Journal articles: 'Amiens, Battle of, 1940'

1

Smith, James P. "Nurses and the Battle of Britain 1940." Journal of Advanced Nursing 16, no. 3 (1991): 371–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1365-2648.1991.tb01662.x.

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Stewart, Andrew. "May 1940: The Battle for the Netherlands." Global War Studies 8, no. 2 (2011): 98–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.5893/19498489.08.02.10.

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Samuels, Martin. "Shock and friction as explanations for disaster at the Battle of Amiens, 8 August 1918." War & Society 35, no. 4 (2016): 275–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07292473.2016.1244923.

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Rothwell, James. "The weather during the Battle of Britain in 1940." Weather 67, no. 4 (2012): 109–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/wea.888.

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Gunsburg, Jeffrey A. "The Battle of the Belgian Plain, 12-14 May 1940: The First Great Tank Battle." Journal of Military History 56, no. 2 (1992): 207. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1985797.

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Rust, Eric C. "Book Review: The German Invasion of Norway, April 1940, The Battle for Norway, April-June 1940." International Journal of Maritime History 23, no. 1 (2011): 439–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/084387141102300181.

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Sica, Emanuele. "June 1940: The Italian Army and the Battle of the Alps." Canadian Journal of History 47, no. 2 (2012): 355–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/cjh.47.2.355.

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Gunsburg, Jeffery A. "The Battle of Gembloux, 14-15 May 1940: The "Blitzkrieg" Checked." Journal of Military History 64, no. 1 (2000): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/120789.

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9

Christensen, Thomas J. "Perceptions and alliances in Europe, 1865–1940." International Organization 51, no. 1 (1997): 65–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002081897550302.

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While some structural realists and their liberal and institutionalist critics continue to fight a high-profile battle about the fundamental nature of international politics, a quieter discussion is progressing about how to integrate various aspects of realist thinking into a more coherent approach to security politics. The goal of this discussion is to marry the two major strands of contemporary realist thought: balance-of-power theory and security dilemma theory. Recent works advocate combining structural variables, such as the number of great actors in the system and the distribution of capabilities among them, with security dilemma variables, such as the comparative efficacy of offensive versus defensive doctrines given available weaponry and military training.

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Brennan, Brian. "The Revival of the Cult of Martin of Tours in the Third Republic." Church History 66, no. 3 (1997): 489–501. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3169453.

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Statuary groups, countless illustrations, and colorful stained glass all preserve for us the most famous medieval image of the charitable soldier-saint, Martin of Tours (336–397). The young Martin is depicted seated on his horse dividing his soldier's cape to share it with Christ disguised as a freezing beggar at the gate of Amiens. After abandoning the Roman army, Martin became a monk, an ascetic “soldier of Christ,” and was chosen by the people of Tours as their bishop. Renowned in his lifetime as a wonderworker, Martin's tomb remained for centuries an important pilgrimage center. The later Carolingian kings carried a fragment of Martin's cape into battle as a victory-giving talisman, and French monarchs invoked the saint as their patron. Because of its royalist associations, Saint Martin's basilica at Tours was almost completely destroyed in the French Revolution, and subsequently houses and new municipal streets encroached on the sacred space.

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Horowitz, David A. "An Alliance of Convenience: Independent Exhibitors and Purity Crusaders Battle Hollywood, 1920–1940." Historian 59, no. 3 (1997): 553–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1540-6563.1997.tb01005.x.

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Boddy, William F. "Launching television: RCA, the FCC and the battle for frequency allocations, 1940–1947." Historical Journal of Film, Radio and Television 9, no. 1 (1989): 45–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01439688900260031.

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13

Doughty, Robert A., and Lee Sharp. "The French Army, 1939-1940. Organisation: Order of Battle: Operational History. Vol. 1." Journal of Military History 66, no. 3 (2002): 884. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3093408.

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Stevenson, D. (David). "Girding for Battle: The Arms Trade in a Global Perspective, 1815-1940 (review)." Journal of Military History 68, no. 2 (2004): 617–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jmh.2004.0074.

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15

Lindgjerdet, Frode. "Technology, Group Interest, and Norwegian Air Power, 1920–1940." Vulcan 3, no. 1 (2015): 110–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22134603-00301006.

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The Norwegian army and navy built their separate air arms around a few flimsy aircraft acquired from 1912. During the interwar period, the Army Air Force desired independence while its smaller naval counterpart fought tenaciously to remain part of the navy. The battle was carried out in the national military journals. Army aviation officers seduced by the air power theories of Giulio Douhet advocated independent operations; they maintained that challenges of air war and the skills required were independent of the surface over which it was fought. They also expected economic benefits from a unified service that could acquire fewer types of aircraft and unify technical services and education. Naval aviation officers maintained that naval air operations required knowledge of naval warfare, seamanship, tight naval integration, and specialized aircraft. What’s more, they resented the very idea that air power could win wars independently.

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Van Slyke, Lyman P. "The Battle of The Hundred Regiments: Problems of Coordination and Control during the Sino-Japanese War." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (1996): 979–1005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016863.

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Communist sources record that between 20 August and 5 December 1940, the Eighth Route Army (8RA) of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) fought 1,824 large and small engagements with Japanese and puppet troops from the plains of Hebei to the mountains of Shanxi. These engagements are known collectively as ‘the Battle of the Hundred Regiments’ and they are the subject of this essay.

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17

Burwood, Stephen, and Darryl Holter. "The Battle for Coal: Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940-1950." Labour / Le Travail 33 (1994): 373. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/25143833.

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18

Prost, Antoine, and Darryl Holter. "The Battle for Coal. Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940-1950." Le Mouvement social, no. 171 (April 1995): 104. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3779545.

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Gillingham, John, and Darryl Holter. "The Battle for Coal: Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940-1950." American Historical Review 98, no. 3 (1993): 886. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2167627.

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20

Cox, Sebastian. "A comparative analysis of RAF and Luftwaffe intelligence in the battle of Britain, 1940." Intelligence and National Security 5, no. 2 (1990): 425–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02684529008432057.

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21

Dhawan, Naveen. "Philip Drinker versus John Haven Emerson: Battle of the iron lung machines, 1928–1940." Journal of Medical Biography 28, no. 3 (2018): 162–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967772017733680.

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The “iron lung,” originally known as the Drinker respirator, was developed in 1928 by Dr Philip Drinker and Dr Louis Agassiz Shaw to improve the respiration of polio patients. In 1931, John Haven Emerson, an inventor from Cambridge, MA, enhanced the design of the Drinker respirator and introduced a new and highly improved model of the iron lung that was cheaper and significantly lighter. Dr Drinker eventually filed a lawsuit against Emerson for alleged patent infringement. In his defense, Emerson argued that devices that help save human lives should be widely accessible to all patients. He also questioned the novelty of Drinker’s design, claiming that Drinker’s device comprised of patented technology that existed since the late 1800s, and that he therefore did not have full ownership of the machine’s intellectual property. Ultimately, the case backfired on Drinker, as he not only lost the court case but also lost the entire panel of patents that were in his possession.

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22

Haley, James W. "The Battle for Coal: Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940–1950." History: Reviews of New Books 22, no. 2 (1994): 77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1994.9948889.

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23

Lambert, Andrew. "Seapower 1939–1940: Churchill and the strategic origins of the battle of the Atlantic." Journal of Strategic Studies 17, no. 1 (1994): 86–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402399408437541.

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24

RUTSINSKAYA, Irina. "TRADITIONS OF THE CEREMONIAL MILITARY PORTRAIT IN SOVIET PAINTING OF THE 1940-1950." Herald of Culturology, no. 3 (2021): 83–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.31249/hoc/2021.03.06.

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Based on Soviet painting of the 1940-1950 s the article explores the features of the genre, that became especially popular in the last years of the Great Patriotic War and the first post-war years. It represents military leaders and statesmen standing against the battle scenes or directly on the battlefield. Traditions, semantics, compositional techniques of this genre developed in Modern era. Analysis of the socialist realism paintings allows seeing the process of «appropriation» of the imperial tradition.

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25

Saidov, Il'khomzhon M., and Rakhima I. Saidova. "UZBEKISTAN'S ASSISTANCE TO THE BATTLE-FRONT DURING THE GREAT PATRIOTIC WAR." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series Eurasian studies. History. Political science. International relations, no. 3 (2020): 55–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2686-7648-2020-3-55-67.

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The article considers the contribution of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic to the victory in the Great Patriotic War. During the war, thousands of Soviet Uzbekistan’s citizens went to the battle-front, but the participation of the Republic in the war does not end there. The agricultural sector of Uzbekistan tried to make up for the losses of acreage and livestock suffered by the Soviet Union in the first year of the war. A number of Uzbekistan’s enterprises were urgently converted to the production of military goods. Production at factories evacuated to Soviet Central Asia was developing at a rapid pace on the territory of the Republic. Not only skilled personnel, but also volunteers took part in the construction of new factories, plants, and hydroelectric power stations. The authors emphasise that during the war, there was a significant transformation of the Republican economy: the share of industry in the volume of production in the national economy of Uzbekistan increased from 50 to 80%, and the share of heavy industry from 14.3 to 52.4%. In September 1940, 141.6 thousand workers and employees were employed in the Republic’s industry, while in 1945, it was 196.2 thousand. The share of women employed in industrial production increased significantly (from 34.0% in 1940 to 63.5% in 1945). More than 23 thousand young citizens of Uzbekistan aged 14–17 became workers during the war and replaced professionals who had gone to the battle-front. When assessing the contribution of the Uzbek Soviet Socialist Republic to the Great Victory, the authors note that the labour feat of the Republic’s citizens caused its transformation into a reliable arsenal of the battle-front against fascism.

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26

Gold, Kathryn A., Edward S. Kim, J. Jack Lee, Ignacio I. Wistuba, Carol J. Farhangfar, and Waun Ki Hong. "The BATTLE to Personalize Lung Cancer Prevention through Reverse Migration." Cancer Prevention Research 4, no. 7 (2011): 962–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1940-6207.capr-11-0232.

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27

Mulligan, Timothy, and Florian K. Rothbrust. "Guderian's XIXth Panzer Corps and the Battle of France: Breakthrough in the Ardennes, May 1940." German Studies Review 15, no. 1 (1992): 164. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1430072.

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28

Benbow, Tim. "Brothers in Arms: The Admiralty, the Air Ministry, and the Battle of the Atlantic, 1940–1943." Global War Studies 11, no. 1 (2014): 41–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.5893/19498489.11.01.02.

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29

Heinrich, Thomas. "Fighting Ships that Require Knowledge and Experience: Industrial Mobilization in American Naval Shipbuilding, 1940–1945." Business History Review 88, no. 2 (2014): 273–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007680514000038.

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Wartime naval builders in the United States constructed the world's largest fleet that defeated the Japanese Imperial Navy, aided the Allied victory during the Battle of the Atlantic, and projected American naval power into all corners of the globe. Many naval combatants were built by highly experienced shipbuilders who possessed advanced design skills and production capabilities that had been years in the making. The present study examines the structures and dynamics of American naval shipbuilding and compares them to their foreign counterparts; it argues that extant capabilities were vital to the success of the U.S. war economy.

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30

Koutsoudaki, Mary. "Ο μύθος του Ορφέα στο θεατρικό έργο του Tennessee Williams". Σύγκριση 11 (31 січня 2017): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/comparison.10766.

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Τ Williams' use of Dionysicism is evident in his theater. A very interesting sample of this use can be found in Battle of Angels, Orpheus Descending, Camino Real and Suddenly Last Summer. These plays present various treatments of the ritual and the myth in the playwright's effort to give a universal meaning to the plights of modern man. The Orphic identity of Dionysus is predominant in Battle of Angels (1940), which was one of Williams' favorite plays. The use of Orphic Dionysicism expresses the playwright himself who believed that Battle of Angels was «coming directly from his heart as an expression of fundamental human hungers». It has been often labelled as «the root Williams play, a powerful mixture of sex, violence and religion». He revised it on and off for seventeen years before its mature version, Orpheus Descending, appeared in 1957. Both plays tell us about the advent of the Orphic hero to a city of the American South, the revival that he brings and his death-«sparagmos» that is commemorated by the inclusion of the snakeskin jacket in the local museum. In these plays, springsummer is followed by autumn-winter, and there is no continuation of the ritual, no god's resurrection and no coming of the following spring. Battle of Angels and Orpheus Descending could therefore be classified as Williams' non-regenerative plays in the sense that they do not follow the cyclical pattern of the Dionysiac death and rebirth.

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31

Mispelkamp, Peter K. H. "John Grehan and Martin Pace, Dispatches from the Front: The Battle for Norway 1940-1942 (Peter Mispelkamp)." Northern Mariner / Le marin du nord 31, no. 1 (2021): 94–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.25071/2561-5467.135.

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32

Golsan, Richard J. "The Battle for Coal: Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940–1950Holter, Darryl. The Battle for Coal: Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940–1950. DeKalb, IL: Northern Illinois University Press, 1992. Pp. 264." Contemporary French Civilization 17, no. 2 (1993): 394–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/cfc.1993.17.2.029.

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33

SHERMAN, TAYLOR C. "From Hell to Paradise? Voluntary Transfer of Convicts to the Andaman Islands, 1921–1940." Modern Asian Studies 43, no. 2 (2009): 367–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x08003594.

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AbstractThe paper attempts to understand the challenges and opportunities which the penal settlement at Port Blair in the Andaman Islands presented to colonial governments in twentieth-century India. To this end, the paper examines a scheme drawn up in the 1920s which saw the introduction of a much more liberal regime for convicts in Port Blair. Under these plans, convicts were granted access to land and encouraged to bring their families from the mainland. This research reveals that the policies which determined the history of the settlement in this period were defined by two tensions. First, there was a constant battle between the central authorities and provincial governments over the shape and purposes of the settlement. Second, there was a contradiction between the penal objectives of the colony and the larger strategies which aimed to develop the islands for the greater British empire.

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34

Mulwafu, Wakisa. "In memoriam: Mr Jimmy James (1940–2019). His contribution to the training of surgeons in Malawi and the College of Surgeons of East Central and Southern Africa (COSECSA) region." Malawi Medical Journal 32, no. 3 (2020): 180–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/mmj.v32i3.12.

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35

Dhodapkar, Madhav V. "Personalized Immune-Interception of Cancer and the Battle of Two Adaptive Systems—When Is the Time Right?" Cancer Prevention Research 6, no. 3 (2013): 173–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1158/1940-6207.capr-13-0011.

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36

Karpozilos, Kostis. "Review of Rika Benveniste's, Αυτοί που επέζησαν; Dimitris Kousouris', Δίκες των δοσίλογων, 1944-1949; Menelaos Haralabidis', Δεκεμβριανά 1944; Polymeris Voglis', Η αδύνατη επανάσταση". Historein 15, № 2 (2016): 68. http://dx.doi.org/10.12681/historein.8753.

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Rika Benveniste. Αυτοί που επέζησαν: Αντίσταση, εκτόπιση, επιστροφή. Θεσσαλονικείς Εβραίοι στη δεκαετία του 1940 [Those who survived: Resistance, deportation, return. Thessaloniki Jews in the 1940s]. Athens: Polis, 2014. 444 pp. Dimitris Kousouris. Δίκες των δοσίλογων 1944-1949: Δικαιοσύνη, συνέχεια του κράτους και εθνική μνήμη [Trials of the collaborators, 1944-49: justice, state continuity and national memory]. Athens: Polis, 2014. 688 pp. Menelaos Haralabidis. Δεκεμβριανά 1944: Η μάχη της Αθήνας [December events, 1944: The battle of Athens]. Athens: Alexandria, 2014. 374 pp. Polymeris Voglis. Η αδύνατη επανάσταση: Η κοινωνική δυναμική του εμφυλίου πολέμου [The impossible revolution: the social dynamics of civil war]. Athens: Alexandria, 2014. 424 pp.

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37

Andrieu, Claire. "Darryl Holter, The Battle for Coal. Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940-1950, DeKalb, Northern Illinois University Press, 1992, 264 p." Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 49, no. 1 (1994): 176. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0395264900065574.

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38

Ehlers, Anton. "Trust companies and boards of executors versus banks aspects of the battle for corporate trusteeship and trust business in South Africa up to 1940." South African Journal of Economic History 22, no. 1-2 (2007): 22–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10113430709511200.

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39

Michaleas, Spyros N., Theodoros N. Sergentanis, Neni Panourgia, et al. "Historical and Epidemiological study of malaria cases of the "Refugee Hospital" in Veria in the context of Anti-Malaria Battle in Greece (1926–1940)." Heliyon 6, no. 9 (2020): e04996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.heliyon.2020.e04996.

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40

Waldron, Arthur. "China's New Remembering of World War II: The Case of Zhang Zizhong." Modern Asian Studies 30, no. 4 (1996): 945–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x00016851.

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General Zhang Zizhong, commander of the eight divisions that constituted the Chinese 33rd Army Group, was killed at approximately 4:00 P.M. on May 16, 1940, in fighting at Shilichangshan (‘Ten li mountain’) near Nanguadian in Northern Hubei. The battle was one engagement of the Zaoyang-Yichang campaign that rumbled through late spring of that year. Surrounded by the Japanese, his forces had refused either to retreat or to surrender. In the ensuing hand-to-hand combat, General Zhang had been wounded seven times in all, by grenade, bullet, and finally by bayonet. The victorious Japanese realized Zhang's identity only when a major discovered, in the left breast pocket of his blood-soaked yellow uniform, a fine gold pen engraved with his name. The major quickly summoned senior officers; they ordered a stretcher brought and the body was carried away from the battlefield. (This was observed, through half-opened eyes, by Zhang's long-time associate, the Chinese major Ma Xiaotang, who lay nearby, bleeding from a bayonet wound, and who later gasped out the story to Chinese as he died).

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41

Friedman, Gerald. "Darryl Holter, The Battle for Coal: Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940–1950. DeKalb: Northern Illinois University Press, 1992. xv + 264 pp." International Labor and Working-Class History 45 (1994): 154–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547900012618.

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42

ROMANIUK, Mykhailo. "THE LIFE PATH OF IVAN CHERVAK («DNISTROVYI») - A KNIGHT OF THE SILVER CROSS OF MERIT OF THE UKRAINIAN INSURGENT ARMY." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 33 (2020): 352–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2020-33-352-363.

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The research deals with the life and military path of Ivan Chervak («Dnistrovyi») (1923–1953). He was a leading person of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists' Youth department in Stanislaviv region (now - Ivano-Frankivsk region), a political educator at the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UIA), one of the leaders of the OUN's armed underground in Zakerzonnia, the commander of a courier group that provided communication on the «Carpathians-Zakerzonnia–western zones of German occupation» line, and the Zolochiv district leader. By the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council's decision and the Main Team of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, I. Chervak was awarded the Silver Cross of Merit because of selfless work and struggle for the Ukrainian state. Particular attention is paid to forming the future leader's personality, family upbringing, and education. I. Chervak's administrative workin the OUN, UIA divisions, the OUN's armed underground, his career growth from an ordinary member to the head of one of the most important structural units of the Ukrainian liberation movement of 1940-1950 in Western Ukraine was analyzed. The author determined pseudonyms and cryptonyms used by I. Chervak, being in an illegal position and acting in the UIA ranks and the OUN underground, under which he was noted by the USLC, which he signed memoirs and journalistic articles. Activities of the Soviet repressive and punitive system to identify I. Chervak and attempt to liquidate him with agents and military-chekist operations were recreated. The last activities of the district leader and OUN battle groups that covered him have been revealed in detail, and the circumstances that led to his death together with the typist Stefaniia Virlyk («Kalyna») and the last battle of the Knight of the OUN and UIA. Keywords: Ivan Chervak, «Dnistrovyi», «Oles», Silver Cross of Merit of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Knight of the OUN and UIA, Zolochiv District of the OUN, Zakerzonnia, armed underground of the OUN.

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43

Campion, Garry. "Book Review: The Battle of Britain: An Epic Conflict Revisited. Christer Bergström Never Surrender: Winston Churchill & Britain’s Decision to Fight Nazi Germany in the Fateful Summer of 1940. John Kelly." War in History 25, no. 3 (2018): 445–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0968344518774704e.

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Shennan, Andrew. "Reviews : Darryl Holter, The Battle for Coal. Miners and the Politics of Nationalization in France, 1940-1950, DeKalb, Northern Illinois University Press, ISBN 0-87580-167-6, 1992; xv + 264 pp.; US $35.00." European History Quarterly 24, no. 2 (1994): 322–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149402400224.

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45

Fomin, A. M. "British Policy and Strategy in the Middle East in 1941: Three Wars ‘East of Suez’." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (2020): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-191-221.

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After the defeat of France in the summer of 1940, Great Britain was left face to face with the Nazi Germany. It managed to endure the ﬁrst act of the ‘Battle of Britain’, but could not wage a full-scale war on the continent. Under these conditions, the defense of the British positions in the Mediterranean and in the Middle East became a top priority for W. Churchill’s cabinet. The author examines three episodes of Great Britain’s struggle for the Middle East in 1941 (Iraq, Syria, Iran), framing them into the general logic of the German-British confrontation during this period.The author emphasizes that potential assertion of German hegemony in the Middle East could have made the defense of Suez almost impossible, as well as the communication with India, and would have provided the Reich with an access to almost inexhaustible supplies of fuel. Widespread antiBritish sentiments on the part of the local political and military elites could contribute greatly to the realization of such, catastrophic for Britain, scenario. Under these circumstances, the British government decided to capture the initiative. The paper examines the British military operations in Iraq and Syria. Special attention is paid to the complex dynamics of relations of the British cabinet with the Vichy regime and the Free France movement. As the author notes, the sharpest disagreements aroused on the future of Syria and Lebanon, and the prospects of granting them independence. In the Iran’s case, the necessity of harmonizing policies with the Soviet Union came to the fore. The growing German inﬂuence in the region, as well as the need to establish a new route for Lend-Lease aid to the USSR, fostered mutual understanding. After the joint Anglo-Soviet military operation in August-September 1941, Iran was divided into occupation zones. Finally, the paper examines the UK position with regard to the neutrality of Turkey. The author concludes that all these military operations led to the creation of a ‘temporary regime’ of the British domination in the Middle East. However, the Anglo-French and Anglo-Soviet rivalries had not disappeared and, compounded by the growing US presence in the region, laid basis for new conﬂicts in the post-war period.

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46

Mallinson, William. "The Complete Maisky Diaries: Volume 1: The Rise of Hitler and the Gathering Clouds of War 1932–1938; Volume 2: The Ribbentrop-Molotov Pact and the Battle of Britain 1939–1940; Volume 3: The German Invasion of Russia and the Forging of the Grand Alliance 1941–1943." Journal of Balkan and Near Eastern Studies 22, no. 2 (2020): 287–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/19448953.2020.1748293.

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Edele, Mark. "“What Are We Fighting for?” Loyalty in the Soviet War Effort, 1941–1945." International Labor and Working-Class History 84 (2013): 248–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0147547913000288.

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When, beginning on June 22, 1941, German forces sliced through Soviet defenses, Soviet citizens severed their ties with the Stalinist state. In the Western Borderlands, annexed in 1939–1940 as a result of the Hitler-Stalin pact, locals welcomed the invaders with bread and salt as liberators from the Bolshevik yoke. Red Army men hailing from these regions left their posts and went home. Soldiers from the pre-1939 Soviet territories stationed in Ukraine deserted, too, reasoning that the Bolsheviks had “sucked our blood for twenty-five years, enough already!” A group of two hundred soldiers, including an outspoken Siberian, “decided to force our way back, at all cost, toward the Germans.” When army commissars tried to stop them, “[w]e killed them and moved on.” Further East, collective farmers in the pre-1939 territories greeted the German “liberators” in some localities, while displaying a “wait-and-see” attitude in others. One day after the start of the war an inhabitant of Leningrad region reacted to the news of his mobilization by threatening the official bearing the news with a revolver, exclaiming “I will not fight for Soviet Power, I will fight for Hitler!” Urban dwellers rejoiced at the arrival of the long-awaited apocalypse, believing that “the fascists kill Jews and Communists, but don't touch Russians.” As Moscow descended into panic in October 1941, crowds stopped functionaries leaving the city, pulled them out of their cars, assaulted them, and scattered the contents of their luggage on the ground. “Beat the Jews,” yelled the crowd, and protesting their non-Jewishness did not help the victims; to the mob, “Jew” and “functionary” were one and the same. On October 19, workers struck in Ivanovo, an industrial center with a long tradition of militancy. Excited by the spectacle of the advancing Germans and the apparent inability of the Stalinist leadership to stop them, rioters destroyed administrative and Party buildings and beat up state and Party activists, including the first secretary of the region. They demanded “Soviets without communists,” while discussing seriously whether life would be better under Hitler or Stalin. Meanwhile, back at the frontline, where news of the “massive beating up of Jews” in Moscow quickly spread, the state's enforcement agencies arrested soldiers voicing their discontent. They also ensured that both the confused and the hostile would fight. By October 10, People's Commissariat Internal Affairs (NKVD) forces had detained 657,364 soldiers separated from their units. The majority were returned to the front and thrown back into battle; 25,878 were arrested, 10,201 of them shot.

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Wåhlin, Vagn. "Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard, Kampen om folket (2004)." Grundtvig-Studier 55, no. 1 (2004): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/grs.v55i1.16463.

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Folk, dannelse og styreform: En anmeldelse af Ove Korsgaard “Kampen om folket” (2004).[People, Education and Government: A Review of Ove Korsgaard ‘The Battle over the People’ (2004) ]By Vagn WåhlinOve Korsgaard, Kampen om folket. Et dannelsesperspektiv på dansk historie gennem 500 år [The Battle over the People: A Perspective of Education through 500 years of Danish History] (Gyldendal, Copenhagen, 2004), 672 p.From the day of its publication, Ove Korsgaard’s brilliant dissertation has had much influence on the Danish understanding of Denmark’s 500-year process of establishing the concepts of individual, society, people, and democracy. The author distinguishes between demos, the general population of the state, and ethnos, that part of the population which has inherited and accepted rights and obligations as far as and beyond a constitution and written laws. These latter are folket, the people.This primary division leads to a similar distinction between state and nation as well as a parallel distinction in government between representative government and democratic, self-organization of the citizens. A special focus of the book is the interaction and mutual dependency of the specified categories in an historical perspective of change from a late feudal society to a modem democratic welfare state. Essential institutions in this long societal process have been (a) the Lutheran Church; (b) from 1814, the municipal local schools for all, including girls; (c), for centuries, the patriarchal household; and (d) the rising centralized power of king and state. These four institutions formed the ideological and practical base of society until, through the slow effect of the Enlightenment, the individual and the people as such, within a national and democratic framework, took over in the period 1870-1900 and became the ideological basis of society with special and defined rights and duties attaching to every adult male and, from 1920, female. After the pre-1814 ethnic and cultural Danish-Norwegian-German conglomerate state finally broke down with the loss (1814) of Norway to Sweden and (1864) the duchies of Schleswig and Holstein to Pmssia, Denmark became the most ethnically and linguistically homogeneous state of Europe. Not until then could the ethnic concept of ‘the p e o p l folket, finally take over the indisputable role as the rock of the Danish society - a role which was further strengthened by the German occupation of Denmark 1940-45.Before 1870, 75% of all cultivated land was worked by the owners of medium-sized family farms, and some 75% of the population made their living in the agrarian sector of society. Agriculture produced the necessary surplus to pay for Denmark’s imports. From 1870, when the farmers began to organize effectively, they gained a higher economic, cultural and political status in Danish class-structured society which they were able to maintain for a hundred years. Up to 1870-90 Copenhagen was the only urban-industrial centre of any great significance, and from the 1890s the organized industrial capital and its workforce rose in influence; but not until the 1960s and 70s did these succeed in outdoing the fundamental influence of the agrarian sector on a national scale. Regrettably, this economic perception of the lower middle-class appearance of Danish society has been under evaluated in Korsgaard’s book, and the reader may thus miss a vital factor in the development of the democratic understanding of the Danish ethnos.The labour unions and the labour movement in politics never became revolutionary to any great extent and from 1916-29 renounced any such tendency and won a national position as a trustworthy partner in a coalition with other political and social forces. They graduated from expressing purely class interests to representing the whole population of Denmark. This led to the formation of a general welfare state for all after the Second World War. All political parties and national movements took part in building a welfare provision from cradle to grave, covering 80-90% of the population, which led to an embracing of both ethnos and demos.From the post-industrial and post-modern society of 1970 until today no leading classes in coalition with other groups have been able to formulate a common ideology and political guidelines for the future. So the Danes collectively are insecure about the future, and divided as to whether they want globalisation, Muslim newcomers, the EUconstitution etc.All in all, this book is a fascinating and well-written contribution to the current debate: Where do we come from? Who are we? And where are we heading?

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Stewart, Mary Lynn. "Creating the Welfare State in France, 1880–1940. By Timothy B. Smith. Montreal and Kingston: McGill‐Queen’s University Press, 2003. Pp. viii+241. $75.00.The Battle for Children: World War II, Youth Crime, and Juvenile Justice in Twentieth‐Century France. By Sarah Fishman. Harvard Historical Studies, volume 142. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2002. Pp xvi+304. $49.95." Journal of Modern History 77, no. 3 (2005): 816–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/497761.

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Prica, Bogdan. "Nationalism among the Croats." Zbornik Matice srpske za drustvene nauke, no. 116-117 (2004): 103–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/zmsdn0417103p.

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These are the three lectures about Croatian nationalism presented in the Serbian Culture Club in 1940. They review the history of the Croato-Serbian relations in a specific way, from the time when the Serbs settled in the regions of the former Croatian medieval state, after the Turkish conquest of the Balkans, after the fall of Bosnia in 1463 and after the Moh?cs Battle in 1526, till the period preceding World War II. Comparing Serbian and Croatian nationalism, the author points out that nationalism among the Croats appeared relatively late, that it did not have deeper folk roots and that at first it was the nationalism of the upper class. It was a feudal-estate nationalism but later there also appeared Austro-Catholic nationalism of the lower class in the regions under the Habsburgs. Enmity, hatred towards the Serbs and Serbophobia were the common features of these two nationalisms. The author points out that the feudal-estate nationalism of the upper class was caused by the state-legal and agrarian-legal regulation in the regions of the former Croatian kingdom settled by the Serbs. These regions, under the name of Military Border, were granted a special legal system. As for their state-legal status, the Serbs were completely excluded from the rule of the Croatian Ban the Croatian Assembly, and were under the jurisdiction of the Austrian military commanders ? therefore, directly under Vienna. As for the agrarian-legal status, Vienna completely freed the inhabitants of the Border from all taxes for the Croatian gentry, who had owned these regions before the Turkish offensive; the reason was to motivate the Serbs for permanent military service at the Border and to use these regulations to lure new Serbs-solders from the neighbouring Turkish Empire. And the dynastic-catholic nationalism of the lower class clashed with the Serbs, inhabitants of the Border, primarily because of the religious intolerance, of the irresistable desire to convert the Serbs into Catholicism. In addition, envy towards the Serbs in the Border area ? warriors and free men ? began to develop more and more among the Croatian peasants in the Ban?s Croatia, in the so-called provincial, who still remained the serfs of their gentry. The author underlines that the Croatian Serbophobias have deep historical and social roots, and points to the typical historical facts which confirm that. Croatian nationalism withdrew only sporadically before the Illyrian Yugoslavism, which saw several rises and falls in Croatia. Yugoslavism was strengthened only when the pressure from Vienna, Pest or the Italians was stronger and, secondly, it worked only when there were chances to realize it from Zagreb, not from Belgrade. As soon as one of these two conditions was not met, Croatian spirit exclusively prevailed. The author disagrees with those who believed that the Croatian nationalism could have been neutralized by decentralization, federalization and democratization of the common state. He thinks that the Croatian nationalist movement did not want a just arrangement of the relations with the Serbs, but Croatia with the border on the Drina, in which the Serbian nation would be stifled with the use of "modern" methods. Therefore, he believes that only a resolute resistance of the Serbs in the defence of their interests could stop Croatian chauvinism.

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Journal articles on the topic 'Amiens, Battle of, 1940'

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