Journal articles on the topic 'Amis Tribe'

Cultural ecosystem service has been a raising field since 2010. While interdisciplinary research teams investigate cultural ecosystem services via humanity lenses, most CES studies focus on mono-cultural settings. The study compares the Taiwanese Han-culture waterfront recreational patterns to the Ames tribal aqua-cultural habitat patterns. It suggests the community participatory mechanisms for re-vision the Danshui River ecosystems. It argues that the river ecosystem could support cross-cultural lifestyles for Ames tribes if the government officials and design-planning professions could alter their approaches of waterfront planning, design, and governance. The research sheds the light on multi-cultural environments in our global world. Keywords: cultural ecosystem service (CES); cross-cultural landscape; Amis urban tribe; Danshui River eISSN 2514-7528 © 2018. The Authors. Published for AMER ABRA cE-Bs by e-International Publishing House, Ltd., UK. This is an open-access article under the CC BY-NC-ND license (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/). Peer–review under responsibility of AMER (Association of Malaysian Environment-Behaviour Researchers), ABRA (Association of Behavioural Researchers on Asians) and cE-Bs (Centre for Environment-Behaviour Studies), Faculty of Architecture, Planning & Surveying, Universiti Teknologi MARA, Malaysia. DOI: https://doi.org/10.21834/jabs.v3i10.302

Local and indigenous communities play a crucial role in stewardship of biodiversity worldwide. Assessment of resilience in socio-ecological production landscapes and seascapes (SEPLS) is an essential prerequisite for sustainable human–nature interactions in the area. This work examines application of resilience assessment workshops (RAWs) as a biocultural approach to conservation management in Xinshe SEPLS, Hualien County, Taiwan. RAWs were conducted in 2017–2018 in two indigenous communities—Amis Fuxing Dipit Tribe and Kavalan Xinshe Paterongan Tribe—as a part of an ongoing multi-stakeholder platform for the “Forest–River–Village–Sea Ecoagriculture Initiative” (the Initiative). Objectives of the study include (1) performing a baseline landscape resilience assessment in two communities and identifying their common and varying concerns and priorities, and (2) eliciting a community-driven vision for enhancement of the landscape resilience based on adjustments to the action plan of the Initiative. Assessment methodology employs 20 indicators of resilience in SEPLS jointly developed by the United Nations University Institute for the Advanced Study of Sustainability (UNU-IAS) and Biodiversity International; an “Explain–Score–Discuss–Suggest” model is applied. Results show that the communities’ primary issues of concern and adjustments to the action plan are related to biodiversity-based livelihoods, transfer of traditional knowledge, and sustainable use of common resources. The study concludes that this approach has a high potential to help facilitate nature-based solutions for human well-being and biodiversity benefits in Xinshe SEPLS.

In the decades preceding 1948, the Bedouin Amirs of the Fa‘our family, leaders of the Fadil tribe, were dominant figures in the area of the meeting point of the borders of Syria, Lebanon and Palestine. After World War I, two mandatory powers divided control over the Fadil tribe habitat, forcing Amir Fa‘our al-Fa‘our to deal with new and serious problems necessitating new processes of adaptation. These were territorial, as tribal lands were now under different mandates; political, in dealing with conflicting British, French, Syrian, Lebanese, and Zionist goals; and personal, as debt became a decisive factor in decision-making. This article investigates the Fa‘our family sources of power from the end of Ottoman rule and the ways in which new problems were dealt with during mandatory control.

In contemporary India, the arena of identity politics and ‘reservations’ is highly contentious, with groups clamouring for official recognition within the categories of Scheduled Caste, Scheduled Tribe or Other Backward Class. This article sheds new light on the wider processes of inclusion and exclusion among these categories by delineating the contested position of the so-called ‘criminal tribes’ within this framework. Until the 1920s, these criminalized communities were generally positioned as a separate group alongside ‘untouchable’ and ‘tribal’ communities, each of which was considered to have faced particular forms of disadvantage which demanded certain protections and ‘uplift’. Between the 1920s and 1950s, however, this distinct status was withdrawn amid debates over the boundaries, purpose and indeed responsibilities of representation within the evolving framework of group rights. While there was continued recognition of their distinct status in debates over definitions of disadvantage (in terms of a shared history of criminalization), this did not translate into official recognition as a separate category of disadvantaged citizen after independence, thereby complicating these communities’ ability to access the preferential policies inaugurated by the independent constitution in 1950. The article challenges the idea that these political categories are innate or fixed, and simultaneously historicizes the demands of the denotified (ex-‘criminal’) and nomadic tribe movement, which today campaigns for a separate constitutional classification within the ‘reservations’ regime.

Before the founding of the state of Afghanistan in the eighteenth century, the main centers of political and cultural gravity for the Pashtuns lay in India, where numerous Pashtuns migrated in pursuit of commerce and soldiery. Amid the cosmopolitan pressures of India and its alternative models of self-knowledge and affiliation, Pashtun elites elaborated a distinct idiom of “Afghan” identity. With the Afghans' absorption into the Mughal Empire, earlier patterns of accommodation to the Indian environment were overturned through the writing of history, whereby the Afghan past and present were carefully mapped through the organizing principle of genealogy. While the Afghan religious world was being reshaped by the impact of empire, in response, tales of expressly Afghan saints served to tribalize the ties of Islam. With the decline of Mughal power, the collective “Afghan” identity of the diaspora was transmitted to the new Afghan state, where the relationship of this tribal template of Afghan authenticity to the non-Pashtun peoples of Afghanistan remains the defining controversy of national identity.

On storm-racked Cape Flattery, on Washington state's Olympic Peninsula, a drama of native hunting practices was played out in the spring of 1999 under the gaze of television cameras and furious protesters. The subject of the controversy: a plan by the Makah Tribe to revive the hunting of gray whales, pitting treaty rights against ‘animal rights’ amid growing disarray in the international policy system governing whaling. Such controversies are indicative of the new vigor with which communities are pursuing (and others are opposing) their perceived cultural rights.

Indonesia consists of various ethnic groups; the traditions and culture of each are different and have meaning. One of them is the Lulo dance from Southeast Sulawesi, which provides meaning and benefits to its supporters. This study aims to describe the Lulo dance movements’ meaning in the culture of the Tolaki tribe and its use as a traditional communication medium in maintaining harmonious and peaceful relations amid Indonesian society’s situations with so many different. This research used qualitative methods with descriptive analysis. The symbols of dance movements are analyzed with Barthes’s semiotic theory through two stages of signification to get Lulo dance’s meaning. Based on this study’s results, the symbolic messages conveyed in this dance have a meaning that identifies unity, harmony, and mutual respect for differences. The message is packed with movements displayed in dance performance: the hands hold each other, the movements of the hands and feet, and the formation in a circle. Lulo dance, which is also called social dance, can be followed by everyone without exception. Therefore, this dance can strengthen the relationships between every human being. The Lulo dance performance is one of Southeast Sulawesi traditions used to achieve a harmonious and peaceful social life.

Stryphnodendron adstringens (Mart.) Coville, 1910 is a small tree, distributed widely throughout the Cerrado region of Brazil and named "barbatimão" by the Tupi-Guarani tribes, which presents astringent properties. Its ethnopharmacological uses comprise, among others, anti-inflammatory and wound healing action, and it is used in the treatment of diarrhea and gynecological problems. The phytotherapeutic use of 'barbatimão' is largely related to its tannin content, which is abundant in its bark. The main goal of the present study was to evaluate the cytotoxic, mutagenic, and genotoxic potential of the lyophilized solution of the stem bark of S. adstringens, using the Ames test, the SOS-Inductest and the SOS-Chromotest. S. adstringens presented cytotoxic activity in all tested systems, did not present mutagenic activity detectable by the Ames test and SOS-Chromotest, and showed some genotoxic effect on the SOS-Inductest. However, the metabolization of the extract by S9 fraction attenuated its genotoxic and cytotoxic activities.

BACKGROUND: Transvestites are often excluded and even get discriminatory treatment. People feel that the values adopted are contrary to the existence of transvestites amid society. The community generally has a normative structure; a man becomes a man with his masculinity and a woman is returned to women with her femininity and is positioned to pair up. CASE REPORT: We found depressed patients in a transvestite, 21-year-old male, a Malay tribe with complaints of loss of self-confidence, lack of cheerfulness, lack of enthusiasm, easily tired and unable to sleep. Feeling family and community cannot accept their conditions. Mockery, ridicule and satire by citizens must be received every day by patients and families because the patient is a transvestite. CONCLUSION: As a conclusion from this case report that the attitude of the dominant community isolates transvestites, there is still much discriminative behaviour and harassing transvestites so that self-esteem decreases, loss of interest even until the occurrence of depression in transvestites.

Indonesia is a multicultural country consisting of different tribes, languages ​​and religions. This diversity, on one hand, is one of the advantages and wealth of the nation that must be maintained. But on the other hand, this diversity can be a potential conflict in the midst of society. Therefore, the understanding of the motto of "bhineka tunggal ika" should be instilled to the young generation from an early age so that they can play a role in maintaining unity amid the pluralism of the nation. One effort that can be realized in order to respond to this problem is to implement the concept of multicultural education (multicultural education) in education in Indonesia. This article seeks to discuss the concept of multicultural education and its practice in education in Indonesia.

Dayak Kenyah tribe is one of the most original Kalimantan spread all over the territory. Dayak Kenyah people call their house with Lamin or Amin. The concept of vernacular architecture is the development of folk architecture, characterize ecological architecture, architectonic and natural. This concept is in line with the concept of sustainable architecture. Similarly Lamin Dayak Kenyah, what is sustainable architecture concepts are applied in the building. One of the Dayak Kenyah settlement that is still awake in East Kalimantan is Pampang Village which is located in Kecamatan Samarinda Utara, Kelurahan Sungai Siring, Samarinda. The method used to find the concept of sustainable architecture Lamin Dayak Kenyah is qualitative research method with rationalistic paradigm. The data obtained by field observations in Dayak Kenyah village, the Village Pampang and from other sources such as the internet, books, magazins, and news paper. Suku dayak kenyah merupakan salah satu suku asli kalimantan yang paling banyak menyebar keseluruh pelosok wilayah. Orang Dayak Kenyah menyebut rumah tinggalnya dengan Lamin atau Amin. Konsep arsitektur vernakular merupakan pengembangan dari arsitektur rakyat, mencirikan arsitektur ekologis, arsitektonis dan alami. Konsep ini sejalan dengan konsep arsitektur berkelanjutan. Begitu pula dengan Lamin Suku Dayak Kenyah konsep-konsep arsitektur berkelanjutan apa sajakah yang diterapkan dalam bangunannya. Salah satu permukiman Suku Dayak Kenyah yang masih terjaga di Kalimantan Timur adalah Desa Pampang Samarinda yang terletak di Kecamatan Samarinda Utara, Kelurahan Sungai Siring. Metode yang digunakan untuk melihat konsep arsitektur berkelanjutan pada rumah Lamin Suku Dayak Kenyah yaitu Metode penelitian kualitatif dengan paradigma rasionalistik. Data-data diperoleh dengan observasi lapangan di desa suku Dayak Kenyah, yaitu Desa Pampang dan dari sumber-sumber lain seperti internet dan media cetak.

German sociologist Max Weber observes that the centralisation of administrative function is imperative to a stable nation state. Yet, despite this sovereign necessity, attempts at incorporating heterogeneous sociopolitical entities into a cohesive society eluded nineteenth- and early twentieth-century Afghanistan. Ahmad Shah Durrani is known as the father of Afghanistan. He bears this title because he unified a collection of tribes and established a pseudo-confederation of territories in 1747. However, the following two centuries were less constructive and subsequent state centralisation was fraught and ultimately fruitless for Afghanistan. Contemporaneous centralisation remains embryonic and strained by tribal clout. It is within this context that nineteenth- and twentieth-century Afghan amirs, khans, and kings attempted to modernise, centralise, and unify a consortium of conservative tribal microsocieties. Many of the same complications of the nineteenth and twentieth century continue to obfuscate modern Afghanistan.

This study considers high temperature tribological behavior of Al-TiB2 aluminum matrix composites (AMCs) fabricated through stir cast method. Effect of operating temperature on wear and friction behavior is studied for four different weight percentages of reinforcements using a high-temperature tribo-tester over a temperature range of 50[Formula: see text]C–250[Formula: see text]C under normal load in the range of 25–75[Formula: see text]N. Surface morphology and wear debris are studied through scanning electron microscopy (SEM) images. Energy dispersive X-ray (EDAX) and X-ray diffraction (XRD) studies are performed to observe the wear mechanism at high temperature. Increase in the amount of reinforcement improves wear resistance of composites at all temperatures. Friction and rate of wear are found to increase with operating temperature. Formation of oxide layers and softening of the surface are found to play crucial role in controlling the tribological behavior of stir cast Al–TiB2 composites at high operating temperatures.

The African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights was adopted unanimously in June, 1981, by the Organisation of African Unity (O.A.U.). Although it is not yet in force its adoption represents an important landmark in the protection and promotion of human rights on the African continent. The O.A.U. has in the past been sharply criticized for its apparent indifference to the suppression of human rights in a number of independent African States. Although the founding Charter of the O.A.U. of 1961 makes reference to the issue of human rights in Article II l (e) and also mentions in general terms the need to promote the welfare and well-being of the African people, its primary concern has been with the eradication of colonialism andapartheidon the African continent. In this context it is clearly committed to the achievement of human rights and self-determination of the peoples of South Africa and Namibia. However, other breaches of human rights on a widespread scale, such as the massacre of thousands of the Bahutu tribe of Burundi in 1973, was neither discussed nor condemned by the O.A.U. Similarly, the mass murders and other atrocities during the former regime of Idi Amin (Uganda 1971–79) and subsequently and also those which took place during the regime of Jean-Bedel Bokassa, (Central African Republic 1966–79) and Marcias

The main objectives of the present study are to develop/manufacture SiC reinforced aluminium matrix composite (SiCp/AMC) with different reinforcement combinations using stir casting method and investigate the effects of heat treatment on wear performance. AMCs were prepared using 20 vol% SiC with three different reinforcement combinations into aluminum matrix. Stir casting is a primary process of composite production whereby the reinforcement ingredient material is incorporated into the molten metal by stirring. The reinforcement combination consists of 20% (single particle size), 7% and 13% (double particle size) and 5%, 5% and 10% (triple particle size). The triple particle size (TPS) composite consist of SiC of three different sizes viz., coarse, intermediate and fine. The solution heat treatment was carried out on cast specimens at 540 0C for four hours followed by precipitation treatment. The wear test was carried out using a pin-ondisc type tribo-test machine under dry sliding condition. The wear morphology of the damaged surface was also studied using optical microscope and scanning electron microscope (SEM) in this investigation.

Objective: The recent SARS-CoV-2 (COVID-19) pandemic that is spreading throughout the nation is a particular threat to American Indian and Alaska Native (AI/AN) communities. The use of recommended methods to prevent or mitigate the spread of the virus, such as hand washing, social distancing, masks, contact tracing and community education is highly problematic at many of these sites. The objective of this paper is to identify and examine structural or cultural barriers to implementing COVID-19 recommendations on select reservation sites.Methods: A qualitative approach that collected and analyzed data from existing sources including newsletter articles, relevant policies and other published reports was instituted in the Spring of 2020. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) policies regarding COVID-19 recommendations to halt the spread of the virus were selected as the standard for COVID-19 prevention, surveillance and mitigation. News articles between March 1, 2020 and December 1, 2020 were identified using various search engines and tribal websites. Information from news resources, including literature reviews, newsletter articles, social media reports, and tribal policy announcements, were gathered and reviewed. Two U.S. southwestern communities are used as examples for the review.Results: Data collected from various sources paint a picture of American Indian communities that lack adequate community infrastructures, and have problems of residential isolation, close living quarters, and contaminated and scarce water supplies. Unsafe or limited water restricts handwashing. Limited informational tools, such as telephone, internet, computer and newsletters, restricted adequate notification of the novel coronavirus to American Indian reservation communities. Often, the lack of a physical home address can create barriers to healthcare accessibility and surveillance, as it limits the identification and access to households. In addition, many traditional cultures of AI/ANs emphasize the interrelatedness of all in nature and thus require an ecological approach to health education and preventive measures, identified as a limitation for COVID-19 surveillance and mitigation.Conclusions: AI/AN communities face a serious threat of contracting COVID-19. Four key infrastructure limitations to effective COVID-19 prevention, surveillance and mitigation were identified: limited access to safe water, deficient telecommunication networks (telephone, internet, and television), housing isolation and shortages, and inadequate medical services – are experienced by many AI/AN communities. Although there are 574 federally recognized tribes in the United States, the two identified in this study subscribe to an ecological approach to health education and preventive measures in that they believe in the interrelatedness of all things in nature. Surveillance questions may be misunderstood or seem invasive and prevention measures (masks, social distancing, and handwashing) may seem to be extreme measures to groups so close to the environment. Together, these present serious barriers to prevention and mitigation of the COVID-19 virus in this underserved population.

This article revises the peculiarities of Amir Timur's army tactical peculiarities, as well as their influence on the development of martial art of the Muslim East. It is established that Timur effectively used the mobilization potential of his state. The sedentary population of Chorasa and Transoxiana formed the infantry archery units who were taught to fight under cover of large standing shields - chapars. At the same time, loyal nomad tribes were the source of horse cavalry for the Timur's army. The base of battle formation was represented by a tactical "skeleton" formed of forced kanbuls, powerful advance guard and a reserve (that included elite warriors). Such battle formation allowed Timur to effectively face outflanking and frontal attacks of the enemy. Besides, such battle formation also fit for quick shift from defense to massive counterattack, performed by advance guard and kanbuls projected towards the enemy. The vulnerability of weakened flank corps was partially compensated by using infantry archery units with support of dismounted archers. As a rule, massive archery attack stopped the enemy's attack and provided for counterattack. The organizational and tactical autonomy of kul corps, which could embattle independently even if there was a front breakthrough or encirclement, played an important role. Dismounted, enshielded warriors of the corps could repulse the attacks until the deblocking unit approaches. A fast-moving reserve under Timur's personal command could be used for both repulsing an attack and augmenting the advancing troops.

The purpose of this study was to analyze the residents’ perception towards the Chinese cultural attraction as an icon of cultural heritage tourism in Manado city. Manado is a predominantly Christian community and dominated by indigenous Minahasa tribes. But, now the city is populated by various inhabitants such as Sangir, Gorontalo, Maluku, and even foreign immigrants such as China and Arab migrating since the Dutch colonial era. Of the various communities that exist, practically only the Chinese community that still maintains its rituals amid strong advances in the tourism industry, this cultural practice can become an icon for cultural tourism. However, can the cultural ritual be accepted as an icon of Manado cultural tourism? This research was in the form of a descriptive qualitative approach. The instruments of data collection were questionnaires and field observations. Questionnaires were distributed to 325 respondents spread in Manado. Empirical results showed that every ritual attraction of Chinese Culture had always been awaited and an interesting spectacle for the people of Manado since the people of Chinese descent domiciled in Manado City. These findings could also provide recommendations for policymakers in setting annual tourist agendas as well as providing legal certainty for this region of Chinatown with various attractions as a cultural heritage area.

Dynasty of Saljuk is a group of Turks originating from the tribe Ghuzz. Dynasty of Saljuk attributed to their ancestors named Saljuk ibn Tuqaq (Dukak). Their home country is located in the northern region of the Caspian sea and the Aral Sea and they embraced Islam at the end of the 4th century H / 10M and more to the Sunni school. The development of the Dynasty of Saljuk was aided by the political situation in the Transoksania region. At that time there was a political rivalry between the Dynasty of Samaniyah and the Dynasty of Khani- yyah. In this competition Saljuk tended to help the Dynasty of Samaniyah. When the Dynasty of Samaniyah was defeated by the Dynasty of Ghaznawi, Saljuk declared independence. Thugrul proclaimed the establishment of the Dynasty of Saljuk. In 432 H/1040 AD this dynasty received recognition from the Abbasid Caliphate in Baghdad. At the time of Thugrul Bek’s leadership, in 1055 CE the Saljuks entered Baghdad in the place of the Buwaihi dynasty. Previously Thugrul managed to seize the area of Marwa and Naisabur from Ghaznawi power, Balkh, Jurjan, Tabaristan, Khawarizm, Ray and Isfahan. This year Thugrul Bek also got the title of the Abbasid caliph with Rukh al-Daulah Yamin Amir al-Muminin. Although Baghdad can be controlled, but not used as a center of government. Thugrul Bek chose the city of Naisabur and then the city of Ray as the center of govern- ment. These earlier dynasties broke away, having been conquered by the Saljuq dynasty again recognizing the position of Baghdad. In fact they established the integrity and security of the Abbasids.

Riau public awareness of a usury-free bank has shown the positive conversion of Riau BUMD Bank Riau Riau Islands into Sharia-based Banking. Riau Kepr Bank can be converted into an Islamic bank by not breaking the existing rules, just the process and mechanism that must be followed in accordance with the procedures and rules set by the Financial Services Authority. Bank Riau Kepri if converted will become a Sharia Bank, has the opportunity to become one of the 10 largest Islamic banks in Indonesia if analyzed from the side of Riau Riau Regional BUMD assets, but still survive in conventional banks, then only in the order of 80 of the 118 banks in Indonesia, clearly it will be increasingly difficult to compete amid the ASEAN economic market and the onslaught of global banks scrambling to enter the Indonesian market. Bumi Lancang Kuning Melayu Riau and Kepri are synonymous with Islam, even though they have lived in neighboring tribes for a long time, but the law that has always been used long ago is Islamic law based on the Book of Allah and the Sunnah of the Prophet and all components of society can live peacefully and peacefully. Bank Riau Kepri was converted into a sharia bank so it would eliminate the doubt (hesitation) in the hearts of employees working in conventional banks especially with the existence of the MUI Fatwa No. 1 of 2004 stating bank interest included Haram and Riba.

<p><em>The Fathimiyah caliphate, one of the Ismaili Shi'ite Islamic dynasties, in 909 AD in North Africa after defeating the Aghlabiah Dynasty in Sijilmasa. In history, the glory of Fathimiyah dynasty includes the system of government, philosophy, science and literature. After the reign of the caliph Al-Aziz Fathimiyah dynasty began to decline until the collapse. Problem formulation: How the formation of Fathimiyah dynasty. How to advance the civilization of the Fathimiyah Dynasty? How the decline and collapse of the Fathimiyah dynasty.</em></p><p><em>Research Methodology: The research process is done by taking literature study from literarure, books. To discuss the results of research done by linking descriptions of literature, and books.</em></p><p><em>The results show that: The founder of the Fathimiyah Dynasty was Sa'id ibn Husayn. At the end of the 9th century AD, Abu Abdullah al-Husayn al-Shi'i, one of the main propagandists of the Shiite leader of Isma'iliah, was from Yemen son of the Berber tribe in North Africa, as the main envoy of Imam Mahdi and managed to influence the Berber community. Ziyadatullah al-Aghlabi 903-909 M (Aghlabiah dynasty) is in power in North Africa centered in Sijilmasa. Having succeeded in establishing his influence in North Africa, Abu Abdullah Al-Husain wrote a letter to the Ismaili Imam, Sa'id bin Husain As-Salamiyah to leave immediately for Utar Africa. In 909 AD Sa'id proclaimed himself a priest with the title Ubaidullah Al-Mahdi. In history, the glory of Fathimiyah dynasty includes the system of government, philosophy, social conditions, scholarship and literature. The decline and disintegration of the Fathimiyah Dynasty, the caliph Fathimiyah initially controlled all activities, but among the caliphs there were those who handed the supervisory duties to the amir, because the age of the caliph was underage and did not even understand the political world. For example, after Al-Aziz died, Abu Ali Al-Mansur was eleven years old appointed to replace him with the title of Al-Hakim. The final period of the Fathimiyah Dynasty rivalry for the post of prime minister is increasingly widespread, such as Syawar with Dhargam. End of Nuruddin Mahmud's entry to help him reclaim his power from the hands of Dhargam. Al-Adhid, the last Fathimiyah caliph passed away 10 Muharram 567 H / 1171 M. then the Fatimid dynasty was destroyed after reigning for about 280 years, then Saladin holds the Caliphate.</em></p>Keywords: dynasty, fathimiyah

The article analyzes some features of public administration in the empire of Amir Temur. About a century before Amir Temur came to power, significant changes took place in the ethnic composition of the Movarounnakhr population. The invasion of the Mongols in the territory of Central Asia, in turn, contributed to the emergence of new tribes and nations. In particular, in the middle of the thirteenth century there was a migration of ethnic groups of jaloyir, barlos, kavchin and arlot to Central Asia. In the first half of the XIII-XIV centuries some groups of olchin, duglat, mongol, sulduz, oyrot, bakhrin, market, mang’it, kungrad and other tribes moved to Movarounnakhr. Even the Turkic Mongols living in Movarounnakhr gradually forgot the term "Mongol" and called themselves "chigatay." B.Manz, M. Haydar and other authors commented on the role of tribes in socio-political life, career and rank, as well as the great power of Amir Temur in distribution. It is possible to conclude that the tribes’ nobles of Amir Temur were widely involved in the posts.

Abstract In response to the increasing scale of wildfire and forest health challenges in the West, the Intertribal Timber Council, a nonprofit consortium of American Indian Tribes and Alaska Native corporations, proposed creating “Anchor Forests,” where a Tribe would convene neighboring landowners to collectively manage the landscape across property boundaries. This concept has sparked conversation but has not been fully implemented. Amid shifts toward both collaborative decision making and Tribal partnerships on federal forestlands, we asked, “why did the Anchor Forest concept emerge, and what can the field of forest governance learn from its development?” Through qualitative analysis of documents and interviews, we show how Anchor Forests could expand spatial-temporal scales of forest management. We highlight how Tribal leadership could overcome past governance barriers through their sovereign authority and long-term forestry expertise and knowledge. We describe how this concept could function as a tool to enact change within rigid forest-management institutions. Study Implications Scholars and practitioners can learn from Anchor Forests as an example of a cross-boundary forest-governance framework that emphasizes long-term investment and relationships to land as exemplified by Tribal forest management. The Anchor Forest concept also provides a structure in which Tribes are leaders and conveners rather than stakeholders or participants. To achieve broad goals of landscape resilience and forest health, governance structures must be deliberately designed to mobilize Tribal knowledge and stewardship practices through uplifting, rather than undermining, Tribal sovereignty. The Anchor Forest concept offers key considerations to serve as a starting place for partnerships to emerge in their own contexts.

In Aceh, the role of Dayah is very important considering its existence is supported by society especially in education. Other problems arise when viewed from the socio-cultural context of society when faced with the diversity present in the midst of society, especially in the border area of ACEH. The existence of Dayah amid the diversity of society consisting of various tribes and religions is certainly a challenge for the existence of Dayah as an institution that provides the character of ACEH youth. This kind of condition happened in southeast Aceh. This article aims to see how the role of education in the form of youth character in Southeast Aceh. This study used a qualitative approach with the subject is the head of Dayah, the Council of Teachers, and the students in the Dayah. The Dayah is randomly selected. Data collection techniques using observation techniques, interviews, and documentation. Then the data is analyzed by using data reduction measures, displays. The results of research show that Dayah in southeast Aceh has an important position in the midst of society. Its existence is supported by the government and community, and one of the districts that have the most Dayah in Aceh. The students graduated from the Dayah felt a difference before studying in the father after studying in the Dayah. In the development Dayah did not experience any meaningful obstacles.

The relationship between politics and religion in Indonesia at this time can be seen from one important thing that is being popularly known, namely politics of identity. Politics of identity is the main spotlight in politics in Indonesia, especially in mainstream and non-mainstream media such as social media. The word politics of identity today can be said to have the same "bad image" as the word politics itself. Especially in Indonesia. Disclosure of certain identities in society in referring to politics seems to be a total mistake and can even be called a grave sin. Like the election of contestants in direct elections based on religion, certain tribes or races become a big disgrace, especially in the midst of the strengthening of Pancasila as an ideology and national identity that should not strengthen at certain times. Remembering Indonesia, which "he said" had agreed with Pancasila. But the phrase politics of identity cannot be denied any more amid the dynamics of current political contestation, with its image as the "big enemy" of the current Pancasila and the main disease of democracy. How is the true identity politics in Indonesia until now, which is said to have strengthened and threatened the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia? This paper tries to trace the political roots of identity and its development to this day.

<p>Eskwater (Mikania cordata) is a medicinal plant in treating wounds by B’laan tribe. It is a useful treatment in the emerging cases of difficult-totreat infections caused by Methicillin-Resistant Staphylococcus aureus and Trichophyton mentagrophytes. To validate such claims, this study was conducted to assess the toxicological and antimicrobial properties of eskwater leaf extract through the acute dermal toxicity, antibacterial activity, Minimum Inhibitory Concentration (MIC), potency test with the standard drug and mutagenicity assay. Toxicity level was attained using female albino rats with the dose of 1000 mg/kg (Sighting study) while 1000 and 2000 mg/kg for Main study. Kirby-Bauer Method was employed for antibacterial activity using Vancomycin and Terbinafine as positive controls. MIC was determined in two-fold serial dilution and Ames test was employed for mutagenic assay using Salmonella typhimurium TA98. Hydrophilic base with low, medium and high doses were incorporated, respectively for ointment formulation. Results showed that eskwater extract was not toxic based from OECD 404 guideline and had partially active action against MRSA ATCC 43300 (13.66 ± 0.5778) and showed no inhibition in fungal growth. MIC was effective at 0.05 g/ml against MRSA only. It exhibited comparable potency with Vancomycin at the concentration of 0.32 mg and lastly, no noticeable mutagenic property was established. One-Way ANOVA and Post Hoc Tukey’s multiple comparison tests were employed in the efficacy of ointment. A significant difference resulted among the formulated ointment and positive control indicating that the three doses of formulated ointment and positive control have different potential to induce inhibition on the growth of MRSA. Ointment evaluated on its physical characteristics appeared greenish brown, has pH 6, good spreadability and washes out easily.</p>

Abstract Indonesian is a nation born from the spirit of nationalism. The spirit of independence and freedom from colonialism finally resulted in the spirit of unity among tribes, races, religions and groups to form Indonesian nationalism. Having the same feeling of destiny and experience could defeat ethnic, cultural and religious differences so that the formation of Indonesia nation was created. Nationalism can be interpreted as the ability to love the nation and state. Nationalism is a state of awareness or a national spirit. Nationalism is not just an instrument that acts as plurality gluing externally, but also a vessel that affirms a plural Indonesian identity in its various cultural dimensions. The relationship between Islam and nationalism in the country has been integrated so that the form of Indonesia-nation-state is final with four basic principles; UUD 1945, Pancasila, NKRI and Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. However, nationalism today is threatened by two things: globalization and ideological fundamentalism. globalization seems to make the nation’s identity outdated. Ideological fundamentalism removes the diversity of cultural values and the humanity of the nation. Therefore, it is necessary to strengthen the four basic principles above and simultaneously increase the actualization of the system and its value in the life of the nation. Religion and nationalism are two key factors that keep the existence as well as maintain civilization of the nation amid the plurality and freedom of pers. Abstrak Bangsa Indonesia merupakan bangsa yang terlahir dari semangat nasionalisme. Semangat untuk membentuk sebuah tata kehidupan yang merdeka dan terbebas dari kolonialisme, akhirnya melahirkan semangat antar suku, ras, agama dan antar golongan untuk bersatu membentuk nasionalisme Indonesia. Perasaan senasib dan sepenanggungan yang dialami mampu mengalahkan perbedaan etnik, budaya dan agama sehingga lahirlah sejarah pembentukan kebangsaan Indonesia. Nasionalisme dapat diartikan sebagai kemampuan untuk mencintai bangsa dan negara. Nasionalisme adalah kesadaran bernegara atau semangat nasional. Nasionalisme atau kebangsaan bukan sekedar instrumen yang berfungsi sebagai perekat kemajemukan secara eksternal, namun juga merupakan wadah yang menegaskan identitas Indonesia yang bersifat plural dalam berbagai dimensi kulturalnya. Hubungan antara Islam dan nasionalisme di Tanah Air telah terintegrasi sehingga negara-bangsa Indonesia sudah final dengan empat prinsip pokok; UUD 1945, Pancasila, NKRI dan Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Namun demikian, nasionalisme dewasa ini digerogoti oleh dua hal yaitu oleh globalisasi dan fundamentalisme ideologi. Globalisasi berkesan membuat identitas bangsa sesuatu yang ketinggalan jaman. Fundamentalisme ideologis menyingkirkan keanekaaan nilai budaya dan kemanusiaan bangsa. Oleh karena itu, perlu penguatan keempat prinsip pokok di atas dan sekaligus meningkatkan aktualisasi sistem dan nilainya dalam kehidupan berbangsa-bernegara. Agama dan nasionalisme merupakan dua faktor kunci yang menjaga eksistensi sekaligus memelihara peradaban bangsa ditengah pluralitas dan kebebasan pers.

I was at Harry’s last night, ostensibly for a quick glass of wine. Instead it turned into a few over many hours and a rare experience of the “regular” identity. It was relatively quiet when I arrived and none of the owners were there. David [a regular] was DJing; we only vaguely acknowledged each other. He was playing great music though, and I was enjoying being there by myself for the first time in a while—looking about at other customers and trying to categorise them, and occasionally chatting to the girl next to me. My friend Angie came to join me about an hour later, and then Paul, a regular, arrived. He sat on my other side and alternated between talking to me, David [they are close friends], the staff, and other customers he knew who passed by. As the evening progressed a few more regulars arrived; the most “unconnected” regulars I can recall seeing at one time. We were sitting along the bar, making jokes about whether the manager for the evening would let us have a lock in. None of us thought so, however the joking seemed to engender a shared identity—that we were a collective of regulars, with specialised knowledge and expectations of privileges. Perhaps it only arose because we were faced with the possibility of having those privileges refused. Or because just for once there were more than one or two of us present. Evenings like that put the effort and pain of the work I put into gaining that identity into context. (Research note, 18 June 2011) Being a Harry’s Regular Harry’s is my favourite bar in my neighbourhood. It is a small wine bar, owned by three men in their late thirties and targeted at people like them; my gentrifying inner city neighbourhood’s 20 to 40 something urban middle class. Harry’s has seats along the bar, booths inside, and a courtyard out the back. The seating arrangements mean that larger groups tend to gather outside, groups of two to four spread around the location, and people by themselves, or in groups of two, tend to sit at the bar. I usually sit at the bar. Over the three or so years I’ve been patronising Harry’s I’ve developed quite an attachment to the place. It is somewhere I feel comfortable and secure, where I have met and continue to run into other neighbourhood residents, and that I approach with an openness as to how the evening may play out. The development of this attachment and sense of ease has been a cumulative process. The combination of a slow growing familiarity punctuated by particularly memorable evenings, such as the one described above, where heightened emotions coalesce into a reflexive recognition of identification and belonging. As a result I would describe myself as an irregular regular (Katovich and Reese 317). This is because whilst my patronage is sporadic, I have a regular’s expectation of recognition, as well as an awareness of the privileges and responsibilities that this identification brings. Similar processes of identification and attachment have been described in earlier ethnographic work on regulars within bars and cafes. These have described the ways that group identifications and broader cultural roles are continually renegotiated and reinforced through social interaction, and how physical and symbolic tools, such as business layout and décor, acquired knowledge, as well as non-regulars, are utilised in this process (Anderson 33–38; Katovich and Reese 324, 328, 330; Spradley and Mann 67, 69, 84). However the continuing shifts in the manner in which consumption practices shape our experiences of the urban environment (see for example Lloyd; Zukin), and of collective identification (see for example Cova, Kozinets and Shankar), suggest that ongoing investigation in this area would be fruitful. Accordingly, this paper extends this earlier work to consider the ways this kind of regular collective identification may manifest within consumption spaces in the contemporary Western inner city. In particular this research is interested in the implications for regular identification of the urban middle class’s use of consumption spaces for socialising, and the ways this can construct social realms. These realms are not fixed within physical pieces of space, and are instead dependent on the density and proportions of the relationship types that are present (Lofland 11). Whilst recognising, as per Ash Amin (“Collective Culture and Urban Public Space” 8), that physical and symbolic elements also shape our experiences of collective identification in public spaces, this paper focuses specifically on these social elements. This is not only because it is social recognition that is at the heart of regular identification, but more significantly, because the layers of meaning that social realms produce are continually shifting with the ebb and flow of people within these spaces, potentially complicating the identification process. Understanding how these shifting social realms are experienced, and may aid or undermine identification, is thus an important aspect of understanding how regular collective identification may be experienced in the contemporary city, and the key aim of this paper. To do so, this paper draws on autoethnographic research of my consumption experiences within an Australian inner city neighbourhood, conducted from September 2009 to September 2010. Through this autoethnography I sought to explore the ways consumption spaces can support experiences of place-based community, with a particular interest in the emotional and imaginative aspects of this process. The research data drawn on here comes from detailed research memos that recorded my interactions, identifications and emotional responses within these spaces. For this paper I focus specifically on my experiences of becoming a regular at Harry’s as a means of exploring regular identification in the contemporary inner city. The Shapes of Third Places in Contemporary Inner City Harry’s could be described as my third place. This term has been used to describe public locations outside of home and work that are host to regular, voluntary, informal and happily anticipated gatherings of individuals (Oldenburg 16). These regular’s bars and locals cafés have been celebrated in research and popular culture for their perceived ability to facilitate “that easier version of friendship and congeniality that results from casual and informal affiliation” (Oldenburg 65). They are said to achieve this by offering accessible, neutral spaces, where worries and inequalities are left at the door, and spirited, playful conversation is the focus of activity (Oldenburg 25, 29, 32). This is the idealised place “where everybody knows your name.” Despite the undeniable appeal of the third place concept, these types of social and inclusive consumption spaces are more likely to be seen on television, or in property development marketing, than on the shopping streets of our neighbourhoods. Instead many consumption spaces are purely that; spaces in which individual’s consume goods and services in ways that can encourage individualism, segregation, and stifle interaction. This has been attributed to a range of factors, including planning systems that encourage single use zoning, a reliance on cars limiting our use of public places, and the proliferation of shopping centres that focus on individualised consumption and manufactured experiences (Lofland 145, 205, 218; Oldenburg 61). In addition, the fundamentals of running a successful business can also work against a consumption space’s accessibility and neutrality. This is because location, décor, product offering, pricing, competition, and advertising practices all physically and symbolically communicate a desired target audience and expected behaviour patterns that can implicitly shape customer interactions, and the meanings we attach to them (Bitner 61; Sherry 4). More subtlety, the changing lifestyle preferences of residents of gentrifying neighbourhoods such as mine, may also work as a barrier to the development of third places. Research tells us that the urban middle class is a demographic which engages in a broad range of lifestyle-based consumption activities for socialising purposes and as part of their identity construction (Lloyd 122; Zukin 7). However this is also a demographic that is said to be increasingly mobile, and thus less restricted by geographic boundaries, such as of the neighbourhood they live in (Amin, “Re-Thinking the Urban Social” 107). As I noted above, it was not often that I experienced a critical mass of regulars at Harry’s, indeed I rarely expected to. This is because whilst Harry’s target demographic would seem likely candidates for becoming regular café or bar customers, they are also likely to be socialising in a number of different cafés, bars, and restaurants across a number of different neighbourhoods in my city, thus reducing the frequency of their presence within any one particular location. Finally, even those consumption spaces that do support social interaction may still not be operating as third places. This is because this sociality can alter a space’s level of openness, through the realms that it constructs (Lofland 11). Lofland (14) describes three types of social realms: public, parochial, and private. Private realms are dominated by intimate relations, parochial realms by communal relations, and the public realm by relations with people who are only categorically known. According to this classification, the regular’s café or bar is primarily operating as a parochial realm, identifiable by the shared sense of commonality that defines the regular collective. However naming the regular identification of the third place as the product of a social realm also highlights its fragility, and suggests that instead of being reliable and able to be anticipated, that the collective identification such spaces offers is uncertain, and easily disrupted by the shifts in patronage and patterns of interaction that consumption based socialising can bring. This is fluidity is articulated in the work of Veronique Aubert-Gamet and Bernard Cova, who describe two ways consumption spaces can support public collective identification; as anchoring and exposure sites. Anchoring sites are those within which an established collective gathers to interact and reinforce their shared identity (Aubert-Gamet and Cova 40). These are parochial realms in their more closed form, and are perhaps most likely to offer the certainty of the happily anticipated gathering that Ray Oldenburg describes. However because of this they are also more likely to be exclusionary. This is because anchoring can limit collective identification to those who are recognised as community members, thus undermining the potential for openness. This openness is instead found within exposure sites, in which individuals are able to observe and engage with the identification practices of others at limited risk (Aubert-Gamet and Cova 41). This is not quite the anomie of the public street, but neither is it the security of anchoring or the third place. This is because exposure realms can offer both familiarity, such as through the stability of physical setting, and strangeness, through the transience of customers and relationships. Furthermore, by hovering at the ever shifting boundary of parochial and public realms, these moments of exposure may offer the potential for the type of spontaneous conviviality that has been proposed as the basis for fleeting collective identifications (Amin, “Collective Culture and Urban Public Space” 10; Maffesoli). That is, it may be that when a potential third place is dominated by an exposure realm, it is experienced as open and accessible, whereas when an anchoring realm dominates, the security of collective identification takes precedence. It is the potential of social interaction at the boundaries of these realms and the ways it shapes regular identification that is of interest to this paper. This is because it is in this shifting space that identifications themselves are most fluid, unpredictable, and thus open to opportunistic breaches in the patterns of interaction. This unpredictability, and the interaction strategies we adopt to negotiate it, may also suggest ways in which a certain kind of third place experience can be developed and maintained in the contemporary inner city, where consumption based socialising is high, but where people are also mobile and less tied into fixed patterns of patronage. The remainder of the paper draws on my experiences of regular identification in Harry’s to consider how this might work. Becoming a Harry’s Regular: Anchoring and the Regular Collective The Harry’s regular collective is formed from a loose social network of neighbourhood residents, variably connected through long established friendships and more recently established consumption space based acquaintances. Evenings such as the one described above work to reinforce that shared identity and the specialised knowledge that underpins it; of the quirks of the owners and staff, of our privileges and responsibilities as regulars, and of the shared cultural identity that reflects a specific aspect of the gentrifying neighbourhood in which we live. However, achieving this level of identification and belonging has not been not easy. Whilst Oldenburg suggests that to establish third place membership one mainly just turns up regularly and tries not to be obnoxious (35), my experience instead suggests it’s a slightly more complicated, and emotional process, that is not always positive. My research notes indicate that discontent, worry, and shame, were as much a feature of my interactions in Harry’s, as were moments of joy, excitement, or an optimistic feeling of connection. This paper suggests that these negative experiences often stemmed from the confusion created by the shifting realms of interaction that occurred within the bar. This is because whilst Harry’s appeared to be a regular’s bar, it more often operated as an anchoring realm for a social network linked to the owners. Many of Harry’s regulars were established friends of the owners, and their shared identity definition appeared to be based on those primary ties. Whilst over time I became acquainted with some of this social network through my patronage, their dominance of the regular group had important implications for the collective identification I was trying to achieve. It created a realm that appeared to be parochial, but often became private, through simple acts such as the arrival of additional social network members, or a staff member shifting their orientation to another, from regular customer to friend. One consequence of these shifting realms was that my perceived inability to penetrate this anchored social network led me to doubt the value and presence of a broader consumption space based regular collective. The boundaries between private, parochial, and public appeared rigid, with no potential for cumulative impacts from fleeting connections in the public realm. It also made me question my motives regarding this desire to identify as suggested here: Thinking about tonight and Kevin [an owner] and Lucas [staff member] and introductions and realising I feel a bit let down/disappointed about the lack of something from them. But I realise also that is because I am wanting something more from them than the superficial I keep on going on about. I want recognition, as a person worth knowing. And that is perhaps where the thing of doing it by yourself falls down. I have an emotional investment in it. … Linking back to my previous thoughts about being able to be placed within a social network—having that emotional certainty of being able to be identified as part of a specific social network would reinforce to ME, who I am within this place. That I had some kind of identifiable position—which is not about superficial connections at all—it’s about recognisable strong ties. (Research note, 2 February 2009) As this excerpt suggests, I struggled to appreciate the identification within my interactions in Harry’s, because I had difficulty separating my emotional need for recognition from the implication that a lack of acknowledgement beyond the superficial I theoretically expected was a social rejection. That is, I had difficulty negotiating the boundary between the parochial realm of the regular collective, and its manifestation as a more closed private realm for the anchored social network. I expected regular, voluntary, informal and happily anticipated gatherings (Oldenburg 16), instead what I got was the brief hellos and limited yet enjoyable conversations that mark the sociality of public collective identifications. It could be suggested that what I also failed to grasp here is the difference between regularity as collective and as an individual identification. It is the collective identity that is reinforced in the parochial realm, as is evident in the description that opened this paper, and yet what I hoped for was recognition as an individual, “a person worth knowing.” However as the following section will suggest, the regular identity can also be experienced, and actively embraced, as an individual identity within realms of exposure. And it is through this version of the regular identity, that this paper suggests that some kind of personal recognition is able to be achieved. Becoming a Harry’s Regular: Exposing the Regular as Individual Given the level of comfort and connection expressed within the research excerpt that opened this paper, it is clear that I overcame the uncertainty described in the previous section, and was able to establish myself within the Harry’s regular collective. This is despite, as noted above, that both the presence and openness of Harry’s regular collective was unpredictable. However, this uncertainty also created a tension that could be said to positively increase the openness of the space. This is because it challenged the predictability that can be associated with anchored regularity, and instead forced me to look outside that identity for those reliable moments of easy friendship and congeniality within realms of exposure. That is, because of the uncertainty regarding both the presence and openness of established regulars, I often turned to fleeting interactions with non-regulars to generate that sense of identification. The influence of non-regulars can be downplayed in ethnographies of cafes and bars, perhaps because they tend to be excluded from the primary group’s identifications that are being investigated. Michael Katovich and William Reese provide the most detailed description of their relevance to the regular identity when they describe how the non-regulars in the Big Derby Lounge were used as tools against which established regulars compared their position and standing, as well as being a potential pool of recruits (336). This paper argues that non-regulars are also significant because their presence alters the realms operating within the space, thus creating opportunities for interactions at those boundaries that can be identity defining. My interactions with non-regulars in Harry’s generally offered the opportunity for spirited, playful and at times quite involved conversations, in which acquired knowledge, familiarity with staff or products, or simple statements of attachment were sufficient markers to establish an experience of regular identification in the eyes of the other. Whilst at times the density of these strangers altered Harry’s realms to the extent I did not feel at home at all, they nonetheless provided an avenue through which to remedy the uncertainties created by my interactions with the anchored social network. These non-regular interactions were able to do this because they operated at the low emotional involvement but high emotional gain boundary between fleeting public realm relations, and more meaningful experiences of exposure, where shared values and identities are on display. That is, I was confirming my regular identity not through an experience of the regular collective, but through an experience of being an individual and a regular. And in each successful encounter there was also the affirmation I had unsuccessfully sought through the regular collective, the emotional certainty that I had some kind of identifiable position within that place. Conclusion: Anchoring and Exposing in the Third Place This paper has drawn from my experiences in Harry’s to explore the process of regular identification as it operates at the boundaries of social realms. This focus provides a means to explore the ways that regular collective identification may develop in the contemporary inner city, where regularity can be sporadic and consumption based socialising is common. Drawing on autoethnographic work, this paper suggests that regularity is experienced both as an individual and a collective identity, according to the nature of the realms operating within the space. Collective identification occurs in anchoring realms, and supports the established regular group, whereas individual regular identification occurs within exposure realms, and relies on recognition from willing non-regulars. Furthermore, this paper suggests it is the latter of these identifications that is the more easily achieved, because it can be experienced at the exposure boundaries of the parochial realm, a less risky and more accessible place to identify when patronage is infrequent and social realms so fluid. It is this use of non-regular relations to balance the emotional work involved in the development of anchored relationships that I believe points to the true potential of third places in the contemporary inner city. Establishing a place where everybody knows your name is improbable in this context. However encouraging consumption spaces in which an individual’s regular patronage can form the basis of an identification, from which one can both anchor and expose, may ultimately work to support a kind of contemporary inner city version of the easier friendship and congeniality that the third place is hoped to offer. References Amin, Ash. “Collective Culture and Urban Public Space.” City 12.1 (2008): 5–24. ———. “Re-Thinking the Urban Social.” City 11.1 (2007): 100–14. Anderson, Elijah. A Place on the Corner. Chicago: U of Chicago P, 1978. Aubert-Gamet, Veronique, and Bernard Cova. “Servicescapes: From Modern Non-Places to Postmodern Common Places.” Journal of Business Research 44 (1999): 37–45. Bitner, Mary Jo. “Servicescapes: The Impact of Physical Surroundings on Customers and Employees.” Journal of Marketing 56 (Apr. 1992): 57–71. Cova, Bernard, Robert V. Kozinets, and Avi Shankar. Eds. Consumer Tribes, Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann, 2007. Katovich, Michael A., and William A. Reese II. “The Regular: Full-Time Identities and Memberships in an Urban Bar.” Journal of Contemporary Ethnography 16.3 (1987): 308–43. Lloyd, Richard. Neo-Bohemia: Art and Commerce in the Post-Industrial City. New York: Routledge, 2006. Lofland, Lyn H. The Public Realm: Exploring the City's Quintessential Social Territory. Hawthorne, New York: Aldine De Gruyter, 1998. Maffesoli, Michel. The Times of the Tribes: The Decline of Individualism in Mass Society. Trans. Don Smith. London: Sage, 1996. Oldenburg, Ray. The Great Good Place: Cafes. Coffee Shops, Bookstores, Bars, Hair Salons and Other Hangouts at the Heart of a Community. New York: Marlowe and Company, 1999. Sherry, John F., Jr. “Understanding Markets as Places: An Introduction to Servicescapes.” Servicescapes: The Concept of Place in Contemporary Markets. Ed. John F. Sherry, Jr. Chicago: NTC Business Books, 1998. 1–24. Spradley, James P., and Barbara J. Mann. The Cocktail Waitress: Woman’s Work in a Man’s World. New York: Alfred A. Knopf, 1975. Zukin, Sharon. Naked City: The Death and Life of Authentic Urban Places. New York: Oxford UP, 2010.

IntroductionRegional identity is a constant construction, in which landscape, human activity and cultural imaginary build a narrative of place. For the Tasmanian Midlands, the interactions between history, ecology and agriculture both define place and present problems in how to recognise, communicate and balance these interactions. In this sense, regionality is defined not so much as a relation of margin to centre, but as a specific accretion of environmental and cultural histories. According weight to more-than-human perspectives, a region can be seen as a constellation of plant, animal and human interactions and demands, where creative art and design can make space and give voice to the dynamics of exchange between the landscape and its inhabitants. Consideration of three recent art and design projects based in the Midlands reveal the potential for cross-disciplinary research, embedded in both environment and community, to create distinctive and specific forms of connectivity that articulate a regional identify.The Tasmanian Midlands have been identified as a biodiversity hotspot (Australian Government), with a long history of Aboriginal cultural management disrupted by colonial invasion. Recent archaeological work in the Midlands, including the Kerry Lodge Archaeology and Art Project, has focused on the use of convict labour during the nineteenth century in opening up the Midlands for settler agriculture and transport. Now, the Midlands are placed under increasing pressure by changing agricultural practices such as large-scale irrigation. At the same time as this intensification of agricultural activity, significant progress has been made in protecting, preserving and restoring endemic ecologies. This progress has come through non-government conservation organisations, especially Greening Australia and their program Tasmanian Island Ark, and private landowners placing land under conservation covenants. These pressures and conservation activities give rise to research opportunities in the biological sciences, but also pose challenges in communicating the value of conservation and research outcomes to a wider public. The Species Hotel project, beginning in 2016, engaged with the aims of restoration ecology through speculative design while The Marathon Project, a multi-year curatorial art project based on a single property that contains both conservation and commercially farmed zones.This article questions the role of regionality in these three interconnected projects—Kerry Lodge, Species Hotel, and Marathon—sited in the Tasmanian Midlands: the three projects share a concern with the specificities of the region through engagement with specifics sites and their histories and ecologies, while also acknowledging the forces that shape these sites as far more mobile and global in scope. It also considers the interdisciplinary nature of these projects, in the crossover of art and design with ecological, archaeological and agricultural practices of measuring and intervening in the land, where communication and interpretation may be in tension with functionality. These projects suggest ways of working that connect the ecological and the cultural spheres; importantly, they see rural locations as sites of knowledge production; they test the value of small-scale and ephemeral interventions to explore the place of art and design as intervention within colonised landscape.Regions are also defined by overlapping circles of control, interest, and authority. We test the claim that these projects, which operate through cross-disciplinary collaboration and network with a range of stakeholders and community groups, successfully benefit the region in which they are placed. We are particularly interested in the challenges of working across institutions which both claim and enact connections to the region without being centred there. These projects are initiatives resulting from, or in collaboration with, University of Tasmania, an institution that has taken a recent turn towards explicitly identifying as place-based yet the placement of the Midlands as the gap between campuses risks attenuating the institution’s claim to be of this place. Paul Carter, in his discussion of a regional, site-specific collaboration in Alice Springs, flags how processes of creative place-making—operating through mythopoetic and story-based strategies—requires a concrete rather than imagined community that actively engages a plurality of voices on the ground. We identify similar concerns in these art and design projects and argue that iterative and long-term creative projects enable a deeper grappling with the complexities of shared regional place-making. The Midlands is aptly named: as a region, it is defined by its geographical constraints and relationships to urban centres. Heading south from the northern city of Launceston, travellers on the Midland Highway see scores of farming properties networking continuously for around 175 kilometres south to the outskirts of Brighton, the last major township before the Tasmanian capital city of Hobart. The town of Ross straddles latitude 42 degrees south—a line that has historically divided Tasmania into the divisions of North and South. The region is characterised by extensive agricultural usage and small remnant patches of relatively open dry sclerophyll forest and lowland grassland enabled by its lower attitude and relatively flatter terrain. The Midlands sit between the mountainous central highlands of the Great Western Tiers and the Eastern Tiers, a continuous range of dolerite hills lying south of Ben Lomond that slope coastward to the Tasman Sea. This area stretches far beyond the view of the main highway, reaching east in the Deddington and Fingal valleys. Campbell Town is the primary stopping point for travellers, superseding the bypassed towns, which have faced problems with lowering population and resulting loss of facilities.Image 1: Southern Midland Landscape, Ross, Tasmania, 2018. Image Credit: Patrick Sutczak.Predominantly under private ownership, the Tasmanian Midlands are a contested and fractured landscape existing in a state of ecological tension that has occurred with the dominance of western agriculture. For over 200 years, farmers have continually shaped the land and carved it up into small fragments for different agricultural agendas, and this has resulted in significant endemic species decline (Mitchell et al.). The open vegetation was the product of cultural management of land by Tasmanian Aboriginal communities (Gammage), attractive to settlers during their distribution of land grants prior to the 1830s and a focus for settler violence. As documented cartographically in the Centre for 21st Century Humanities’ Colonial Frontier Massacres in Central and Eastern Australia 1788–1930, the period 1820–1835, and particularly during the Black War, saw the Midlands as central to the violent dispossession of Aboriginal landowners. Clements argues that the culture of violence during this period also reflected the brutalisation that the penal system imposed upon its subjects. The cultivation of agricultural land throughout the Midlands was enabled by the provision of unfree convict labour (Dillon). Many of the properties granted and established during the colonial period have been held in multi-generational family ownership through to the present.Within this patchwork of private ownership, the tension between visibility and privacy of the Midlands pastures and farmlands challenges the capacity for people to understand what role the Midlands plays in the greater Tasmanian ecology. Although half of Tasmania’s land areas are protected as national parks and reserves, the Midlands remains largely unprotected due to private ownership. When measured against Tasmania’s wilderness values and reputation, the dry pasturelands of the Midland region fail to capture an equivalent level of visual and experiential imagination. Jamie Kirkpatrick describes misconceptions of the Midlands when he writes of “[f]latness, dead and dying eucalypts, gorse, brown pastures, salt—environmental devastation […]—these are the common impression of those who first travel between Spring Hill and Launceston on the Midland Highway” (45). However, Kirkpatrick also emphasises the unique intimate and intricate qualities of this landscape, and its underlying resilience. In the face of the loss of paddock trees and remnants to irrigation, change in species due to pasture enrichment and introduction of new plant species, conservation initiatives that not only protect but also restore habitat are vital. The Tasmanian Midlands, then, are pastoral landscapes whose seeming monotonous continuity glosses over the radical changes experienced in the processes of colonisation and intensification of agriculture.Underlying the Present: Archaeology and Landscape in the Kerry Lodge ProjectThe major marker of the Midlands is the highway that bisects it. Running from Hobart to Launceston, the construction of a “great macadamised highway” (Department of Main Roads 10) between 1820–1850, and its ongoing maintenance, was a significant colonial project. The macadam technique, a nineteenth century innovation in road building which involved the laying of small pieces of stone to create a surface that was relatively water and frost resistant, required considerable but unskilled labour. The construction of the bridge at Kerry Lodge, in 1834–35, was simultaneous with significant bridge buildings at other major water crossings on the highway, (Department of Main Roads 16) and, as the first water crossing south of Launceston, was a pinch-point through which travel of prisoners could be monitored and controlled. Following the completion of the bridge, the site was used to house up to 60 male convicts in a road gang undergoing secondary punishment (1835–44) and then in a labour camp and hiring depot until 1847. At the time of the La Trobe report (1847), the buildings were noted as being in bad condition (Brand 142–43). After the station was disbanded, the use of the buildings reverted to the landowners for use in accommodation and agricultural storage.Archaeological research at Kerry Lodge, directed by Eleanor Casella, investigated the spatial and disciplinary structures of smaller probation and hiring depots and the living and working conditions of supervisory staff. Across three seasons (2015, 2016, 2018), the emerging themes of discipline and control and as well as labour were borne out by excavations across the site, focusing on remnants of buildings close to the bridge. This first season also piloted the co-presence of a curatorial art project, which grew across the season to include eleven practitioners in visual art, theatre and poetry, and three exhibition outcomes. As a crucial process for the curatorial art project, creative practitioners spent time on site as participants and observers, which enabled the development of responses that interrogated the research processes of archaeological fieldwork as well as making connections to the wider historical and cultural context of the site. Immersed in the mundane tasks of archaeological fieldwork, the practitioners involved became simultaneously focused on repetitive actions while contemplating the deep time contained within earth. This experience then informed the development of creative works interrogating embodied processes as a language of site.The outcome from the first fieldwork season was earthspoke, an exhibition shown at Sawtooth, an artist-run initiative in Launceston in 2015, and later re-installed in Franklin House, a National Trust property in the southern suburbs of Launceston.Images 2 and 3: earthspoke, 2015, Installation View at Sawtooth ARI (top) and Franklin House (bottom). Image Credits: Melanie de Ruyter.This recontextualisation of the work, from contemporary ARI (artist run initiative) gallery to National Trust property enabled the project to reach different audiences but also raised questions about the emphases that these exhibition contexts placed on the work. Within the white cube space of the contemporary gallery, connections to site became more abstracted while the educational and heritage functions of the National Trust property added further context and unintended connotations to the art works.Image 4: Strata, 2017, Installation View. Image Credit: Karen Hall.The two subsequent exhibitions, Lines of Site (2016) and Strata (2017), continued to test the relationship between site and gallery, through works that rematerialised the absences on site and connected embodied experiences of convict and archaeological labour. The most recent iteration of the project, Strata, part of the Ten Days on the Island art festival in 2017, involved installing works at the site, marking with their presence the traces, fragments and voids that had been reburied when the landscape returned to agricultural use following the excavations. Here, the interpretive function of the works directly addressed the layered histories of the landscape and underscored the scope of the human interventions and changes over time within the pastoral landscape. The interpretative role of the artworks formed part of a wider, multidisciplinary approach to research and communication within the project. University of Manchester archaeology staff and postgraduate students directed the excavations, using volunteers from the Launceston Historical Society. Staff from Launceston’s Queen Victorian Museum and Art Gallery brought their archival and collection-based expertise to the site rather than simply receiving stored finds as a repository, supporting immediate interpretation and contextualisation of objects. In 2018, participation from the University of Tasmania School of Education enabled a larger number of on-site educational activities than afforded by previous open days. These multi-disciplinary and multi-organisational networks, drawn together provisionally in a shared time and place, provided rich opportunities for dialogue. However, the challenges of sustaining these exchanges have meant ongoing collaborations have become more sporadic, reflecting different institutional priorities and competing demands on participants. Even within long-term projects, continued engagement with stakeholders can be a challenge: while enabling an emerging and concrete sense of community, the time span gives greater vulnerability to external pressures. Making Home: Ecological Restoration and Community Engagement in the Species Hotel ProjectImages 5 and 6: Selected Species Hotels, Ross, Tasmania, 2018. Image Credits: Patrick Sutczak. The Species Hotels stand sentinel over a river of saplings, providing shelter for animal communities within close range of a small town. At the township of Ross in the Southern Midlands, work was initiated by restoration ecologists to address the lack of substantial animal shelter belts on a number of major properties in the area. The Tasmania Island Ark is a major Greening Australia restoration ecology initiative, connecting 6000 hectares of habitat across the Midlands. Linking larger forest areas in the Eastern Tiers and Central Highlands as well as isolated patches of remnant native vegetation, the Ark project is vital to the ongoing survival of local plant and animal species under pressure from human interventions and climate change. With fragmentation of bush and native grasslands in the Midland landscape resulting in vast open plains, the ability for animals to adapt to pasturelands without shelter has resulted in significant decline as animals such as the critically endangered Eastern Barred Bandicoot struggle to feed, move, and avoid predators (Cranney). In 2014 mass plantings of native vegetation were undertaken along 16km of the serpentine Macquarie River as part of two habitat corridors designed to bring connectivity back to the region. While the plantings were being established a public art project was conceived that would merge design with practical application to assist animals in the area, and draw community and public attention to the work that was being done in re-establishing native forests. The Species Hotel project, which began in 2016, emerged from a collaboration between Greening Australia and the University of Tasmania’s School of Architecture and Design, the School of Land and Food, the Tasmanian College of the Arts and the ARC Centre for Forest Value, with funding from the Ian Potter Foundation. The initial focus of the project was the development of interventions in the landscape that could address the specific habitat needs of the insect, small mammal, and bird species that are under threat. First-year Architecture students were invited to design a series of structures with the brief that they would act as ‘Species Hotels’, and once created would be installed among the plantings as structures that could be inhabited or act as protection. After installation, the privately-owned land would be reconfigured so to allow public access and observation of the hotels, by residents and visitors alike. Early in the project’s development, a concern was raised during a Ross community communication and consultation event that the surrounding landscape and its vistas would be dramatically altered with the re-introduced forest. While momentary and resolved, a subtle yet obvious tension surfaced that questioned the re-writing of an established community’s visual landscape literacy by non-residents. Compact and picturesque, the architectural, historical and cultural qualities of Ross and its location were not only admired by residents, but established a regional identity. During the six-week intensive project, the community reach was expanded beyond the institution and involved over 100 people including landowners, artists, scientists and school children from the region (Wright), attempting to address and channel the concerns of residents about the changing landscape. The multiple timescales of this iterative project—from intensive moments of collaboration between stakeholders to the more-than-human time of tree growth—open spaces for regional identity to shift as both as place and community. Part of the design brief was the use of fully biodegradable materials: the Species Hotels are not expected to last forever. The actual installation of the Species Hotelson site took longer than planned due to weather conditions, but once on site they were weathering in, showing signs of insect and bird habitation. This animal activity created an opportunity for ongoing engagement. Further activities generated from the initial iteration of Species Hotel were the Species Hotel Day in 2017, held at the Ross Community Hall where presentations by scientists and designers provided feedback to the local community and presented opportunities for further design engagement in the production of ephemeral ‘species seed pies’ placed out in and around Ross. Architecture and Design students have gone on to develop more examples of ‘ecological furniture’ with a current focus on insect housing as well as extrapolating from the installation of the Species Hotels to generate a VR visualisation of the surrounding landscape, game design and participatory movement work that was presented as part of the Junction Arts Festival program in Launceston, 2017. The intersections of technologies and activities amplified the lived in and living qualities of the Species Hotels, not only adding to the connectivity of social and environmental actions on site and beyond, but also making a statement about the shared ownership this project enabled.Working Property: Collaboration and Dialogues in The Marathon Project The potential of iterative projects that engage with environmental concerns amid questions of access, stewardship and dialogue is also demonstrated in The Marathon Project, a collaborative art project that took place between 2015 and 2017. Situated in the Northern Midland region of Deddington alongside the banks of the Nile River the property of Marathon became the focal point for a small group of artists, ecologists and theorists to converge and engage with a pastoral landscape over time that was unfamiliar to many of them. Through a series of weekend camps and day trips, the participants were able to explore and follow their own creative and investigative agendas. The project was conceived by the landowners who share a passion for the history of the area, their land, and ideas of custodianship and ecological responsibility. The intentions of the project initially were to inspire creative work alongside access, engagement and dialogue about land, agriculture and Deddington itself. As a very small town on the Northern Midland fringe, Deddington is located toward the Eastern Tiers at the foothills of the Ben Lomond mountain ranges. Historically, Deddington is best known as the location of renowned 19th century landscape painter John Glover’s residence, Patterdale. After Glover’s death in 1849, the property steadily fell into disrepair and a recent private restoration effort of the home, studio and grounds has seen renewed interest in the cultural significance of the region. With that in mind, and with Marathon a neighbouring property, participants in the project were able to experience the area and research its past and present as a part of a network of working properties, but also encouraging conversation around the region as a contested and documented place of settlement and subsequent violence toward the Aboriginal people. Marathon is a working property, yet also a vital and fragile ecosystem. Marathon consists of 1430 hectares, of which around 300 lowland hectares are currently used for sheep grazing. The paddocks retain their productivity, function and potential to return to native grassland, while thickets of gorse are plentiful, an example of an invasive species difficult to control. The rest of the property comprises eucalypt woodlands and native grasslands that have been protected under a conservation covenant by the landowners since 2003. The Marathon creek and the Nile River mark the boundary between the functional paddocks and the uncultivated hills and are actively managed in the interface between native and introduced species of flora and fauna. This covenant aimed to preserve these landscapes, linking in with a wider pattern of organisations and landowners attempting to address significant ecological degradation and isolation of remnant bushland patches through restoration ecology. Measured against the visibility of Tasmania’s wilderness identity on the national and global stage, many of the ecological concerns affecting the Midlands go largely unnoticed. The Marathon Project was as much a project about visibility and communication as it was about art and landscape. Over the three years and with its 17 participants, The Marathon Project yielded three major exhibitions along with numerous public presentations and research outputs. The length of the project and the autonomy and perspectives of its participants allowed for connections to be formed, conversations initiated, and greater exposure to the productivity and sustainability complexities playing out on rural Midland properties. Like Kerry Lodge, the 2015 first year exhibition took place at Sawtooth ARI. The exhibition was a testing ground for artists, and a platform for audiences, to witness the cross-disciplinary outputs of work inspired by a single sheep grazing farm. The interest generated led to the rethinking of the 2016 exhibition and the need to broaden the scope of what the landowners and participants were trying to achieve. Image 7: Panel Discussion at Open Weekend, 2016. Image Credit: Ron Malor.In November 2016, The Marathon Project hosted an Open Weekend on the property encouraging audiences to visit, meet the artists, the landowners, and other invited guests from a number of restoration, conservation, and rehabilitation organisations. Titled Encounter, the event and accompanying exhibition displayed in the shearing shed, provided an opportunity for a rhizomatic effect with the public which was designed to inform and disseminate historical and contemporary perspectives of land and agriculture, access, ownership, visitation and interpretation. Concluding with a final exhibition in 2017 at the University of Tasmania’s Academy Gallery, The Marathon Project had built enough momentum to shape and inform the practice of its participants, the knowledge and imagination of the public who engaged with it, and make visible the precarity of the cultural and rural Midland identity.Image 8. Installation View of The Marathon Project Exhibition, 2017. Image Credit: Patrick Sutczak.ConclusionThe Marathon Project, Species Hotel and the Kerry Lodge Archaeology and Art Project all demonstrate the potential of site-based projects to articulate and address concerns that arise from the environmental and cultural conditions and histories of a region. Beyond the Midland fence line is a complex environment that needed to be experienced to be understood. Returning creative work to site, and opening up these intensified experiences of place to a public forms a key stage in all these projects. Beyond a commitment to site-specific practice and valuing the affective and didactic potential of on-site installation, these returns grapple with issues of access, visibility and absence that characterise the Midlands. Paul Carter describes his role in the convening of a “concretely self-realising creative community” in an initiative to construct a meeting-place in Alice Springs, a community defined and united in “its capacity to imagine change as a negotiation between past, present and future” (17). Within that regional context, storytelling, as an encounter between histories and cultures, became crucial in assembling a community that could in turn materialise story into place. In these Midlands projects, a looser assembly of participants with shared interests seek to engage with the intersections of plant, human and animal activities that constitute and negotiate the changing environment. The projects enabled moments of connection, of access, and of intervention: always informed by the complexities of belonging within regional locations.These projects also suggest the need to recognise the granularity of regionalism: the need to be attentive to the relations of site to bioregion, of private land to small town to regional centre. The numerous partnerships that allow such interconnect projects to flourish can be seen as a strength of regional areas, where proximity and scale can draw together sets of related institutions, organisations and individuals. However, the tensions and gaps within these projects reveal differing priorities, senses of ownership and even regional belonging. Questions of who will live with these project outcomes, who will access them, and on what terms, reveal inequalities of power. Negotiations of this uneven and uneasy terrain require a more nuanced account of projects that do not rely on the geographical labelling of regions to paper over the complexities and fractures within the social environment.These projects also share a commitment to the intersection of the social and natural environment. They recognise the inextricable entanglement of human and more than human agencies in shaping the landscape, and material consequences of colonialism and agricultural intensification. Through iteration and duration, the projects mobilise processes that are responsive and reflective while being anchored to the materiality of site. Warwick Mules suggests that “regions are a mixture of data and earth, historically made through the accumulation and condensation of material and informational configurations”. Cross-disciplinary exchanges enable all three projects to actively participate in data production, not interpretation or illustration afterwards. Mules’ call for ‘accumulation’ and ‘configuration’ as productive regional modes speaks directly to the practice-led methodologies employed by these projects. The Kerry Lodge and Marathon projects collect, arrange and transform material taken from each site to provisionally construct a regional material language, extended further in the dual presentation of the projects as off-site exhibitions and as interventions returning to site. The Species Hotel project shares that dual identity, where materials are chosen for their ability over time, habitation and decay to become incorporated into the site yet, through other iterations of the project, become digital presences that nonetheless invite an embodied engagement.These projects centre the Midlands as fertile ground for the production of knowledge and experiences that are distinctive and place-based, arising from the unique qualities of this place, its history and its ongoing challenges. Art and design practice enables connectivity to plant, animal and human communities, utilising cross-disciplinary collaborations to bring together further accumulations of the region’s intertwined cultural and ecological landscape.ReferencesAustralian Government Department of the Environment and Energy. Biodiversity Conservation. Canberra: Commonwealth of Australia, 2018. 1 Apr. 2019 <http://www.environment.gov.au/biodiversity/conservation>.Brand, Ian. The Convict Probation System: Van Diemen’s Land 1839–1854. Sandy Bay: Blubber Head Press, 1990.Carter, Paul. “Common Patterns: Narratives of ‘Mere Coincidence’ and the Production of Regions.” Creative Communities: Regional Inclusion & the Arts. Eds. Janet McDonald and Robert Mason. Bristol: Intellect, 2015. 13–30.Centre for 21st Century Humanities. Colonial Frontier Massacres in Central and Eastern Australia 1788–1930. 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