Firstly, Liberia is the oldest independent republic on the African continent and its establishing is linked to paradoxical events begun in 1821, when black people settling in the vicinity of Monrovia, former slaves liberated from South American cotton plantations, reconstructed a slave-like type of society, taking local, poorly organised tribes as their subjects. Secondly, Liberia proves that the intensity of changes in armed conflict does not have to be strictly dependent on the size of the land: a country of small geographical size can equal or even exceed countries with several times larger surface in terms of features of “new wars”. In 1989 in Liberia, the nine-year presidency of Samuel Doe, characterised by exceptional ineptitude and bloody terror, led to the outbreak of clashes between government forces and the opposition from National Patriotic Front of Liberia, led by Charles Taylor. Thus, the first civil war in Liberia was begun, that lasted until 1997 and became an arena of mass violations of human rights, leaving behind 150,000 dead victims and about 850,000 refugees to neighbouring countries.

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Harris, Paul. "Trans-Atlantic Sojourners: The Story of an Americo-Liberian Family by M. Neely Young." Journal of Southern History 85, no. 1 (2019): 164–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0023.

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26

ERICSON, DAVID F. "The United States Navy, Slave-Trade Suppression, and State Development." Journal of Policy History 33, no. 3 (July 2021): 231–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030621000099.

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AbstractThe mission of the United States Navy expanded significantly because of the presence of the institution of racial slavery on American soil. Most important, both proslavery and antislavery forces favored, for very different reasons, a substantial naval buildup in the late 1850s. The navy had, however, long been engaged in securing the nation’s borders against slave smuggling, an activity that also seemed to have broad support at the time. Finally, somewhat more controversially, the navy had been associated with the American Colonization Society’s Liberian enterprise from its very inception, deciding to deploy vessels to Africa in an otherwise unimaginable time frame. The relationship between the presence of slavery and the pre–Civil War activities of the navy is a largely untold—or, at best, half-told—story of American state development.

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27

Sullivan, Jo, and Katherine Harris. "African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa." International Journal of African Historical Studies 20, no. 1 (1987): 147. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219309.

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Matthewson, Timothy, and Katherine Harris. "African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa." Journal of the Early Republic 6, no. 1 (1986): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3122679.

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29

Temperley, Howard. "African‐American aspirations and the settlement of Liberia." Slavery & Abolition 21, no. 2 (August 2000): 67–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01440390008575306.

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30

Moody, Simanique. "New Perspectives on African American English: The Role of Black-to-Black Contact." English Today 31, no. 4 (November 2, 2015): 53–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078415000401.

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One of the most widely researched language varieties in the field of sociolinguistics is African American English (AAE), a term used to describe a range of English dialects, from standard to vernacular, spoken by many (but not all) African Americans as well as by certain members of other ethnic groups who have had extensive contact with AAE speakers. Most linguists agree that AAE developed from contact between enslaved Africans and predominantly English-speaking Europeans (who spoke a range of English vernaculars) during the early to middle period of colonization of what is now known as the United States of America. Consequently, research on the development of AAE is traditionally framed in terms of the degree of contact with white English vernaculars, both during and after AAE genesis, with white vernaculars playing a primary, if not exclusive, role (McDavid & McDavid, 1951; Mufwene, 1996; Poplack, 2000; Poplack & Tagliamonte, 2001). Though some analyses of AAE allow for substrate influence from creole and/or African languages in its development (cf. Winford, 1997, 1998; Rickford, 1998, 2006; Wolfram & Thomas, 2002; Holm, 2004), many studies place a particular focus on Earlier African American varieties or Diaspora varieties, such as the Ex-Slave Recordings, Samaná English, and Liberian Settler English rather than contemporary AAE varieties spoken within U.S. borders (cf. Rickford, 1977, 1997, 2006; DeBose, 1988; Schneider 1989; Bailey, Maynor, & Cukor-Avila, 1991; Hannah, 1997; Singler, 1998, 2007a, 2007b; Kautzsch 2002). This research has helped further linguists’ understanding of AAE yet does not reflect its full history in the United States.

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Cook, Christopher R. "Coverage of African Conflicts in the American Media: Filtering out the Logic of Plunder." African and Asian Studies 12, no. 4 (2013): 373–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15692108-12341273.

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Abstract Through an analysis of the Liberian Civil War I argue that elite media and foreign policy decision makers share a classical set of assumptions about conflicts in the developing world that I call Westphalian. This paradigm privileges the Eurocentric nation state and its notions of power, ideology, and violence while intentionally or not, falsely reinforcing the rigid separation of government from the private economic sphere. In the end, this Westphalian lens of power obscures the new faces of transnational conflict networks and the importance of economic sub-state actors in creating violence based purely on economic motivations and greed

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Dunn, D. Elwood. "Black Colonialism: the Americo-Liberian scramble for the hinterland by Yekutiel Gershoni Boulder, Westview Press, 1985. Pp. xi+134. $25.00 paperback. - African and American Values: Liberia and West Africa by Katherine Harris Lanham, Maryland, University Press of America, 1985. Pp. xi+101. $20.50. $8.00 paperback. - Big Powers and Small Nations: a case study of United States-Liberian relations by Hassan B. Sisay Lanham, Maryland, University Press of America, 1985. Pp. vii+202. $26·75. $12·50 paperback." Journal of Modern African Studies 25, no. 4 (December 1987): 712–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022278x00010247.

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Covington-Ward, Yolanda. "“Back Home, People Say America is Heaven”: Pre-Migration Expectations and Post-Migration Adjustment for Liberians in Pittsburgh." Journal of International Migration and Integration 18, no. 4 (February 24, 2017): 1013–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s12134-017-0511-7.

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Borchert, James. "A Land and Life Remembered: Americo-Liberian Folk Architecture. Max Belcher , Svend E. Holsoe , Bernard L. Herman." Winterthur Portfolio 25, no. 2/3 (July 1990): 199–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/496493.

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BONATO, LUCIO, FABIO G. CUPUL-MAGAÑA, and ALESSANDRO MINELLI. "Mecistocephalus guildingii Newport, 1843, a tropical centipede with amphi-Atlantic distribution (Chilopoda: Geophilomorpha)." Zootaxa 2271, no. 1 (October 22, 2009): 27–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.11646/zootaxa.2271.1.2.

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Mecistocephalus guildingii Newport, 1843 (Chilopoda: Geophilomorpha: Mecistocephalidae) is redescribed, and its geographical distribution revised and updated, after examination of 28 specimens from different localities together with critical assessment of published accounts and records. Mecistocephalus guildingii Newport, 1843 (= Mecistocephalus punctilabratus Newport, 1845, n. syn.; = Lamnonyx leonensis Cook, 1896, n. syn.; = Mecistocephalus maxillaris guadeloupensis Demange and Pereira, 1985, n. syn.) is distinguished from other Mecistocephalus species, with which it has been often confused, mainly in head elongation and some features of the clypeus. M. guildingii has been reported hitherto from less than two dozen sites on the eastern side of tropical Americas, however it is actually established in islands and coastal sites on both sides of the tropical part of the Atlantic ocean: on the American side from Bermuda through the Antilles to southern Brazil; on the African side in the Cape Verde archipelago and from Gambia to Liberia. It is also established in a locality on the Pacific coast of Mexico, and has been found occasionally inland in Brazil and in European hothouses and other disturbed anthropic sites.

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Amin, Julius A. "African American Officers in Liberia: A Pestiferous Rotation, 1910–1942." Journal of American History 106, no. 2 (September 1, 2019): 503–4. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jaz450.

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Fairfull, Caryl B. "Volunteer experience of an American dietitian in Liberia, West Africa." Journal of the American Dietetic Association 89, no. 2 (February 1989): 251–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0002-8223(21)02105-2.

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Touré, N'Datchoh Evelyne, Abdourahamane Konaré, and Siélé Silué. "Intercontinental Transport and Climatic Impact of Saharan and Sahelian Dust." Advances in Meteorology 2012 (2012): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2012/157020.

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The Sahara and Sahel regions of Africa are important sources of dust particles into the atmosphere. Dust particles from these regions are transported over the Atlantic Ocean to the Eastern American Coasts. This transportation shows temporal and spatial variability and often reaches its peak during the boreal summer (June-July-August). The regional climate model (RegCM 4.0), containing a module of dust emission, transport, and deposition processes, is used in this study. Saharan and Sahelian dusts emissions, transports, and climatic impact on precipitations during the spring (March-April-May) and summer (June-July-August) were studied using this model. The results showed that the simulation were coherent with observations made by the MISR satellite and the AERONET ground stations, within the domain of Africa (Banizoumba, Cinzana, and M’Bour) and Ragged-point (Barbados Islands). The transport of dust particles was predominantly from North-East to South-West over the studied period (2005–2010). The seasonality of dust plumes’ trajectories was influenced by the altitudes reached by dusts in the troposphere. The impact of dusts on climate consisted of a cooling effect both during the boreal summer and spring over West Africa (except Southern-Guinea and Northern-Liberia), Central Africa, South-America, and Caribbean where increased precipitations were observed.

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Van Herk, Gerard. "Letter Perfect." English World-Wide 29, no. 1 (January 25, 2008): 45–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/eww.29.1.04van.

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This paper uses a multivariate analysis of 19th-century letters by semi-literate African American settlers in Liberia to investigate the frequency and distribution of the present perfect (PP) in earlier African American English (AAE). Despite descriptions elsewhere of the PP as marginal to AAE, it occurs here with great frequency, a finding attributed to the sensitivity of the form to genre differences. The linguistic factors conditioning choice between the PP and the preterite match those described for other varieties of English of that time period. This suggests that an English-like PP was part of the core grammar of the writers of these letters.

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Douglass-Chin, Richard. "Liberia as American Diaspora: The Transnational Scope of American Identity in the Mid-nineteenth Century." Canadian Review of American Studies 40, no. 2 (January 2010): 213–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cras.40.2.213.

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Haight, Wendy, Misa Kayama, and Priscilla Ann Gibson. "Out-of-School Suspensions of Black Youths: Culture, Ability, Disability, Gender, and Perspective." Social Work 61, no. 3 (April 24, 2016): 235–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/sw/sww021.

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Abstract Racial disproportionality in out-of-school suspensions is a persistent social justice issue in public schools. This article examines out-of-school suspensions of four black youths from the perspectives of the youths, their caregivers, and educators. The case involving David, a 14-year-old African American with a learning disability, illustrates the challenges of students experiencing the intersection of disability and race. The case involving George, a 14-year-old Liberian immigrant, illustrates how parents and teachers may form alliances around shared goals and values despite profound cultural differences in understanding of youths’ misbehavior. The case involving Nina, a 12-year-old African American, illustrates how educators’ failure to consider the context of her misbehaviors as responses to sexual harassment, along with their subsequent harsh punishment and failure to protect her, led to her disengagement from school. The case involving Craig, a 16-year-old African American, provides a glimpse into how the use of criminal justice language to refer to youths’ misbehaviors can support the development of a criminalized self- and social identity. These cases illustrate the diversity of black students—including ability, disability, culture, and gender—and how events surrounding suspensions are interpreted by students, caregivers, and educators. Understanding such diversity will undergird implementation of effective alternatives to suspensions.

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Bond. "“Love Him and Let Him Go”: The American Colonization Society's James Brown—Pioneering African-American Apothecary in the United States and Liberia, 1802-1853, Part II—Liberia." Pharmacy in History 60, no. 4 (2018): 124. http://dx.doi.org/10.26506/pharmhist.60.4.0124.

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Gershoni, Yekutiel, and Amos J. Beyan. "The American Colonization Society and the Creation of the Liberian State: A Historical Perspective, 1822-1900." International Journal of African Historical Studies 26, no. 2 (1993): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/219564.

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Clegg, Claude A. ""A Splendid Type of Colored American": Charles Young and the Reorganization of the Liberian Frontier Force." International Journal of African Historical Studies 29, no. 1 (1996): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/221418.

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Egerton, Douglas R., and Amos J. Beyan. "The American Colonization Society and the Creation of the Liberian State: A Historical Perspective, 1822-1900." Journal of the Early Republic 11, no. 4 (1991): 574. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3123374.

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Lubkemann, Stephen C. "Diasporas and Their Discontents: Return without Homecoming in the Forging of Liberian and African-American Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 13, no. 1 (2004): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/dsp.2006.0007.

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KAUTZSCH, A. "LIBERIAN LETTERS AND VIRGINIAN NARRATIVES: NEGATION PATTERNS IN TWO NEW SOURCES OF EARLIER AFRICAN AMERICAN ENGLISH." American Speech 75, no. 1 (March 1, 2000): 34–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00031283-75-1-34.

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Lubkemann, Stephen C. "Diasporas and Their Discontents: Return without Homecoming in the Forging of Liberian and African-American Identity." Diaspora: A Journal of Transnational Studies 13, no. 1 (March 2004): 123–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/diaspora.13.1.123.

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Hayden, Wilburn. "Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community by John M. Coggeshall." Register of the Kentucky Historical Society 118, no. 1 (2020): 209–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/khs.2020.0012.

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Thorp, Daniel B. "Liberia, South Carolina: An African American Appalachian Community by John M. Coggeshall." Journal of Southern History 85, no. 2 (2019): 473–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/soh.2019.0121.

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