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Journal articles on the topic 'Ammianus Marcellinus'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 August 2024

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1

Suski, Robert Sławomir. "Wczesna kariera Aureliusza Wiktora i świadectwo Ammianusa Marcellinusa (Amm. 21.10.6)." Res Historica, no. 46 (April 25, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2019.46.71-84.

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<p>O karierze Aureliusza Wiktora nie wiadomo zbyt dużo. Sam twierdził, że pochodził z ubogiej rodziny, a mimo to Julian mianował go namiestnikiem Panonii II. O tym ostatnim informuje nas Ammianus Marcellinus. Stąd zaproponowano hipotezę, że Aureliusz Wiktor, podobnie jak Eutropius, pracował w cesarskiej kancelarii, był notariuszem. W artykule zanalizowano sposób przedstawiania postaci przez Ammianusa Marcellinusa. Historyk ów prawie zawsze wspominając po raz pierwszy postacie, opisywał je sprawowanymi funkcjami. Tymczasem ze sposobu opisania Aureliusza Wiktora jako autora historii nie wy

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2

Penella, Robert J., and Klaus Rosen. "Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical World 80, no. 1 (1986): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349995.

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3

Hanaghan, Michael P. "Ammianus Marcellinus’ Future Signs." Historia 68, no. 2 (2019): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2019-0014.

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4

Thompson, E. A. "Ammianus Marcellinus and Britain." Nottingham Medieval Studies 34 (January 1990): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.3.178.

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5

Den Hengst, D. "Ammianus Marcellinus On Astronomy." Mnemosyne 39, no. 1-2 (1986): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852586x00121.

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6

Matthews, J. F. "The Origin of Ammianus." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (1994): 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017341.

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The only explicit indication in the text of Ammianus Marcellinus as to the historian's origin comes in the famous epilogue to the Res Gestae, that he had written ‘as once a soldier, and a Greek’ (‘ut miles quondam et Graecus’; 31.16.9), supported by various passages in which he refers to the Greek language as his own. The evidence that, through the length and breadth of the Greek-speaking world, we should look to Syrian Antioch for his place of origin, is provided by the orator of that city, Libanius, in a letter (Ep. 1063) written late in 392 ‘to Marcellinus’. The purpose of this article is t

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7

Ross, Alan J. "AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS 15.5.22 AND EUTROPIUS 10.16.1: AN ALLUSION." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (2015): 424–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000731.

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In Authority and Tradition in Ancient Historiography, John Marincola downplays the importance of an historian's choice to use first-, rather than third-, person verbs to represent his actions as an historical protagonist within his narrative. Marincola's justification for this rests on the incongruous groupings that arise if one divides first-person narrators from third: among the former we find Velleius, Eutropius and Ammianus representing Latin historians of the Empire. However, as part of a wider study which examines Ammianus' nuanced use of allusion to earlier Latin authors, Gavin Kelly ha

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8

Brennecke, Hanns Christof. "Christliche Quellen des Ammianus Marcellinus?" Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 1, no. 2 (1997): 226–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zach.1997.1.2.226.

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9

Newbold, R. F. "Authoritarianism, Autonomy and Ammianus Marcellinus." Ramus 19, no. 1 (1989): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002952.

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According to Ammianus, it was envy of the exploits of Gratian and anxiety to equal them that drove Valens to engage the Goths at Adrianople in 378 before Gratian could arrive. The quality of the intelligence Valens received about the numbers of the Gothic forces was poor but he was inclined to believe it because it suited his wish. At a meeting with senior officers he sided with those who argued against waiting for Gratian's army, encouraged, it is said, by courtiers who pandered to his desire to monopolise ttye glory of victory. Weakened by hunger, fatigue and heat, and incompetentfy led, the

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10

O’Brien, Peter. "Ammianus Marcellinus: The Allusive Historian." Mnemosyne 64, no. 2 (2011): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x505187.

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11

MAKSYMIUK, Katarzyna. "Strategic aims of Šāpur II during the campaign in northern Mesopotamia (359-360)." Historia i Świat 7 (June 30, 2018): 87–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.34739/his.2018.07.05.

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In 359, Šāpur II (r. 309-379) led his army against Rome. This campaign became a milestone for the balance of power in Romano-Iranian borderlands. After seventy three Šāpur succeeded in breaking through the defenses and in sacking the city of Amida . According to Ammianus Marcellinus long lasting, heroic defense of Amida saved the Roman cities of Cappadocia from sacking. The author of the article believes that Amida was initial and primary target of Šāpur’s campaign of 359 and the siege was not a result of coincidence of various events, factors and intentions not, as it is suggested by Ammianus

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12

Szidat, Joachim, and T. G. Elliott. "Ammianus Marcellinus and Fourth Century History." Phoenix 39, no. 1 (1985): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088877.

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13

DEN BOEFT, Jan. "The Eastern World of Ammianus Marcellinus." Euphrosyne 27 (January 1999): 293–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.euphr.5.123877.

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14

Ermolova, Irina E. "SARACENS IN AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS’ "RES GESTAE"." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series History. Philology. Cultural Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 10 (2018): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6355-2018-10-194-206.

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15

Adkin, Neil. "The younger Pliny and Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 02 (1998): 593–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.2.593.

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16

Hunt, E. D. "Christians and Christianity in Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (1985): 186–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014671.

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Ammianus Marcellinus, by common consent the last great historian of Rome, rounds off his obituary notice of the emperor Constantius II (d. 361) with the following observation:The plain simplicity of Christianity he obscured by an old woman's superstition; by intricate investigation instead of seriously trying to reconcile, he stirred up very many disputes, and as these spread widely he nourished them with arguments about words; with the result that crowds of bishops rushed hither and thither by means of public mounts on their way to synods (as they call them), and while he tried to make all th

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17

Kulikowski, Michael. "Understanding Ammianus Marcellinus, Book by Book." Mnemosyne 73, no. 6 (2020): 1049–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10062.

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Abstract This article examines the now complete Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus, begun in the 1930s by Pieter de Jonge and completed in 2018 by J. den Boeft, J.W. Drijvers, D. den Hengst and H.C. Teitler. It starts with a detailed consideration of the final volume, the commentary on Book 31, and addresses aspects of it that reflect both the strengths and the weaknesses of the whole commentary series. From there, it concludes by surveying the most significant historical insights and the most essential historiographical discussions in the volumes produced by the fi

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18

Miller, A. "Marvell's First Anniversary and Ammianus Marcellinus." Notes and Queries 52, no. 3 (2005): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gji310.

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19

Woods. "Ammianus Marcellinus 21.6.3: A Misunderstood Omen." Classical Philology 99, no. 2 (2004): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3488381.

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20

Woods, David. "Ammianus Marcellinus 21.6.3: A Misunderstood Omen." Classical Philology 99, no. 2 (2004): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/423862.

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21

Bober, Andrzej. "Autorzy pogańscy o chrześcijaństwie (Galen, Ammianus Marcellinus)." Vox Patrum 10 (June 15, 1986): 311–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.10481.

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22

Roth, Roman. "Pyrrhic Paradigms: Ennius, Livy, and Ammianus Marcellinus." Hermes 138, no. 2 (2010): 171–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/hermes-2010-0012.

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23

Woods, D. "Ammianus Marcellinus and bishop Eusebius of Emesa." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 2 (2003): 585–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.2.585.

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24

Woods, David. "AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS AND THE REX ALAMANNORUM VADOMARIUS." Mnemosyne 53, no. 6 (2000): 690–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852500510895.

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25

Wilson, Andrew. "Water-Mills at Amida: Ammianus Marcellinus 18.8.11." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (2001): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.1.231.

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26

Rezakhani, Khodadad. "Saansaan Pirosen: Ammianus Marcellinus and the Kidarites." DABIR 3, no. 1 (2017): 44–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/29497833-00301007.

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27

Goliyski, Petar. "Ammianus Marcellinus and the Western Armenian Consonantism." Chuzhdoezikovo Obuchenie-Foreign Language Teaching 50, no. 2 (2023): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.53656/for23.241amia.

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If not the most essential, but at least the most noticeable difference between the two forms of the modern Armenian language – the Eastern and the Western – is the difference in the pronunciation of a large part of the consonants. In initial position and within the word, the voiceless consonants of Eastern Armenian language have voiced pronunciation in Western Armenian and the voiced consonants of the Eastern Armenian, especially the explosive ones, have voiceless pronunciation in Western Armenian. The devoicing has been already found in Old Armenian texts from the 10th – 11th centuries, but a

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28

Kelly, Gavin, and Justin Stover. "THE HERSFELDENSIS AND THE FULDENSIS OF AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS: A RECONSIDERATION." Cambridge Classical Journal 62 (August 5, 2016): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270516000075.

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The only two authoritative manuscripts of Ammianus Marcellinus to survive to the present day were produced in Germany in the first half of the ninth century: Vaticanus Latinus 1873 from Fulda (V), and a fragmentary manuscript from Hersfeld now preserved in Kassel (M). This article challenges the consensus that V is a copy of M. Taking into account recently uncovered fragments of M (new transcriptions of which are offered in the Appendix), we argue that both are copies of the same damaged original, and discuss the implications for the editing of Ammianus and for our understanding of Carolingian

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29

Kozlov, Aleksandr S. "Almost Everything about Ammianus Marcellinus. Review of: Jenkins, F. W. (2021). Ammianus Marcellinus: An Annotated Bibliography 1474 to the Present. Leiden: Brill. xviii, 665 p." Izvestia of the Ural federal university. Series 2. Humanities and Arts 26, no. 1 (2024): 282–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.15826/izv2.2024.26.1.018.

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This review reveals the meaning, content, and main advantages and disadvantages of a unique bibliographic compendium presenting scholarly materials concerning the Res Gestae (Acts), i.e. works of Ammianus Marcellinus, the greatest historian of late Antiquity. The article demonstrates that the structure of the bibliography, segmented chronologically within the framework of 1474–2016, allows a specialist not only to obtain information about the Res Gestae and their epoch needed for research, but also demonstrates several features of the development of research based on this historical source for

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30

Teitler, H. C. "Ammianus, Libanius, Chrysostomus, and the Martyrs of Antioch." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 3 (2013): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341129.

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Abstract Christian sources name several dozen Christian martyrs under Julian the Apostate. Six of these martyrs were according to such sources executed in Antioch during Julian’s stay in this city in 362-363 A.D. Pagan authors like Ammianus Marcellinus and Libanius are silent about their martyrdom, and about the persecution of Christians by Julian in general. It is examined in this article whether the Christian authors, among them John Chrysostom, represent historical reality more than Ammianus and Libanius do, and whether their writings can be adduced to prove that Julian was a persecutor.

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31

Foster, Frances. "BEES AND VULTURES: EGYPTIAN HIEROGLYPHS IN AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS." Classical Quarterly 70, no. 2 (2020): 884–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838820000865.

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In his Res Gestae, the historian Ammianus Marcellinus describes the Egyptian city of Thebes and the obelisks that can be found there. There is an unusual passage in which he describes hieroglyphic writings. He goes on to show, through two examples, how hieroglyphs might seem bizarre, but in fact contain their own logic which can be explained (Amm. Marc. 17.4.10–11, translation mine): non enim ut nunc litterarum numerus praestitutus et facilis exprimit quicquid humana mens concipere potest, ita prisci quoque scriptitarunt Aegyptii, sed singulae litterae singulis nominibus seruiebant et uerbis;

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32

Cameron, Averil, and Timothy D. Barnes. "Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality." Phoenix 53, no. 3/4 (1999): 353. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088998.

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33

Jr., Michael DiMaio,, J. den Boeft, D. den Hengst, and H. C. Teitler. ""Cognitio Gestorum": The Historiographic Art of Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical World 88, no. 3 (1995): 218. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4351695.

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34

Mellor, Ronald, and Timothy D. Barnes. "Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality." Classical World 93, no. 5 (2000): 551. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4352457.

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35

Frakes, Robert M., and Frank Wittchow. "Exemplarisches Erzählen bei Ammianus Marcellinus: Episode, Exemplum, Anekdote." Classical World 99, no. 1 (2005): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4353022.

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36

Lytton, Randolph H. "Ammianus Marcellinus and the Representation of Historical Reality." History: Reviews of New Books 27, no. 4 (1999): 183–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.1999.10528528.

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37

Robert M. Frakes. "Ammianus Marcellinus: The Allusive Historian (review)." Journal of Late Antiquity 2, no. 1 (2009): 172–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.0.0029.

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38

Blockley, Roger. "Ammianus marcellinus and his classical background—Changing perspectives." International Journal of the Classical Tradition 2, no. 4 (1996): 455–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02677884.

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39

Rohrbacher, David. "Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXVI." Mnemosyne 62, no. 4 (2009): 689–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852509x340228.

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40

Oberhelman, Steven M. "The Provenance of the Style of Ammianus Marcellinus." Quaderni Urbinati di Cultura Classica 27, no. 3 (1987): 79. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20546921.

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41

Marques, Juliana Bastos. "Beyond geography: the cognitive space of Ammianus Marcellinus." Classica - Revista Brasileira de Estudos Clássicos 22, no. 1 (2009): 148–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.14195/2176-6436_22-1_9.

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42

Joel S. Ward. "Ammianus Marcellinus: The Allusive Historian (review)." Classical World 103, no. 2 (2010): 267–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/clw.0.0170.

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43

Tougher, Shaun. "Ammianus Marcellinus on the Empress Eusebia: a Split Personality?" Greece and Rome 47, no. 1 (2000): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/gr/47.1.94.

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The Roman empress Eusebia, wife of the Christian emperor Constantius II (A.D. 337–361), owes what fame she enjoys amongst historians to her role in the life of Julian the Apostate, the last pagan emperor (361–363); in the years 354–355 the empress emerged as the saviour and advocate of her (still in the closet) pagan in-law. However in this article I wish to focus exclusively on the treatment of the empress Eusebia in the history of Ammianus Marcellinus, the great historian of Late Antiquity and himself a devotee of Julian. This treatment merits attention not just for the undoubtedly interesti

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44

Fornara, Charles W. "Julian's Persian Expedition in Ammianus and Zosimus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631884.

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The nature of the bond connecting the work of Ammianus Marcellinus with the now fragmentary history of Eunapius of Sardis or with Zosimus' Νέα Ἱστορία is an old and intriguing problem rather more notable for the multiplicity than for the finality of its hypothetical solutions. The question arises out of the perception that Ammianus and Zosimus provide coincidental material in their accounts of Julian's Persian expedition. Eunapius figures in the equation because, as we generally assume, it was he whom Zosimus followed. Since all scholars but Dillemann are satisfied that these correspondences i

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45

Sánchez Vendramini, Darío N. "The Audience of Ammianus Marcellinus and the Circulation of Books in the Late Roman World." Journal of Ancient History 6, no. 2 (2018): 234–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0006.

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AbstractSince the late nineteenth century, studies of Ammianus’ audience have reached widely divergent conclusions. Research has focused on two opposed theses: while some scholars have seen the pagan senatorial aristocracy as the audience of the Res Gestae, others have assigned that role to the imperial bureaucracy. However, in thinking that a work could reach—or target—exclusively the members of a specific social group, the prevalent views on Ammianus’ audience contradict what we know about the circulation of books in the late Roman world. In contrast to previous research, this study proposes

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46

Carrasco Serrano, Gregorio. "Poder y corruptelas en Amiano Marcelino = Power and Corruption in Ammianus Marcellinus." Espacio Tiempo y Forma. Serie II, Historia Antigua, no. 30 (December 3, 2017): 83. http://dx.doi.org/10.5944/etfii.30.2017.20595.

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Amiano Marcelino constituye, sin duda, una destacable fuente para el estudio de las tensiones y cambios de la sociedad romana a finales del Imperio. De esta manera en las Res Gestae no solamente se atestigua la arbitrariedad de la administración de justicia, o la opresión tributaria, sino también y de forma muy especial aspectos relativos a la corrupción. En este sentido, en el presente trabajo se abordan los testimonios de corruptelas, tráfico de influencias, y abusos de poder, vinculados muy frecuentemente a un ambiente de permisividad oficial, que son reiteradamente objeto de crítica y denu

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47

Kelly, Gavin. "Ammianus and the Great Tsunami." Journal of Roman Studies 94 (November 2004): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4135013.

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With this striking and bravura narrative of the earthquake and tsunami of 21 July A.D. 365 Ammianus Marcellinus ends Book 26 of his Res Gestae. Though displaying many of the features characteristic of Ammianus – daunting linguistic variation, brilliant observation of detail, a dazzling and blurred sequence of discrete pictures — this passage also stands out from the main body of the narrative. Most notably, the historian distorts chronological sequence: an event which occurred before Procopius' usurpation in September A.D. 365 is not narrated until after his capture and execution by Valens in

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48

Pobežin, Gregor. "Julian the Apostate, Claudius Mamertinus, and Ammianus Marcellinus: Filling in a “Blank Spot”?" Clotho 5, no. 2 (2024): 57–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/clotho.5.2.57-71.

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Flavius Claudius Julianus, often referred to as “Julian the Apostate,” ruled the Roman Empire from early 360 AD until his death in battle on June 26th, 363 AD. Despite his brief reign, Julian undertook significant reforms targeting various aspects of public life, including the administration and provincial governance. This paper focuses on his administrative activities in Illyricum, where he resided in 361 AD while campaigning against Constantius II. While facing immediate tactical concerns during his campaign, Julian reportedly engaged in imperial administrative duties within Illyricum, as d

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49

Hunt, E. "Review. Ammianus XXI. Philological and historical commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXI. J den Boeft." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (1996): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.253.

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50

Kulikowski, Michael. "Coded Polemic in Ammianus Book 31 and the Date and Place of its Composition." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (June 7, 2012): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000032.

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AbstractTheRes Gestaeof Ammianus Marcellinus poses numerous structural puzzles for the historian, among them the anomalous final book, numbered 31 in the manuscript tradition. This book, which treats the Gothic rebellion ofa.d.376–378 and the campaign of Adrianople, is loosely connected to the other extant books, which conclude with events ofa.d. 375. The present article argues that Book 31 was in origin a separate monograph, drafted in Greek at Antioch in the aftermath of the Roman defeat at Adrianople. Perhaps modelled on theScythicaof Dexippus, its contents reflect the Antiochene and Consta

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