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Journal articles on the topic 'Ammianus'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 1 February 2022

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1

Suski, Robert Sławomir. "Wczesna kariera Aureliusza Wiktora i świadectwo Ammianusa Marcellinusa (Amm. 21.10.6)." Res Historica, no. 46 (April 25, 2019): 71. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/rh.2019.46.71-84.

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<p>O karierze Aureliusza Wiktora nie wiadomo zbyt dużo. Sam twierdził, że pochodził z ubogiej rodziny, a mimo to Julian mianował go namiestnikiem Panonii II. O tym ostatnim informuje nas Ammianus Marcellinus. Stąd zaproponowano hipotezę, że Aureliusz Wiktor, podobnie jak Eutropius, pracował w cesarskiej kancelarii, był notariuszem. W artykule zanalizowano sposób przedstawiania postaci przez Ammianusa Marcellinusa. Historyk ów prawie zawsze wspominając po raz pierwszy postacie, opisywał je sprawowanymi funkcjami. Tymczasem ze sposobu opisania Aureliusza Wiktora jako autora historii nie wynika, aby pracował on w cesarskiej kancelarii. A przynajmniej Ammianus Marcellinus nie miał takiej wiedzy.</p>

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2

Morley, Neville. "AMMIANUS." Classical Review 50, no. 1 (April 2000): 85–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.1.85.

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3

Seager, Robin. "Ammianus." Classical Review 51, no. 1 (March 2001): 56–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/51.1.56.

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4

Penella, Robert J., and Klaus Rosen. "Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical World 80, no. 1 (1986): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4349995.

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5

Sundwall, Gavin A. "Ammianus Geographicus." American Journal of Philology 117, no. 4 (1996): 619–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ajp.1996.0059.

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6

Seager, Robin. "AMMIANUS 23." Classical Review 50, no. 2 (October 2000): 464–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/50.2.464.

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7

Seager, Robin. "AMMIANUS’ NARRATIVE." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 110–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.110.

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8

Ross, Alan J. "AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS 15.5.22 AND EUTROPIUS 10.16.1: AN ALLUSION." Classical Quarterly 65, no. 1 (April 2, 2015): 424–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838814000731.

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In Authority and Tradition in Ancient Historiography, John Marincola downplays the importance of an historian's choice to use first-, rather than third-, person verbs to represent his actions as an historical protagonist within his narrative. Marincola's justification for this rests on the incongruous groupings that arise if one divides first-person narrators from third: among the former we find Velleius, Eutropius and Ammianus representing Latin historians of the Empire. However, as part of a wider study which examines Ammianus' nuanced use of allusion to earlier Latin authors, Gavin Kelly has recently argued for a series of close intertextual relationships between Eutropius and Ammianus. I argue here that Ammianus' relationship with Eutropius also extends to their personal roles within their narratives, and that Ammianus' use of the first person singular makes a bold statement about his historiographical programme.

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9

Fornara, Charles W. "Julian's Persian Expedition in Ammianus and Zosimus." Journal of Hellenic Studies 111 (November 1991): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/631884.

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The nature of the bond connecting the work of Ammianus Marcellinus with the now fragmentary history of Eunapius of Sardis or with Zosimus' Νέα Ἱστορία is an old and intriguing problem rather more notable for the multiplicity than for the finality of its hypothetical solutions. The question arises out of the perception that Ammianus and Zosimus provide coincidental material in their accounts of Julian's Persian expedition. Eunapius figures in the equation because, as we generally assume, it was he whom Zosimus followed. Since all scholars but Dillemann are satisfied that these correspondences indubitably require some hypothesis of literary affiliation, all of the formal possibilities have one by one been tried. Sudhaus, whose investigation of the similarities proved influential, denied that Ammianus could have been used either by Zosimus or by his source (Eunapius); he affirmed instead that Ammianus and Eunapius must have been linked by their own use of a common source, namely, Oribasius, the physician of Julian and his companion on the Persian expedition.

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10

Kelly, Gavin. "Ammianus and the Great Tsunami." Journal of Roman Studies 94 (November 2004): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4135013.

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With this striking and bravura narrative of the earthquake and tsunami of 21 July A.D. 365 Ammianus Marcellinus ends Book 26 of his Res Gestae. Though displaying many of the features characteristic of Ammianus – daunting linguistic variation, brilliant observation of detail, a dazzling and blurred sequence of discrete pictures — this passage also stands out from the main body of the narrative. Most notably, the historian distorts chronological sequence: an event which occurred before Procopius' usurpation in September A.D. 365 is not narrated until after his capture and execution by Valens in the following year. It is also given a prominent position at the close of a book. Ammianus' perspective goes far beyond the normal limits of historiographical propriety — indeed is little short of omniscience. Finally, the tale of incredible events stands out for concluding with the historian's own personal testimony. Though Ammianus famously included lengthy accounts of his military adventures in earlier portions of his history, first person interventions in the later books are exceptional and always calculatedly striking.

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11

Hanaghan, Michael P. "Ammianus Marcellinus’ Future Signs." Historia 68, no. 2 (2019): 233. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/historia-2019-0014.

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12

Matthews, J. F. "The Origin of Ammianus." Classical Quarterly 44, no. 1 (May 1994): 252–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800017341.

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The only explicit indication in the text of Ammianus Marcellinus as to the historian's origin comes in the famous epilogue to the Res Gestae, that he had written ‘as once a soldier, and a Greek’ (‘ut miles quondam et Graecus’; 31.16.9), supported by various passages in which he refers to the Greek language as his own. The evidence that, through the length and breadth of the Greek-speaking world, we should look to Syrian Antioch for his place of origin, is provided by the orator of that city, Libanius, in a letter (Ep. 1063) written late in 392 ‘to Marcellinus’. The purpose of this article is to set out explicitly the arguments for the identification of Libanius' correspondent as Ammianus Marcellinus in the light of the recent challenges to the accepted view offered by G. W. Bowersock, C. W. Fornara, and T. D. Barnes. Since the discussion requires that the letter be considered in detail, it is given here, in Foerster's Teubner text followed by a translation of Libanius' often very allusive language

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13

Thompson, E. A. "Ammianus Marcellinus and Britain." Nottingham Medieval Studies 34 (January 1990): 1–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.nms.3.178.

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14

Den Hengst, D. "Ammianus Marcellinus On Astronomy." Mnemosyne 39, no. 1-2 (1986): 136–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852586x00121.

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15

Woods, David. "Maurus, Mavia, and Ammianus." Mnemosyne 51, no. 3 (1998): 325–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525982611470.

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16

Sánchez Vendramini, Darío N. "The Audience of Ammianus Marcellinus and the Circulation of Books in the Late Roman World." Journal of Ancient History 6, no. 2 (November 27, 2018): 234–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/jah-2018-0006.

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AbstractSince the late nineteenth century, studies of Ammianus’ audience have reached widely divergent conclusions. Research has focused on two opposed theses: while some scholars have seen the pagan senatorial aristocracy as the audience of the Res Gestae, others have assigned that role to the imperial bureaucracy. However, in thinking that a work could reach—or target—exclusively the members of a specific social group, the prevalent views on Ammianus’ audience contradict what we know about the circulation of books in the late Roman world. In contrast to previous research, this study proposes a new approach based on an analysis of the information available on book circulation in Ammianus’ time. This analysis shows that the audience of the Res Gestae was most likely socially diverse.

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17

Fahey, William E., and John Matthews. "The Roman Empire of Ammianus." Classical World 84, no. 5 (1991): 389. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4350855.

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18

Barnes, T. D., and John Matthews. "The Roman Empire of Ammianus." American Historical Review 96, no. 4 (October 1991): 1177. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2165054.

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19

Elliott, T. G., and John Matthews. "The Roman Empire of Ammianus." Phoenix 45, no. 3 (1991): 275. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088800.

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20

Boeft, J. Den. "A NEW TEXT OF AMMIANUS." Classical Review 53, no. 1 (April 2003): 108–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/53.1.108.

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21

Kelly, Gavin. "Ammianus and the Great Tsunami." Journal of Roman Studies 94 (November 2004): 141–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435800064212.

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22

Newbold, R. F. "Authoritarianism, Autonomy and Ammianus Marcellinus." Ramus 19, no. 1 (1989): 51–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0048671x00002952.

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According to Ammianus, it was envy of the exploits of Gratian and anxiety to equal them that drove Valens to engage the Goths at Adrianople in 378 before Gratian could arrive. The quality of the intelligence Valens received about the numbers of the Gothic forces was poor but he was inclined to believe it because it suited his wish. At a meeting with senior officers he sided with those who argued against waiting for Gratian's army, encouraged, it is said, by courtiers who pandered to his desire to monopolise ttye glory of victory. Weakened by hunger, fatigue and heat, and incompetentfy led, the Roman soldiers mostly fought with courage and tenacity until overwhelmed and massacred by the barbarians. They were victims, apparently, of their leader's irrationality, vanity and insecurity.Norman Dixon has adduced authoritarianism as a major factor in military incompetence. Ammianus, product of an overwhelmingly authoritarian society, provides a detailed record of Roman history in the third quarter of the fourth century. Understanding of Rome's civil and military performance in that age and of the author could be enhanced by examination of the authoritarian syndrome.

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23

O’Brien, Peter. "Ammianus Marcellinus: The Allusive Historian." Mnemosyne 64, no. 2 (2011): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852511x505187.

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24

Sivan, Hagith S., and John Matthews. "The Roman Empire of Ammianus." American Journal of Philology 112, no. 1 (1991): 137. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/295024.

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25

Brennecke, Hanns Christof. "Christliche Quellen des Ammianus Marcellinus?" Zeitschrift für Antikes Christentum 1, no. 2 (January 1997): 226–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zach.1997.1.2.226.

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26

Blockley, Roger. "Ammianus Marcellinus’s Use of Exempla." Florilegium 13, no. 1 (January 1994): 53–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/flor.13.004.

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The Latin word exemplum is related to the verb eximere (“to take from” or “to take out of”) and in its literal sense indicates a sample that accurately represents the whole. The force of “accurate representation” is extended to the ethical and educational use of an exemplum as an act or a saying (or a combination of both) that stands as an exemplar of an action or an attitude (usually reflecting a vice or a virtue) to be imitated or avoided. The Romans habitually taught by example and argued through example; and the strong ethical colouring, as well as the anecdotal structure, which this process imparts, comes through in many of their writings.

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27

Hunt, E. "Review. Ammianus XXI. Philological and historical commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus XXI. J den Boeft." Classical Review 46, no. 2 (February 1, 1996): 253–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cr/46.2.253.

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28

Woods, David. "Ammianus and sometribuni scholarum palatinarumc. A.D. 53–364." Classical Quarterly 47, no. 1 (May 1997): 269–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/47.1.269.

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The Res Gestae of Ammianus Marcellinus is a major source of our knowledge of the late Roman army. However, although himself a former army officer, it was not the intention of Ammianus to explain the institutions and organization of the late Roman army to his readers. We learn about these only from the incidental pieces of information which are scattered throughout his text. It was not his intention either to present us with the regimental histories of any individual units, yet repeated references to the more prominent and prestigious units were inevitable in a history such as his. This was particularly true in the case of the scholae palatinae because of their role as the bodyguard units of the emperors. It is my intention here to draw together such information as Ammianus provides about the scholae in order to demonstrate how, in a number of cases in particular, it is possible to reconstruct an almost complete list of their commanders for the period c. 353–364

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29

Teitler, H. C. "Ammianus, Libanius, Chrysostomus, and the Martyrs of Antioch." Vigiliae Christianae 67, no. 3 (2013): 263–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700720-12341129.

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Abstract Christian sources name several dozen Christian martyrs under Julian the Apostate. Six of these martyrs were according to such sources executed in Antioch during Julian’s stay in this city in 362-363 A.D. Pagan authors like Ammianus Marcellinus and Libanius are silent about their martyrdom, and about the persecution of Christians by Julian in general. It is examined in this article whether the Christian authors, among them John Chrysostom, represent historical reality more than Ammianus and Libanius do, and whether their writings can be adduced to prove that Julian was a persecutor.

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30

Kelly, Gavin, and Justin Stover. "THE HERSFELDENSIS AND THE FULDENSIS OF AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS: A RECONSIDERATION." Cambridge Classical Journal 62 (August 5, 2016): 108–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1750270516000075.

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The only two authoritative manuscripts of Ammianus Marcellinus to survive to the present day were produced in Germany in the first half of the ninth century: Vaticanus Latinus 1873 from Fulda (V), and a fragmentary manuscript from Hersfeld now preserved in Kassel (M). This article challenges the consensus that V is a copy of M. Taking into account recently uncovered fragments of M (new transcriptions of which are offered in the Appendix), we argue that both are copies of the same damaged original, and discuss the implications for the editing of Ammianus and for our understanding of Carolingian scholarship.

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31

Ermolova, Irina E. "SARACENS IN AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS’ "RES GESTAE"." RSUH/RGGU Bulletin. Series History. Philology. Cultural Studies. Oriental Studies, no. 10 (2018): 194–206. http://dx.doi.org/10.28995/2073-6355-2018-10-194-206.

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32

Szidat, Joachim, and T. G. Elliott. "Ammianus Marcellinus and Fourth Century History." Phoenix 39, no. 1 (1985): 92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1088877.

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33

NEWBOLD, R. F. "Nonverbal Communication in Tacitus and Ammianus." Ancient Society 21 (January 1, 1990): 189–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.2143/as.21.0.2005934.

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34

Hunt, E. D. "Christians and Christianity in Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical Quarterly 35, no. 1 (May 1985): 186–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009838800014671.

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Ammianus Marcellinus, by common consent the last great historian of Rome, rounds off his obituary notice of the emperor Constantius II (d. 361) with the following observation:The plain simplicity of Christianity he obscured by an old woman's superstition; by intricate investigation instead of seriously trying to reconcile, he stirred up very many disputes, and as these spread widely he nourished them with arguments about words; with the result that crowds of bishops rushed hither and thither by means of public mounts on their way to synods (as they call them), and while he tried to make all their worship conform to his own will, he cut the sinews of the public transport service.This is a perceptive judgement of the ecclesiastical politics of the reign of Constantius, remarkable in a pagan writer, and of exceptional significance in that it lies outside those very ‘arguments about words’ which contaminate all the Christian assessments of this emperor. Although Ammianus is unsympathetic to Constantius, he manages succinctly to grasp the basic drift of imperial policy, inherited from Constantine himself, of trying to enforce the emperor's view of doctrinal and ecclesiastical unity by the summoning of repeated episcopal councils and browbeating the bishops into agreement — thus paying lip-service to the independence of the church's judgements. To the observant outsider, this process was notable above all for the burden it placed on thecursus publicus, as the bishops went about their business around the empire now provided with officialevectiones; and Ammianus' comment finds confirmation in the letter issued by eastern bishops attending one of the many councils of Constantius' reign, that at Sardica in 343, who complained of the ‘attrition’ of the transport service caused by the imperial summons.

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35

Adkin, Neil. "The younger Pliny and Ammianus Marcellinus." Classical Quarterly 48, no. 02 (December 1998): 593–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/48.2.593.

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36

Kulikowski, Michael. "Understanding Ammianus Marcellinus, Book by Book." Mnemosyne 73, no. 6 (August 26, 2020): 1049–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1568525x-bja10062.

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Abstract This article examines the now complete Philological and Historical Commentary on Ammianus Marcellinus, begun in the 1930s by Pieter de Jonge and completed in 2018 by J. den Boeft, J.W. Drijvers, D. den Hengst and H.C. Teitler. It starts with a detailed consideration of the final volume, the commentary on Book 31, and addresses aspects of it that reflect both the strengths and the weaknesses of the whole commentary series. From there, it concludes by surveying the most significant historical insights and the most essential historiographical discussions in the volumes produced by the final team of four editors, the so-called quadriga Batavorum.

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37

Miller, A. "Marvell's First Anniversary and Ammianus Marcellinus." Notes and Queries 52, no. 3 (September 1, 2005): 317–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/notesj/gji310.

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38

Woods. "Ammianus Marcellinus 21.6.3: A Misunderstood Omen." Classical Philology 99, no. 2 (2004): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3488381.

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39

Woods, David. "Ammianus Marcellinus 21.6.3: A Misunderstood Omen." Classical Philology 99, no. 2 (April 2004): 163–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/423862.

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40

Kulikowski, Michael. "Coded Polemic in Ammianus Book 31 and the Date and Place of its Composition." Journal of Roman Studies 102 (June 7, 2012): 79–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0075435812000032.

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AbstractTheRes Gestaeof Ammianus Marcellinus poses numerous structural puzzles for the historian, among them the anomalous final book, numbered 31 in the manuscript tradition. This book, which treats the Gothic rebellion ofa.d.376–378 and the campaign of Adrianople, is loosely connected to the other extant books, which conclude with events ofa.d. 375. The present article argues that Book 31 was in origin a separate monograph, drafted in Greek at Antioch in the aftermath of the Roman defeat at Adrianople. Perhaps modelled on theScythicaof Dexippus, its contents reflect the Antiochene and Constantinopolitan polemic of its moment. For reasons that must remain speculative, Ammianus later translated his work into Latin and appended it to a finished draft of theRes Gestae.

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41

Bober, Andrzej. "Autorzy pogańscy o chrześcijaństwie (Galen, Ammianus Marcellinus)." Vox Patrum 10 (June 15, 1986): 311–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.31743/vp.10481.

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42

Barnes, T. D. "Structure and Chronology in Ammianus, Book 14." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 92 (1989): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311370.

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43

Cameron, Alan. "Biondo's Ammianus: Constantius and Hormisdas at Rome." Harvard Studies in Classical Philology 92 (1989): 423. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/311371.

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44

Wilson, Andrew. "Water-Mills at Amida: Ammianus Marcellinus 18.8.11." Classical Quarterly 51, no. 1 (July 2001): 231–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/51.1.231.

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45

Wijnendaele, Jeroen W. P. "Ammianus, Magnus Maximus and the Gothic Uprising." Britannia 51 (April 27, 2020): 330–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0068113x20000045.

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ABSTRACTIt has been asserted that the usurper Magnus Maximus can be identified with the commander Maximus who served during the Gothic uprising of 376–77. This assertion is tempting because it connects imperial events in Africa, the Balkans and Britain during a pivotal period. However, this note aims to dispel this identification. It does so by both examining the socio-institutional ramifications of promotion in the imperial chain of command and cross-examining literary traditions previously overlooked in this identification.

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46

WOODS, D. "AMMIANUS 22.4.6: AN UNNOTICED ANTI-CHRISTIAN JIBE." Journal of Theological Studies 49, no. 1 (April 1, 1998): 145–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/49.1.145.

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47

Woods, David. "AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS AND THE REX ALAMANNORUM VADOMARIUS." Mnemosyne 53, no. 6 (2000): 690–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156852500510895.

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48

Woods, D. "Ammianus Marcellinus and bishop Eusebius of Emesa." Journal of Theological Studies 54, no. 2 (October 1, 2003): 585–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jts/54.2.585.

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49

Ross, Alan J. "Envisioning Adventus: Ammianus between Panegyric and Polemic." Journal of Late Antiquity 14, no. 1 (2021): 97–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jla.2021.0006.

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50

Drijvers, Jan Willem. "Ammianus Marcellinus 15.13.1–2: some observations on the career and bilingualism of Strategius Musonianus." Classical Quarterly 46, no. 2 (December 1996): 532–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/cq/46.2.532.

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At the end of Book 15 of his Res Gestae Ammianus Marcellinus reports how Strategius Musonianus became the successor of the murdered Domitianus as Praefectus Praetorio Orientis (PPO). He tells that Strategius was a man versed in the two languages, i.e. Greek and Latin, and that because of this he had won a higher distinction than was expected. When Constantine the Great, so says Ammianus, was looking for an expert interpreter for his investigation into the Manichaean and similar heresies, he chose Strategius as a person recommended to him as competent. Constantine was so pleased with Strategius' skilful work that he gave him the honourable nickname Musonianus, which became his official name. This assignment was the start of a great career which eventually led to his denomination as PPO under Constantius II.

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