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Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Amnesty International'
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Mihr, Anja. "Amnesty International in der DDR : der Einsatz für Menschenrechte im Visier der Stasi /." Berlin : Links, 2002. http://www.gbv.de/dms/sbb-berlin/342761129.pdf.
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Baldwin, Maria. "Amnesty International, human rights & U.S. policy." Connect to this title online, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=bgsu1162681572.
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Baldwin, Maria T. "AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL, HUMAN RIGHTS & U.S POLICY." Bowling Green State University / OhioLINK, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=bgsu1162681572.
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Tesseur, Wine. "Transformation through translation : translation policies at Amnesty International." Thesis, Aston University, 2015. http://publications.aston.ac.uk/26207/.
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International non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are powerful political players who aim to influence global society. In order to be effective on a global scale, they must communicate their goals and achievements in different languages. Translation and translation policy play an essential role here. Despite NGOs’ important position in politics and society, not much is known about how these organisations, who often have limited funds available, organise their translation work. This study aims to contribute to Translation Studies, and more specifically to investigating institutional translation, by exploring translation policies at Amnesty International, one of the most successful and powerful human rights NGOs around the world. Translation policy is understood as comprising three components: translation management, translation practices, and translation beliefs, based on Spolsky’s study of language policy (2004). The thesis investigates how translation is organised and what kind of policies different Amnesty offices have in place, and how this is reflected in their translation products. The thesis thus also pursues how translation and translation policy impact on the organisation’s message and voice as it is spread around the world. An ethnographic approach is used for the analysis of various data sets that were collected during fieldwork. These include policy documents, guidelines on writing and translation, recorded interviews, e-mail correspondence, and fieldnotes. The thesis at first explores Amnesty’s global translation policy, and then presents the results of a comparative analysis of local translation policies at two concrete institutions: Amnesty International Language Resource Centre in Paris (AILRC-FR) and Amnesty International Vlaanderen (AIVL). A corpus of English source texts and Dutch (AIVL) and French (AILRC-FR) target texts are analysed. The findings of the analysis of translation policies and of the translation products are then combined to illustrate how translation impacts on Amnesty’s message and voice. The research results show that there are large differences in how translation is organised depending on the local office and the language(s), and that this also influences the way in which Amnesty’s message and voice are represented. For Dutch and French specifically, translation policies and translation products differ considerably. The thesis describes how these differences are often the result of different beliefs and assumptions relating to translation, and that staff members within Amnesty are not aware of the different conceptions of translation that exist within Amnesty International as a formal institution. Organising opportunities where translation can be discussed (meetings, workshops, online platforms) can help in reducing such differences. The thesis concludes by suggesting that an increased awareness of these issues will enable Amnesty to make more effective use of translation in its fight against human rights violations.
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Karlberg, Therese. "Den decentraliserade frivilligorganisationen : En fallstudie av Amnesty International Sverige." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-35240.
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The purpose of this study was to find an explanation for why Amnesty International in Sweden has seen an increasing number of members, while the number of participants at the national annual meeting has decreased. The method of the study was done with an inductive approach in which the problem has affected the choice of theory and empirical data. The empirical data has been collected through both qualitative and quantitative method in which the analysis was implemented with support by statistics and interviews. To strengthen the arguments in the paper, sociological theories on organizations are used and also theories about social movements. The conclusion of the study is that Amnesty International Sweden has undergone a transformation towards a decentralized organization because it is not longer relevant for people who are members to achieve the purpose of the organization to participate at the annual meeting. This because that these members accesses the recourses they want to achieve by working on a local level. The main conclusion of this study is that Amnesty has moved towards being an organization that to some extent are working as a social movement, where there is no longer any clear link between local work and the central board of Directors.
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Keiseng, Rakate Phenyo. "Is the Sierra Leonean amnesty law compatible with international law?" Universität Potsdam, 2000. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2010/4419/.
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Der Autor diskutiert in seinem Aufsatz kritisch den Friedensvertrag von Lomé, der am 7. Juli 1999 offiziell den bewaffneten Konflikt in Sierra Leone beendete. Nach einer kurzen Zusammenfassung der allgemeinen Regelungen des Vertrags stellt der Autor die in Artikel 9 des Abkommens vorgesehene Generalamnestie den bindenden Grundsätzen des internationalen Rechts gegenüber.
Internationale Verbrechen, wie Völkermord, Kriegsverbrechen oder Folterung sind als Verstoß gegen ius cogens-Normen von allen Staaten zu verfolgen. Nach der Erörterung der betreffenden Konventionen, internationalen Abkommen und Fallentscheidungen des IGH, die diesen Grundsatz festschreiben, beschreibt er den - Friedensprozessen inhärenten - Konflikt, ein Gleichgewicht zwischen notwendiger Versöhnung und strafrechtlicher Verfolgung zu finden. Bei der Betrachtung des Fallrechts schließt Phenyo neuere Entscheidungen ein, wie die des britischen House of Lords im Fall Pinochet, die sowohl nationalen wie internationalen Gerichten das Recht auf Strafverfolgung internationaler Verbrechen zugestand.
Stellvertretend für die weite Kritik der Generalamnestie des Lomé-Abkommens zitiert der Autor den VN-Generalsekretär Kofi Annan, der die Generalamnestie als unvereinbar mit der Tätigkeit und Aufgabe der internationalen Straftribunale in Den Haag und Arusha sowie des zukünftigen Internationalen Strafgerichtshofes ansieht. Phenyo schließt sich mit seiner kurzen Analyse des Friedensabkommens der kritischen Haltung Annans an und sieht nur eine geringe Möglichkeit für die Durchsetzung der fraglichen Amnestie, deren Gültigkeit durch die wiederaufgeflammten Kämpfe in Sierra Leone auch faktisch in Frage gestellt worden sind. (trai)
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Juvonen, Annimari Elisa. "The Visual Culture of Human Rights. Observations on Amnesty International." Master's thesis, Faculdade de Ciências Sociais e Humanas, Universidade Nova de Lisboa, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/10362/9447.
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Trabalho de project de Mestrado em Antropologia de Direitos Humanos e Movimentos SociaisThe focus of this project is the visual dimension of transformative powers within society, which is approached by inspecting the visual communication of a human rights organization, Amnesty International. My interest towards this type of thematic arose from my previous concentration on human rights discourse and the rhetorics related to it, and now I wanted to prolong my scope on visual rhetorics. My intention was to find out what kind of registers and narratives are used by a human rights organization when human rights are communicated through visuality. I came up with an idea to work with two organizations for gaining a comparative perspective, and these fields turned out to be two local sections of Amnesty International, those of Portugal and Finland. The intention was to follow the paths that these sections have taken in terms of the use of photograph during the transformation related to organizational change and the need to be globalized and unified at once. Visual culture is treated within this project in its strong sense, by emphasizing its cultural dimension, the values and identities that are constructed and communicated using visuality as a medium (Barnard 2001:1-2). The organization, Amnesty International, and its two national sections, the Finnish and the Portuguese one, are all seen as cultural groups that reproduce their particular character and identity with the use of visuality.
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Tjäder, Alexandra. "The power of Amnesty International as a non-governmental organization." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-101377.
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Non-governmental organizations (NGOs) have grown significantly over the years and are today considered to be one of the most influential and powerful actors in the world when it comes to defending democracy and upholding various rights. When it comes to human rights, Amnesty International is one of the largest and most respected NGO in the world. Amnesty International works for a world where all the human rights should be respected and can be enjoyed by all the people of the world. Despite the important work of Amnesty International, knowledge of Amnesty International and other NGOs are very limited. The knowledge that exists is considered to be very simplistic, since NGOs are much more complex than one actually thinks. This study is therefore an effort to increase the knowledge and understanding of Amnesty International and NGOs. Using the “Stakeholder theory”, Amnesty International will be analyzed to examine how powerful and effective it is. Various stakeholders in the form of governments in countries and the media will be used to analyze their relationship with Amnesty International in terms of being able to influence. The findings has shown that because Amnesty International lives on donations, they depend on having a high membership base and reputation. Amnesty International prioritizes therefore topics based on how much the interest there are from the public opinion and in the media. This, instead of Amnesty International focusing and working in the countries where the most serious human rights violations occur and take place. Therefore, Amnesty International as a NGO will be weakened in its effort to be effective in changing and influencing the human rights in the world.
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De, Gruchy Philip R. "Study of Amnesty International, a worldwide movement to defend human rights." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1997. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/ftp04/mq21533.pdf.
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Tomson, Klara. "Amnesty in Translation : Ideas, Interests and Organizational Change." Doctoral thesis, Stockholm : School of Business, Stockholm University, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-7558.
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Bouandel, Youcef. "Human rights and comparative politics." Thesis, University of Glasgow, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.245815.
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Lavesson, Emma. "Amnesty International & Human Rights Watch : Två ideella organisationers ramar för verkligheten." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Medier och kommunikation, 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-146461.
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Hübner, Catharina [Verfasser]. "The Legitimacy of the Afghan Amnesty Law under International Law / Catharina Hübner." Baden-Baden : Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG, 2020. http://d-nb.info/1225182360/34.
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Zlotos, David. "INGOs and the concept of good governance: the case of Amnesty International." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2013. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194225.
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In this paper, Jürgen Habermas' account on 'The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere' will be set into relation with the emergence of INGOs as actors in the public sphere. The emergence of NGOs, and later INGOs, can be closely linked to the transformation of the public sphere as described by Habermas. An account from the early beginnings of non-governmental associations to the institutionalized status of INGOs following the establishment of the UN aims to describe the roots and roles of such organizations as actors within the public sphere more precisely. The concept of 'good governance' will be related to the commitments of the INGO Accountability Charter of which Amnesty International (AI) is a signatory. The case of AI will then be used as an example to apply the insights gained from the theoretical perspectives explored before. The question of whether AI is successful in its application of good governance relies on the definition of 'successful'. In this paper, the definition is given by Habermas' definition of the actorness in the transformed public sphere and the fulfilment of the commitments to the INGO Accountability Charter. Identifying AI as an actor in the public sphere provides the ground on which the development and controversies surrounding this INGO will be analyzed. Understanding the role AI aspires to play is an important factor. In this context, the controversies AI has faced in the public eye become a starting point into the inquiry of what role good governance plays in AI's communicative efforts. These, in turn, are a key to the organization's attempts to counterbalance negative perceptions and to maintain its position as a successful communicative actor. The end will be formed by conclusions given on the analysis of AI's employment of good governance in transformed, transnational civil society. Points for future research will be indicated if applicable.
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Wong, Wendy H. "Centralizing principles how Amnesty International shaped human rights politics through its transnational network /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3307141.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed July 9, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-272).
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Manolas, Evangelos. "The politics of international human rights regimes : with particular reference to the work of Amnesty International and the International Committee of the Red Cross." Thesis, University of Aberdeen, 1989. http://digitool.abdn.ac.uk/R?func=search-advanced-go&find_code1=WSN&request1=AAIU019882.
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This thesis attempts to apply regime 'theory' to the issue-area of international human rights. This is done with reference to the evolution of the concept of human rights, human rights in East-West and North-South relations, the subject of international co-operation on human rights, i.e. international and regional human rights regimes and the work of international human rights NGOs. Regime 'theory' is particularly applied with regard to the work of Amnesty International and the International Committee of the Red Cross and with regard to the subject of promotion rather than protection of human rights. In an attempt to supplement the few existing and 'in length' applications of regime analysis to human rights issues the thesis also looks at the issues examined in an 'in breadth' manner, i.e. looking at specific human rights regimes such as the one against torture rather than at the entire post-war history of all international human rights regimes as the existing 'in length' academic articles have done. This analysis reveals the true value of the two important regime 'theoretical' propositions: (1) changes in norms and principles constitute changes of the regime itself and (2) if there is inconsistency between the regime and related behaviour then this constitutes a weakening of the regime. Regime analysis constitutes a useful analytic tool and should not be dismissed as a 'passing fad' or as 'in itself making little in the way of a long-term contribution to knowledge'. This was so for a number of reasons: (1) regimes are real and do influence behaviour and outcomes; (2) regime analysts have become students of international relations in the true meaning of the term since, by looking at the connecting points of international law politics, security and economics, they offer deep and thorough analyses of an issue; and (3) none of the three regime approaches, i.e. idealism, realism and modified structuralism (with the last one expanded to include cases where there is a fortunate convergence between humanitarian and political/security/economic concerns) can by itself offer a satisfactory account of the full range of observable phenomena. The above three points also re-confirm the validity of conclusions already drawn by other studies which utilized regime analysis. The value of regime analysis was also confirmed by other findings in the thesis: (1) the two regime 'theoretical' propositions as outlined above provided important guidelines in identifying areas which constitute a weakening of human rights regimes and as such they may be seen as very useful warning mechanisms in the service of those who seek to advance human rights, e.g. NGOs; (2) the basic causal factors utilized in the thesis, i.e. self-interest, power, norms and values as well as the two added by the author, that is ideology and foreign policy, although not constituting an exhaustive list, they were, nevertheless, sufficient in offering a more or less satisfactory account of issues under examination; and (3) basic causal factors, regime 'theoretical' propositions as well as the three regime perspectives, offered a basic framework within which to discuss various human rights issues.
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Bengtsson, Emma. "Individens identitetsskapande genom osynliga märken : En studie om identitetsstimulans för månadsgivare till Amnesty International Sverige." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för mediestudier, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-157337.
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This study investigates the relationship between the individual and their monthly donation to the INGO Amnesty International Sweden as a process of identity stimulation. Problematizing how consuming a brand whichdoes not give anything concrete back to the individual communicates through core values in order to strengthen identity. The study uses theories from Zygmunt Bauman, Sidney Levy, Lilie Chouliaraki and Ronald E. Anderson. According to research for the relationship between the individual and brand there has been a shift where the individual choses brands from other parameters than function, rather this is made from its representation. Therefore consuming brands is an expression for identity. Furthermore research about charity organizations states that there has been a shift in how they communicate and affect individuals’ need to reduce suffering - identity stimulation - as a consequence of neoliberalism. The study is constructed through a qualitative methodology that collects empirical data from responsive- and flexible deep interviews, with respondents who donates monthly to Amnesty International Sweden and are in the age gap between 18-30 years old. The study does not aim for a generalization of the result, rather it investigates how identity can be stimulated through Amnesty International Sweden using concepts as self-oriented, others-oriented and reduce suffering. The result proves what have been stated by former theories, were the relationship between the individual and brand functions as an identity stimulation through different aspects such as identification and distance, the individual as a product and ways to materialize this. However, there has been a clear shift in the individuals awareness of online and offline behaviour which affects how they present themselves as a product. As pointed out earlier by theories from Bauman and Levy, the resultemphasizesthat the individual consumes a brand that represents themselves and strengthens their identity individually and to their social environment. Lastly,the study discuss its result of new individual behavior online and offline as a consequence of neoliberalism and how research within media- and communication studies can further help us understand how communication technology and political forces can affect each other in regards of individual behaviour. The study and its result is situated in the junction between the digital communicative sphere and constant political changes.
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Sjöborg, Adam. "Expressretorik mot en bättre värld : Retorisk analys av Amnesty International och Greenpeace användande av Facebook och Twitter." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Avdelningen för retorik, 2012. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-175565.
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Nyman, Malin, and Sara Younis. "Prostitution on the Agenda : A Qualitative Study on how the Problem of Prostitution is framed by Amnesty International." Thesis, Högskolan Väst, Avd för juridik, ekonomi, statistik och politik, 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hv:diva-8318.
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The aim of this thesis is to describe how the problem of prostitution is framed by Amnesty International. The gap in existing lines of scholarship on framing and prostitution policies, and framing and transnational advocacy networks, is the lack of descriptive research on international framing of prostitution by Amnesty International. The theoretical approach of this thesis is social constructivism, framing theory and previous studies on prostitution paradigms. By using framing theory together with previous studies on prostitution paradigms this thesis aim to specifically answer how the problem of prostitution is framed by AI; what they recognize as the problem, cause and solution to the problem. The methods to conduct this study is qualitative single case study, the data consists of official policy documents on sex work, further, the methods of analysis is qualitative textual analysis of the content of the data. The results of this study is that the problem of prostitution is given a human rights frame by Amnesty International that points out the legislative, social, and individual injustices caused by criminalization and that sex work is suggested to be decriminalized because sex workers rights are human rights that is constantly being violated at the hands of state and non-state actors.
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Krizanovic, Dijana. "Die humanitäre Hilfe von Amnesty International und des Roten Kreuzes während des Balkankrieges in den 90-er Jahren." Thesis, Växjö University, School of Humanities, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:vxu:diva-2369.
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Ferrari, Florence, and Martin Polenz. "Amnesty international ; F.-E.-Stiftung ; Terre des Femmes: „Verbrechen im Namen der Ehre" < 2005, Berlin> / [Tagungsbericht]." Universität Potsdam, 2005. http://opus.kobv.de/ubp/volltexte/2011/5621/.
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Tagungsbericht:
Ferrari, Florence ; Polenz, Martin: „Verbrechen im Namen der Ehre" < 2005, Berlin> / veranst. von Amnesty International, Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung und Terre des Femmes am 9. März 2005.
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Daniels, Lesley-Ann. "Buying peace: amnesty as a tool in ending civil wars." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/392137.
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This thesis examines the use of amnesty as a tool for ending civil wars. The thesis is innovative in its focus on amnesties during civil wars and their impact on conflict termination. I examine the conditions under which governments grant amnesties, and the various mechanisms through which amnesty acts as an incentive to stop fighting. I then study how international laws and norms against impunity for atrocious crimes influences the use of amnesty. The thesis combines in-depth quantitative and qualitative analysis by using statistical analysis of all conflict episodes from 1975-2011, as well as an intensive study of the peace negotiations in Colombia.
The thesis has a number of innovative findings. I show that governments are more likely to use amnesty as an instrument of war, and they use it to pick off weaker groups with whom it is easier to settle. Secondly, I find that amnesties are effective both as a direct incentive, but also because they give the government military advantages. Thirdly, I demonstrate that governments balance amnesty against other transitional justice measures to avoid giving political concessions.
The thesis makes various contributions to different literatures. To the transitional justice literature, I bring a comprehensive study of amnesty during civil war, and empirical findings on its determinants and effectiveness. To the civil war literature, I bring a theory of amnesty as an incentive in conflict termination, and a model of the impact of legal intervention as an external action. Overall, this thesis offers both a comprehensive study and theoretical insights into the use of amnesty during civil war.Aquesta tesis examina la utilització d’amnisties com a eines per a finalitzar guerres civils. La tesis és innovadora pel seu enfoc específic sobre amnisties en guerres civils i el seu impacte en la finalització del conflicte. Examino les condicions sota les quals els goberns atorguen amnisties, així com els mecanismes pels quals les amnisties actúen com a incentiu per deixar la lluita. A continuació estudio com les lleis i normatives internacionals contra la impunitat per atrocitats contra la humanitat influeix sobre l’us de les amnisties. La tesis combina anàlisis en profunditat quantitatius i qualitatius, incloent una anàlisis estadística de tots els episodis de conflicte en el període 1975-2011, així com un estudi a fons de les negociacions de pau a Colòmbia. Aquesta tesis presenta resultats innovadors. Demostro que els governs són proclius a fer servir les amnisties com a armes de guerra, amb la intenció de dividir i separar els grups rivals més febles, amb els quals és més fàcil arribar a acords. En segon lloc, trobo que les amnisties efectivament funcionen no sols com a incentius directes, sinò també perquè dónen avantatges militars als governs. En tercer lloc, demostro que els govern utilitzen les amnisties com una mesura més per a evitar concessions polítiques més costoses. Aquesta tesis contribueix a dues branques de la bibliografia política. A l’àrea de justícia transicional, hi aporto un estudi exhaustiu de les amnisties en guerres civils, amb resultats empírics sobre els seus factors determinants i efectivitat. A la literatura en guerres civils, hi aporto una teoria sobre la utilització d’amnisties com a eines en la terminació de conflictes, i un model sobre l’impacte de les intervencions legals externes. En conjunt, aquesta tesis presenta un estudi a fons i noves idees teòriques sobre l’us d’amnisties en guerres civils.
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Thrandardottir, Erla. "What makes NGOs legitimate? : an analysis of Amnesty International UK's, Greenpeace UK's and Cafod's legitimacy claims in the UK national context." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2012. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/what-makes-ngos-legitimate-an-analysis-of-amnesty-international-uks-greenpeace-uks-and-cafods-legitimacy-claims-in-the-uk-national-context(2ee6e680-4a18-4bb0-b3dd-7923bed7bdf2).html.
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This thesis examines how non-governmental organisations (NGOs) claim legitimacy in the UK national context with the aim of increasing the understanding of how NGOs’ access to power is justified. The thesis argues that the limits of current theories on NGOs and legitimacy do not enable proper scrutiny of the organisational complexities involved and proposes that Beetham’s approach to legitimacy is more fruitful. A Beethamite analysis is based on scrutinising NGOs’ legitimacy-in-context. This involves examining NGOs’ normative structures and internal organisation of power in order to explain and assess their legitimacy claims. It explores the legitimacy claims of three UK NGOs by applying a Beethamite analysis to interrogate their legitimacy claims. The NGOs that are my unit of analysis are enmeshed in complex organisational hierarchies that extend beyond the UK territory. Understanding the internal organisation of power in these hierarchies is important for identifying legitimacy sources that underpin NGOs’ legitimacy claims. The three NGOs are Amnesty International UK, Greenpeace UK and Cafod. The case study of Amnesty International UK shows how the legitimation of power is justified internally where the members of the UK section legitimise the representational powers of the International Secretariat. This is contrasted with the normative sources of legitimacy that are more commonly used to justify Amnesty International UK's legitimacy claims and which ignore members as an important source of authority. The analysis in the case study of Greenpeace UK demonstrates how it is a representative unit of Greenpeace International. It also highlights how scientific knowledge has become a legitimacy source that justifies Greenpeace UK's legitimacy claims with implications for how to assess their legitimacy claims. The case study of Cafod analyses how Cafod claims legitimacy as a Catholic agency and how it is institutionally embedded in the Holy See. Cafod is primarily a social agency of the Catholic Church in England and Wales. The case study demonstrates how Cafod's sources of legitimacy are primarily Catholic and that this causes legitimacy problems when Cafod uses secular rather than theological sources of legitimacy to justify its policies. One of the main conclusions of the thesis is that a differentiated approach is needed for analysing NGOs’ legitimacy claims, one that takes into consideration the context of NGOs’ legitimacy claims, their internal process of legitimation and their sources of legitimacy, when assessing their access to power. The lack of an appropriate regulatory framework, and in particular the systematic exclusion of politically oriented NGOs by UK regulators, hinders the advancement of proper assessment and understanding of NGOs’ role in society.
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Gunnervall, Helena. "En sfär av mänskliga rättigheter : om mångfald och (o)likheter i svenska Amnesty." Thesis, Linköping University, Department of Thematic Studies, 2005. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:liu:diva-2964.
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Fokus i uppsatsen är begreppet mångfald och svenska Amnesty. Utgångspunkten är dels det oproblematiserade och positiva talet om mångfald som kommer till uttryck i den offentliga debatten i Sverige och dels det faktum att den svenska sektionen av Amnesty International nyligen tagit beslut om att införa ett"mångfaldsperspektiv"i syfte att genomsyra all organisation och verksamhet.
Syftet med uppsatsen är formulerat i två steg: som ett första steg analyserar jag uppfattningar och föreställningar om Amnesty som organisation, och om dess medlemmar och som ett andra steg gör jag - med särskilt fokus på etniska och kulturella aspekter - en analys av hur mångfald förstås i intervjuerna och hur denna förståelse relateras till svenska Amnesty som organisation. Kvalitativa intervjuer med sex aktiva medlemmar inom svenska Amnesty utgör grunden för analysen. Ett socialkonstruktionistiskt inspirerat synsätt används som teoretisk referensram och begrepp som etnicitet, kultur, mångkulturalism och kategorisering är centrala och används som teoretiska verktyg i analysen.
De huvudsakliga slutsatserna av analysen är att den bild av Amnesty, och dess medlemmar, som kommer till uttryck i intervjuerna är nästintill uteslutande positiv, vilket får till följd att en diskussion om utanförskap och diskriminering i rörelsen inte ges något direkt utrymme. Mångfald förstås i mångt och mycket i termer av en representation av olika"kategorier"av människor såsom "män", "kvinnor", "invandrare", "icke-akademiker". En oreflekterad och oproblematiserad förståelse av mångfald riskerar att"låsa fast"människors olikheter i"kategorier"och på så sätt riskerar olikheter att essentialiseras. Det problematiska i talet om mångfald är inte att man fokuserar på människors olikheter utan att olikhetsdiskussionen snarare utgår från olika kategorier av människor än från individer.
The focus of this study is the concept of diversity and the movement of Amnesty International in Sweden. The starting-point of the study is partly the unproblematic and positive way of referring to diversity in Swedish working life and the public debate and partly the decision taken by Amnesty in Sweden to introduce a “diversity-policy” in the association.
The aim of the study is expressed in two steps: firstly, my aim is to analyse the understanding of Amnesty as an organisation, expressed by active Amnesty-members in Sweden. Secondly, my aim is to analyse the understanding of diversity, expressed by the members, and the way this understanding refers to the movement of Amnesty in Sweden. The empirical material is primarily based upon qualitative in-depths interviews with six active Amnesty-members. Social constructionism is used as a theoretical frame of reference and concepts as ethnicity, culture, multiculturalism and categorizing are essential in the study and used as theoretical tools in the analysis.
The main results are that the image of Amnesty and its members given in the interviews, is, in principle, exclusively positive, giving no space for a discussion of discrimination in the organisation. The understanding of diversity is based upon a conception of representation of different categories of people, such as “men”, “women”, “immigrants”, “non-academics” etc. The unproblematic way of speaking of diversity run the risk of strengthen the conception of “difference” based upon different categories of people, not individuals.
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Myint, San San. "Resource mobilisation and communication effectiveness of nongovernmental organisations in the human rights movement : a case study of Amnesty International." Thesis, Queensland University of Technology, 1994. https://eprints.qut.edu.au/36263/1/36263_Myint_1994.pdf.
Full textAbstract:
This study sought to examine the communication effectiveness and resource mobilisation
potential of Amnesty futemational in the human rights movement. The theoretical
ramework is based on McCarthy and Zald's resource mobilisation perspective and Rice and
Bair's perspective on the organisational communication effectiveness of office
automation. The study revealed that Amnesty futemational has worked to communicate
effectively in mobilising its limited resources for social change. The adoption of
the modem communication technologies and the analysis of their ability to enhance
the communication effectiveness further highlighted the fact that communication effectiveness is essential for effective mobilisation of resources.
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Del, Toro Marilu. "The discursive impact of transnational advocacy networks : how amnesty international and human rights watch influenced the media coverage of the Rwanda genocide." FIU Digital Commons, 2009. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/2765.
Full textAbstract:
Initial representations of the Rwanda genocide in the Western media were at best inaccurate and at worst, stereotypical, citing African "tribal savagery" and "centuries-old tribal hatred" as the reason for the mass killings. Two major human rights organizations, Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch, had the opportunity to correct media portrayals and help shape the agenda for policymakers. The purpose of this study was to take a critical look at media portrayals and discover whether these two nongovernmental organizations played a role in influencing the coverage. An extensive media analysis of three elite Western newspapers found that NGOs were the single largest source of nuanced political explanations countering stereotypes of African "tribal warfare." Human Rights Watch, in particular, played a pivotal role in sensitizing the media to the genocide's character as a planned, politically motivated campaign.
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Bunel, Jean-Dominique. "L'amnistie des crimes de masse applicable à de "simples exécutants"." Thesis, Paris 11, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA111017.
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Lorsque des peuples émergèrent enfin d’un conflit armé interne ou international qui s’était traduit par de longues années de souffrances et d’injustice, l’accord de paix conclu entre les anciens partis antagonistes, le plus souvent le gouvernement et les forces rebelles, comporta presque toujours une amnistie des crimes de masse commis par un grand nombre de leurs partisans. Ainsi, depuis le début du vingtième siècle, plusieurs dizaines d’Etats – principalement en Amérique latine et en Afrique - adoptèrent de telles mesures, qui revêtirent un caractère polymorphe. Principalement dirigées vers les simples exécutants de violations graves du droit humanitaire, elles furent parfois prises par des dirigeants politiques autocrates qui n’étaient pas toujours animés des meilleures intentions et qui cherchaient à consolider leur pouvoir ou à se ménager une porte de sortie honorable ; considérées comme « scélérates », elles s’opposent aux amnisties « ver-tueuses » adoptées par des dirigeants démocrates qui estimèrent qu’elles constituaient l’option la plus raisonnable pour favoriser la réconciliation et le rétablissement de l’Etat de droit dans leur pays, compte tenu des circonstances.Pourtant une telle voie leur était théoriquement inter-dite puisque la communauté internationale s’est très tôt engagée dans une lutte contre l’impunité des crimes de guerre et des crimes contre l’humanité, déclarés imprescriptibles, qui ne peuvent bénéficier d’aucune mesure de clémence publique et qui doivent être réprimés par tous les Etats au nom de leur « compé-tence universelle ». Toutefois cette « posture de conviction » sur l’illégitimité des amnisties des crimes de masse au regard du droit international humanitaire se heurta souvent aux contingences du terrain. Prenant en considération l’aspiration prioritaire des peuples au retour à la paix, fut-ce au détriment du droit des victimes à la vérité, aux réparations et au recours juridictionnel, la communauté internationale composa fréquemment avec ces impératifs pour adopter un « comportement de responsabilité ». Celui-ci s’imposa d’autant plus à elle, et tout particulièrement aux Nations unies, qu’elle n’était pas en mesure de propo-ser une alternative satisfaisante à l’amnistie. Elle n’a en effet mis en place aucun mécanisme juridictionnel permettant de juger les auteurs ordinaires de crimes de masse, qui se comptent par millions. Quant aux juri-dictions internes des pays post-conflictuels, elles n’offraient généralement aucune garantie d’efficacité et d’impartialitéInWhen the people finally emerged from an internal or international armed conflict, which resulted in lasting years of suffering and injustice, peace agreements between former opposing parties (most often the government and representatives of rebel forces) almost always included an amnesty for mass atrocities com-mitted by a large number of their supporters.Thus, since the early 20th Century, dozens of states, mainly in Latin America and Africa, adopted such measures, which assumed a polymorphic character.These amnesties, mainly directed to « low level participants » in serious violations of international humanitarian law, were often adopted by political autocrats seeking to consolidate their power, or to arrange an honourable way out. This type of amnesty, viewed as « villainous » is in complete contrast to « virtuous » amnesties adopted by democratic leaders who considered them the most appropriate option to ensure the reconciliation between communities, and to restore the rule of law in their country, given circum-stances.Both types of amnesties however, are prohibited by international conventions because the international community commits itself to struggling against impu-nity for war crimes and crimes against humanity; declared inalienable, which cannot benefit from any public leniency. The perpetrators of such serious violations of criminal humanitarian laws must be punished by all States in the name of their « universal jurisdiction ». This mind-set on the illegitimacy of amnesties for international crimes however, often encountered pressures from the military.Taking into account the aspiration of peoples’ priority for a return to peace and security, even at the expense of the rights of victims to truth, reparations and judi-cial proceedings, the international community often composed with these requirements to adopt a « respon-sible behaviour ». It is even more strongly enforced by the United Nations, as no satisfactory alternative to amnesty granted to « low level perpetrators » was offered by international criminal jurisdictions. As for the domestic courts of post-conflict countries, they generally offered no guarantee of efficiency and impartiality
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Meirelles, Renata. "Acender as velas já é profissão: a atuação da Anistia Internacional em relação ao Brasil durante a ditadura (1961-1981)." Universidade de São Paulo, 2016. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8138/tde-03102016-134758/.
Full textAbstract:
Durante a ditadura (1964-85), a Anistia Internacional ofereceu assistência a presos políticos brasileiros e ajudou a divulgar no exterior as denúncias de tortura perpetradas por agentes da repressão do regime militar brasileiro. Este trabalho se detém sobre a atuação da Anistia Internacional em relação ao Brasil durante o período da ditadura. A fim de entender como se deu essa atuação, buscou-se analisar o processo de formação da Anistia, seu modus operandi na investigação de denúncias de violações de direitos humanos, e identificar os seus princípios e diretrizes. No exame sobre a assistência a presos políticos brasileiros, foi possível observar uma flexibilização dos princípios de foco no indivíduo e não-violência, que eram considerados pela organização como constitutivos da sua atuação no plano internacional. Além disso, reuniu-se documentação que indica que a decisão da Anistia de intensificar a defesa de presos políticos brasileiros, verificada a partir de 1969, não foi motivada somente pelo agravamento de sua situação. Deveu-se também à reformulação estratégica posta em prática pela organização após a grave crise interna que a AI atravessou em 1967. A nova estratégia pressupunha avanços na profissionalização que previam a expansão das atividades da Anistia para além da Europa, o que permitiu uma reformulação de seu trabalho em relação à América Latina e ao Brasil, onde sua atuação havia permanecido tímida até 1969.During the Brazilian dictatorship (1964-85), Amnesty International assisted political prisoners and helped to publicize charges of torture against agents of the military regimes repressive apparatus. This work focuses on the activities of Amnesty during the period of Brazil\'s dictatorship; analyzing its modus operandi, core principles and objectives. Through a specific examination of Amnesty\'s work on Brazilian political prisoners, it is possible to observe how Amnesty adapted its organizational principles such as non-violence and the focus on individual cases during this time. In 1967, Amnesty experienced a severe internal crisis, which prompted the organization to set a new strategy of professionalization. These changes enabled Amnesty to expand its activities beyond Europe to Latin America, including Brazil, where before 1969 its presence had been minimal. The research shows how Amnestys decision to increase its focus on Brazilian political prisoners from 1969 onwards was not only due to the worsening plight of these prisoners but also motivated by a new agenda in the organisation itself.
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Ivanova, Nadiia. "Comparison of the management systems of international organizations dealing with human rights in selected countries." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2011. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-113318.
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This work focuses on the comparison of the managerial systems of Ukrainian and Czech branches of international human rights organization Amnesty International. In theoretical part it describes types of government of nonprofit organizations, principles of their management, introduces analytic-normative model of the management of organization and external factors that can influence organization. Practical part if focused on the analysis of Amnesty International as a whole, its respective branches, application of the analytic-normative model for those branches, analysis of similarities and differences and identification of the causes of those differences. Results show the influence of organization's external environment on its management.
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Paolitti, Chiara <1993>. "Il ruolo di Amnesty International nella tutela dei diritti delle donne con focus sulla violenza di genere e la campagna sul consenso." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/19422.
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Il lavoro di tesi presentato vuole esaminare il contributo di Amnesty International in materia di tutela dei diritti umani e, in particolar modo, con un focus sui diritti delle donne e la violenza di genere. Percorrendo le tappe storiche, politiche e culturali che hanno portato alla nascita del discorso sui diritti umani e di Amnesty International, tenterò di arrivare a parlare specificatamente di diritti delle donne con i relativi sviluppi storico-culturali, dei cambiamenti di significato del concetto di violenza di genere e mi concentrerò sull’analisi del lavoro di Amnesty International in materia di diritti di genere portando l’esempio concreto della nuova campagna del 2020 che si batte per adattare il codice penale italiano alla Convenzione del Consiglio d'Europa sulla prevenzione e la lotta contro la violenza nei confronti delle donne e la violenza domestica, o Convenzione di Istanbul. Tale campagna, denominata Io Lo Chiedo, si focalizza anche sull’educazione riguardo al concetto di consenso.
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Kameldy, Neldjingaye. "Challenging impunity in northern Uganda : the tension between amnesties and the principle of international criminal responsibility." Diss., University of Pretoria, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2263/5448.
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This dissertation intends to analyse the practice of amnesties in the context of grave human rights violations using northern Uganda as a case study. It also examines its consistency with the obligation upon states to protect human rights through the prosecution of perpetrators of the said violations. It will, accordingly, analyse the
implications of the complementary mandate of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to national jurisdictions.
Furthermore, the author also explores the tension which results from national amnesties and the principle of international criminal responsibility, a principle that the ICC has the mandate
to enforce.Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2007.
A Dissertation submitted to the Faculty of Law University of Pretoria, in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree Masters of Law (LLM in Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa). Prepared under the supervision of Dr Ben Kiromba Twinomugisha of the Faculty of Law, Makerere University, Kampala, Uganda.
http://www.chr.up.ac.za
Centre for Human Rights
LLM
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Markland, Alistair. "Knowledge and global advocacy : a sociological study of INGO practitioners and their epistemic limits." Thesis, Aberystwyth University, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2160/2bf2fc16-7349-49f2-ad80-962d2e74d826.
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This doctoral research project conducts a political sociology of knowledge of non-governmental actors engaged in advocating and reporting on issues relating to conflict and human rights. It engages the following research question: what are the limits of knowledge produced by non-governmental advocates? This question is applied to empirical case studies looking at, firstly, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the International Crisis Group, and secondly, a network of global activists working on post-war Sri Lanka (2010-2014). Applying a Bourdieusian sociological framework, the thesis argues that professional advocates' epistemic practices are shaped by an array of socio-political dependencies. Contrasting with past applications of Bourdieu to International Relations, this thesis reveals contextually-specific dependencies through multiple levels and scales of analysis. At the organisational level, these dependencies manifest through advocacy NGOs' market-like relations with their targeted consumers, as well as their relations with rival knowledge producers. At the level of the human practitioner, it is shown how leading advocacy NGOs are reliant upon a relatively narrow labour market, consisting of practitioners who share a strong dispositional affinity with their consumers. Studying a smaller group of global advocates working on post-war Sri Lanka, the thesis also demonstrates how symbiotic relations between NGO practitioners and leading policy stakeholders had a structuring effect on advocates' network relations, as well as stimulating a deference to a dominant policy discourse of 'liberal peace'. Shifting the attention to advocates' extraction of knowledge from its proximal contexts, this thesis also examines the influence of advocates' localised dependencies. In the case of post-war Sri Lanka, it is shown how foreign advocates' knowledge is informed by a limited set of domestic actors, primarily encompassing the country's liberal elites. Overall, these dependencies are argued to place significant constraints on knowledge generated in advocacy contexts - limits that differ to other modes of knowledge production.
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Jaramba, Toddy. "Voluntary disclosure programmes and tax amnesties: an international appraisal." Thesis, Rhodes University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10962/d1015666.
Full textAbstract:
Tax amnesties are government programs that typically allow a short period of time for tax evaders to voluntarily repay previously evaded taxes without being subject to penalties and prosecution that discovery of such tax evasion normally brings. Tax amnesties differ widely in terms of coverage, tax types, and incentives offered. A state’s Voluntary Disclosure Programme is another avenue available to taxpayers to assist them in resolving their state tax delinquencies. This programme is an on-going programme as compared to a tax amnesty, which is there for a limited time period only. The main goal of the research was to describe the tax amnesty and the voluntary disclosure programmes in South Africa and to assess their advantages and disadvantages. This thesis also discussed another form of voluntary disclosure programme, referred to as an Offshore Voluntary Disclosure Programme, which allows taxpayers with unreported foreign bank accounts, and presumably unreported foreign income, to voluntarily disclose their affairs. The study found that, due to tax amnesties, Government raises more tax revenue not only in the short run from collecting overdue taxes but also by bringing former non-filers back into the tax system for the long run. It was also found that, initially short-run revenue brought in from overdue taxes will be positive for the first amnesty and then decline each time the amnesty is offered repeatedly. The reason for the decline in revenue might be that tax amnesties provide incentives for otherwise honest taxpayers to start evading taxes because they will anticipate the offering of future amnesties, thereby weakening tax compliance. The costs associated with amnesty programmes include negative long run revenue impact and also that amnesty programmes reduce compliance by taxpayers in the long-run. In South Africa tax amnesties, especially the voluntary disclosure programme, are likely to be successful since they will increase the revenue yield and also bring non-filers back on the tax rolls.
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Scharnagel, Benjamin. "Internationale Nichtregierungsorganisationen und die Bereitstellung globaler öffentlicher Güter /." Frankfurt am Main [u.a.] : Lang, 2003. http://www.gbv.de/dms/zbw/361816227.pdf.
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Hellström, Inez. "Att förena ett land : En fallstudie om Sydafrikas sanning och försoningskommission." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-46421.
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After decades of repression and segregation South Africa managed to break free from the Apartheid era. The year was 1994 when democracy started to prevail in South Africa. That year a truth commission was created in the country to deal with the human rights violations of apartheid. This thesis will analyze the truth commission’s management through three perspectives. These perspectives are the Truth Commission’s, a report by Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch and lastly a theory by Samuel Huntington. The analysis is designed as a case study of the truth commission’s work. This thesis describes the commissions work and the challenges that followed. The purpose of the thesis is to describe and analyze some of the different approaches on South Africa’s process of reconciliation. This has been done to see if there is parallels or possible contradictions between the perspectives and to highlight challenges. The result shows that the perspectives do have split opinions about the commissions work. The Truth Commission aims to bring the country forward in a fast pace, while Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch stands more critical on how the commission chooses to go about. Clear parallels are also shown between Huntingtons theory and the reality of South Africa’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission.
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Nyquist, Davidsson Rebecca. ""Rätten till liv" : En jämförelse av djurrättsorganisationen Djurens Rätts och människorättsorganisationen Amnestys argumentationsstrategier på webben." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för utbildning, kultur och kommunikation, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-55171.
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Syftet med uppsatsen var att undersöka vilka retoriska strategier som används i texter publicerade på djurrättsorganisationen Djurens Rätts respektive människorättsorganisationen Amnestys webbsida, och vilka likheter och skillnader det finns organisationernas argumentation emellan. Vidare bestod metoden av en deskriptiv argumentationsanalys med utgångspunkt i fem olika argumentationstyper. Resultatet påvisade likheter vad gäller förekomsten av orsaks-och konsekvensargument, exempelargument och analogiargument medan märkbara skillnader fanns i anknytning till auktoritetsargument och regelargument. Skillnaderna skulle till viss del kunna förklaras i relation till Djurens Rätts och Amnestys olika arbetsområden samt de kontraster som finns vad gäller social och juridisk status mellan djurs respektive människors rättigheter. Slutligen är det möjligt att likheterna i organisationernas reotrik beror på likartade arbetssätt och syften.
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Toma, Marijana. "The plea agreements process in the International criminal tribunal for former Yugoslavia in the light of the amnesty process in the Truth and Reconciliation commission in South Africa." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6808.
Full textAbstract:
While many countries are facing difficulties in implementing transitional justice mechanisms, designed mainly to include different stakeholders in the process, in very few contexts have perpetrators been perceived as active participants who represent a potential resource to the process. This study examines and compares two contexts in which this has been so. Its central objective is to understand to what extent the practice of plea bargaining with perpetrators of war crimes at the International Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) contributed to the process of establishing the truth about past abuses and to compare this with probably the most controversial aspect of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission in South Africa (TRC) -- granting of amnesty to the responsible for the atrocities during apartheid. Drawing on both contexts, this study argues that that acknowledgment given by perpetrators potentially constitutes a legitimate and in some contexts crucial transitional justice mechanism. The study has not examined all the issues relating to these processes, recognizing their complexity in both the historical development of the field of transitional justice and the specific features of the process in each context. The study was developed at two levels, firstly through a normative analysis of the aims and objectives of the plea bargaining process at the ICTY and amnesty process at the TRC and secondly, through historical and factual investigation of the processes and outcomes in relation to the criteria set out for processes ICTY and TRC adopted. The main aim was to analyze what were the outcomes of these two processes in terms of contributing to the process of establishment of truth. Recognizing that these processes were inherently different from each other ? one being implemented in criminal trials, and other in truth commission, it is important to note that these have been the only two examples to date to include a form of compromise with perpetrators as one of their main strategies for the process of establishing truth. While recognizing that serious criticism have been made against both institutions for this compromises, this study concludes that any truth process, if trying to be comprehensive, will have to include perpetrators, because only they can provide the most important element in dealing with the human rights violations and the one most difficult to be obtained - acknowledgment by those who actually committed the crime.
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Özkula, Suay Melisa. "#digital_disruption @amnesty international : from digital to networked to hybrid activism : a case study of the meaning and adoption of digital activism in changing 20th century civil society organisations." Thesis, University of Kent, 2017. https://kar.kent.ac.uk/61796/.
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Like many organisations in the 21st century, longstanding civil society organisations are facing new challenges in adapting to the digital age. This thesis addresses those concerns through an exploration of the social meaning and contextualised effects of digital activism at case study Amnesty International. It provides a socio-cultural account of AI and a conceptual perspective on digital activism as part of Amnesty's digitalisation processes. It explores existing concerns around the tension between the potential of digital activism for more decentralised, grassroots movements through broadened political participation, and the more centralised and hierarchical structures developed by long-standing humanitarian organisations - a problem which has been described as the tension between networks and hierarchies (e.g. Lindgren 2013a: 24-25) or between sovereignty and networks (Galloway & Thacker 2007: 1). This study contends that there are analytical issues and conceptual implications in describing the new activism as "digital", as what I shall call "digitality" here is neither the sole nor the primary feature along which activism has changed in recent years. The study will argue that digital activism is conceptually dysfunctional because practices described as digital activism aren't always based predominantly on digital activities, which is reflected in participants' descriptions of the phenomenon. Digitality as a descriptor is therefore misleading. The concepts of networked activism (activism based on wide social networks as facilitated by digital technology) and hybrid activism (activism based on top-down and bottom-up co-construction) will therefore be suggested as potentially more suitable descriptions or categories for what has thus far been called digital activism. Those attributes were highlighted as the dominant characteristics of the new activism by study participants. The thesis further argues that humanitarian organisations are facing difficulties in conceptualising and adopting digital activism to the extent that digital activism has become disruptive to them. For that purpose, the thesis draws on Simon Lindgren's (2013a) work on the sociology of digital disruption. The thesis argues that digital disruption occurs as a result of digital activism challenging hierarchical organisational structures, practices, and cultures, leading to structural and cultural changes. It further argues that, in response to the cultural and structural challenges posed by digital activism, the organisation is moving away from an understanding of digital activism and culture as something that is digital towards something that is networked, which is reflected in participant views and the organisation' restructuring of its digital work from a centralised to a networked model. There are also tentative efforts at Amnesty International to move beyond a network model towards co-constructive (hybrid) working practices with its constituencies. As evidence for the disruptive potential of digital activism the thesis will provide staff members' differing views of digital media and digital activism, uncertainty surrounding the terminology for digital activism, and the organisation's continuously changing integration of digital work (digitalisation). The findings draw on data from a multi-method quasi-ethnographic case study of digital activism conceptualisations and practices at Amnesty International. The methods include participant observation offline at the organisation's headquarters in London, online observation in the internal Amnesty International Social Media Managers' Facebook group, and 20 interviews with AI staff members.
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Amato, Maria Luisa. "La funzione sociale della traduzione volontaria in ambito umanitario." Bachelor's thesis, Alma Mater Studiorum - Università di Bologna, 2018. http://amslaurea.unibo.it/16086/.
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Il presente elaborato finale si propone di investigare il ruolo dei traduttori volontari nelle organizzazioni umanitarie. Partendo da un’analisi dei vari ambiti in cui si praticano la traduzione e l’interpretazione non professionali (es. fansubbing, child language brokering, ecc.), ci si concentra successivamente nell’ambito umanitario. In particolare, vengono presentate le due organizzazioni internazionali Amnesty International e Translators without Borders, che sono una dimostrazione reale di quanto la traduzione sia indispensabile nella diffusione di idee e valori eticamente condivisibili. Infine, si commenterà la traduzione, svolta dalla candidata, come test di selezione per collaborare con TWB: un esempio di come le scelte traduttive possano rivelare l’etica dei traduttori.
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Kalousková, Lucie. "Úspěšné kampaně v boji za lidská práva." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-193396.
Full textAbstract:
The importance of NGOs has been on the rise since the World War II. Amnesty International is one the best-known human rights nongovernmental organizations which has been globally successful in human rights agenda setting. This Diploma thesis analyzes the common features of three selected successful Amnesty International campaigns and aims to determine key attributes that can help to reach the goals of human rights campaigns.
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Issa, Kati Valentina. "EN MÄNSKLIG RÄTTIGHET ELLER ETT SKAMLIGT BESLUT? - EN PÅGÅENDE DISKUSSION : En kvalitativ studie om hur förändringen i åsikter lett Amnesty International till att besulta om en ny policy för sexarbetare." Thesis, Mälardalens högskola, Akademin för ekonomi, samhälle och teknik, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mdh:diva-48547.
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In 2015, Amnesty International introduced a policy called “Sex Worker’s Rights are Human Rights” aimed at preventing discrimination and human rights violations for sex workers. The policy would work to prevent discrimination and human rights violations from occurring for sex workers. By decriminalizing both the sale of sex and the purchase of sex, the organization said that the well-being, health and integrity of sex workers would thus be improved (Amnesty International, 2015). The purpose of this study is to investigate how the debate on prostitution has undergone a change before Amnesty’s policy began to operate in 2015. The arguments highlighted over time would be examined from the period 2004-2014. The reason why the period 2004 to 2014 has been selected is to position how the organization has undergone a change that may have led to a decision on a new policy. The study also aimed to present and interpret the ideas and arguments that have occurred in the light of the three feminist theories: Radical feminist theory, liberal feminist theory and sex radicalism. The methodological choice is based on a qualitative study in the form of text analysis in which 60 texts from both Amnesty International and Amnesty Press will be analyzed and interpreted. The results shown in the study are that the section internationally and in Sweden share some differences among each other. There are many in the members of the Swedish section who think that buying sex should be criminalized because they believe that it is a form of exercise of power, while the other part of the section’s members are pushing for liberalization to achieve equality and not objectify the voluntary sex workers as victims. The phenomenon also depicts perspectives depending on when the phenomenon is mentioned, in previous years it is referred to as prostitution, which means from radical perspectives. Whereas, more recently, just before the policy began to operate, it suggested more sex-radical perspectives and a liberalization around the purchase of sexual services. Finally, the perspective is a depicted and moves towards a liberalization where the phenomenon is called after sex work in both the Swedish and the international section.Amnesty International införde år 2015 en policy vid namn “Sex Worker’s Rights are Human Rights” som syftade till att förhindra att diskriminering och kränkning av de mänskliga rättigheterna uppstår för sexarbetarna. Genom en avkriminalisering på både försäljning av sex och sexköp menade organisationen att sexarbetarnas välmående, hälsa och integritet på så sätt skulle förbättras (Amnesty International, 2015). Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka hur debatten kring prostitution genomgått en förändring innan Amnestys policy började verka år 2015. Argumenten som lyftes fram över tid skulle undersökas utifrån tidsperioden 2004–2014. Anledningen till att tidsperioden 2004 till 2014 har valts ut syftar på att positionera hur organisationen genomgått en förändring som kan ha lett till ett beslut om en ny policy. Studien syftade även till att framlägga samt tolka idéerna och argumenten som förekommit i ljuset av de tre feministiska teorierna: Radikalfeministisk teori, liberalfeministisk teori och sexradikalism. Metodvalet grundar sig på en kvalitativ studie i form av textanalys där 60 texter från både Amnesty International och Amnesty Press kommer att analyseras och tolkas. Resultat som påvisats i studien är att sektionen internationellt och i Sverige delar en del skiljemeningar bland varandra. Det finns många inom den svenska sektionens medlemmar som tycker att sexköp borde kriminaliseras eftersom de menar att det är en form av maktutövning, medan den andra delen av sektionens medlemmar trycker på en liberalisering för att uppnå jämställdhet och inte objektifiera de frivilliga sexarbetarna till offer. Fenomenet skildrar även perspektiv beroende på när i tiden fenomenet omtalas, under tidigare år benämns det som prostitution vilket menar på radikala perspektiv. Medan senare tid precis innan policyn började verka, tydde på mer sexradikala perspektiv och en liberalisering kring köpet av sexuella tjänster. Avslutningsvis skildras perspektivet och går mot en liberalisering där fenomenet benämns efter sexarbete på både den svenska och den internationella sektionen.
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Mosler, David. "Reconciliation Through Truth? - A Comparison of the Judicial Approach of the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the Amnesty Principle of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2011. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21615.
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Throughout the past three decades the world has witnessed an increased transition of states from autocratic systems to liberal democracies. During such transitions the reconciliation of societies fractured by previous human atrocities is an integral part for success. This article explores the impacts of principles of truth and justice on reconciliation of fractured societies during the process of transitional justice. Throughout the process it will provide an insight on different aspects and levels of the terminology of reconciliation. To illustrate the difference between a judicial approach and the process of amnesty giving, it will contrast the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia and the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of South Africa. Furthermore, it will provide an analytical account on the impact of internal actors versus external actors on reconciliation of fractured societies. This analysis will provide an understanding of the factors at work during reconciliation as a process and an outcome.
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Mation, Gisela Ferreira. "Direito internacional na jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal." Universidade de São Paulo, 2013. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-04042014-145906/.
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O presente trabalho busca analisar a evolução da discussão dogmática sobre a relação entre direito interno e direito internacional na jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal. A pesquisa dedica especial atenção a três casos específicos, julgados entre 2008 e 2010, que são representativos de uma nova fase no entendimento corte, em que o Supremo Tribunal Federal tratou de uma série de questões inéditas na sua jurisprudência. São eles a decisão, em 2008, sobre a prisão civil do depositário infiel, proibida pela Convenção Americana de Direitos Humanos; a ADPF no 101, de 2009, sobre a importação de pneus usados e remoldados, cuja regulamentação também foi objeto de decisões no âmbito do Mercosul e da OMC; e a ADPF no 153, de 2010, que discutiu a Lei da Anistia, também tratada na Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos. Mapeando as discussões dogmáticas nesses casos, busca-se identificar as implicações dos tratados internacionais e das decisões de tribunais internacionais para o ordenamento jurídico brasileiro, bem como as contradições e omissões de tais decisões. A análise do desenvolvimento da jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal considera as transformações ocorridas no direito internacional a partir do final da Segunda Guerra Mundial e as mudanças incorporadas às constituições brasileiras, e em especial a Constituição de 1988 e a sua Emenda no 45, de 2004.This study seeks to analyze the evolution of the dogmatic debate on the relationship between domestic and international law in the Brazilian Supreme Courts case law. The research devotes special attention to three specific cases, decided between 2008 and 2010, which are representative of a new phase in the courts understanding, in which the Supreme Court has dealt with completely new issues. These cases are the following: the decision in 2008 on the civil imprisonment of an unfaithful trustee, prohibited by the American Convention on Human Rights; ADPF No. 101, from of 2009, on the import of used tires, which had also been the subject of decisions within Mercosur and WTO; and ADPF No 153, from 2010, which discussed the Brazilian Amnesty Act, also addressed by the Interamerican Court of Human Rights. By mapping dogmatic discussions of these cases, I seek to identify the implications of international treaties and decisions of international tribunals for the Brazilian legal system, as well as the contradictions and omissions of such decisions. The analysis of the development of the Supreme Courts case law considers the transformation occurring in international law since the end of World War II and the changes incorporated into the Brazilian constitutions, and in particular the Constitution of 1988 and its Amendment No 45 of 2004.
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Aivo, Gérard. "Le statut de combattant dans les conflits armés non internationaux : etude critique de droit international humanitaire." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30053.
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Avant les Conventions de Genève de 1949, seuls les conflits armés internationaux étaient réglementés par le droit de la guerre. Ce dernier ne pouvait s’appliquer dans les guerres civiles qu’après la reconnaissance des forces rebelles comme partie belligérante. Or, depuis la Seconde guerre mondiale on a assisté à une multiplication des conflits armés non internationaux. Mais les Conventions de Genève de 1949 leur ont consacré seulement l’article 3 commun ; puis le Protocole II additionnel de 1977 est venu le compléter. Ces deux textes comportent de nombreuses lacunes, notamment l’absence de définition des « combattants » et des « civils », rendant ainsi difficile le respect du principe de distinction pourtant essentiel à la protection des populations civiles. Ces dispositions ne réglementent pas non plus les moyens et méthodes de guerre. Outre les lacunes normatives, il y a des problèmes matériels qui compliquent la mise en œuvre efficace des règles pertinentes. Il s’agit notamment de la participation des populations civiles aux hostilités, y compris les enfants-Soldats et les mercenaires. L’absence du statut de combattant dans les conflits armés non internationaux apparaît comme le problème principal compromettant l’efficacité du DIH. Celle-Ci ne contribue-T-Elle pas au non respect de ce droit par les groupes armés ? Faudrait-Il conférer ce statut à ces derniers en vue de les amener à appliquer le droit international humanitaire ou envisager d’autres moyens ? Lesquels ?Before the Geneva Conventions of 1949, only the international armed conflicts were regulated by the law of the war. This last one could apply in the civil wars only after the recognition of the rebel forces as belligerent party. Now, since the Second World War we attended an increase in non-International armed conflicts. But the Geneva Conventions of 1949 dedicated them only the common article 3; then the additional Protocol II of 1977 came to complete it. These two texts contain numerous gaps, in particular the absence of definition of the "combatants" and the "civilians", making so difficult the respect for the principle of distinction nevertheless essential for the protection of the civil populations. These rules do not regulate either the means and the war methods. Besides the normative gaps, there are material problems which complicate the effective implementation of the relevant rules. It is in particular about the participation of the civil populations in the hostilities, including the children-Soldiers and the mercenaries. The absence of combatant's status in the non-International armed conflicts appears as the main problem compromising the efficiency of the international humanitarian law. Does not this one contribute to the non compliance with this law by the armed groups? Would it be necessary to confer this status to these last ones to bring them to apply the international humanitarian law or to envisage the other means? Which one?
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Neira, Pinzon Clara Stella. "La compétence internationale pénale à la lumière du précédent Pinochet." Thesis, Strasbourg, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015STRAA024/document.
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L’application de la compétence internationale pénale dans l'affaire Pinochet à laissé un précédent important dans le domaine de la lutte contre l'impunité, comme le démontre la procédure mise en œuvre par l'Audiencia Nacional d'Espagne, ainsi que par la Cour d'Assises de Paris avec application du principe de la personnalité passive. En effet, avec le mandat d’arrêt international aux fins d'extradition émis par les autorités judiciaires espagnols, qui a permis l'arrestation de Pinochet à Londres, la négation de son immunité par la chambre des Lords et le jugement par défaut en France de son administration militaire, le droit international connait un avant et in après. Le droit international pénal est ainsi mis en exergue en tant que fondement juridique de la compétence extra-territoriale des Etats. Il permet d'utiliser tant le principe de la compétence universelle que celui. Il permet d'utiliser tant le principe de la compétence universelle que celui de la personnalité passive, toutes deux appliquées, dans cette affaire précise, dans le but d'exercer une justice internationaleThe application of the criminal international jurisdiction in the Pinochet case left an important precedent in the area of the fight against impunity, as shown by the procedure brought into play by the Spanish Audiencia Nacional and also by the Cour d'Assises of Paris, with the enforcement of the passive personality principle. Actually, with the international arrest warrant for extradition issued by the Spanish judicial authorities, which made possible the arrest of Pinochet in London; the denial of his immunity by the House of Lords and the judgment in absentia in France of his military organization, the international law has a before and an after. The international criminal law is under lined as the juridical foundation of the extraterritorial jurisdiction of the legal authorities of a state. It allows the application as well of the universal jurisdiction principle as of the passible personality principle, both used, in this precise case, with the objective to exercise an international justice
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Guematcha, Emmanuel. "Les commissions vérité et les violations droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire." Thesis, Paris 10, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA100202.
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Après la commission de violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire et dans le cadre parfois d’une transition ou d’une situation post conflictuelle difficile, les Commissions vérité ont été de plus en plus créées au sein des Etats. Parce qu’elles sont destinées à l’examen de violations de règles établies en droit international, se pose la question de leur rapport avec ce droit. Par leurs spécificités formelles et la flexibilité de leurs règles, leur utilisation du droit international et leur prise en compte des victimes, elles constituent un cadre particulièrement novateur dédié à l’examen des violations des droits de l’homme et du droit international humanitaire. Cependant, instances non judiciaires et eu égard aux évolutions du droit international, elles conduisent à s’interroger sur la responsabilité pour ces violations et des obligations internationales de l’Etat à cet égard, et à exiger la mise en œuvre de la responsabilité pénale pour la commission des violations les plus graves qu’elles ont constatéesIn time of transition or in post conflict situations, many truth Commissions have been increasingly created within many States to deal with a past caracterised by many human rights and international humanitarian law violations. Because they are dedicated to investigate violations of established rules of international law, the question emerge on their relationships with international law. Their formal characteristics and their flexibility, their use of international law and the focus and attention they give to the victims of these violations, make them appear to be an innovative mean allowing specific review of violations of human rights and international humanitarian law. However, because there are non-judicial bodies and taking into consideration the developments of international law, they raise questions about responsibility for these violations and international obligations of the State in this regard, and lead to the requirement of prosecution and the implementation of criminal liability for the serious violations they reported
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Issa, Fehima. "Les Commissions Vérité et Réconciliation comme mécanisme de justice transitionnelle : La question de la justice, de la vérité et de la réconciliation dans les sociétés en transition démocratique." Thesis, Paris 11, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA111012.
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La question de la justice dans les sociétés en transition est systématiquement soulevée après un conflit ou une période répressive ou autoritaire. En effet, les violations flagrantes du droit international des droits de l’homme et les violations graves du droit international humanitaire perpétrées sous les précédents régimes ne sauraient laisser aux institutions politiques nouvelles le choix de l’inaction face au passé. Les commissions vérité et réconciliation constituent un des mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle qui place la victime au cœur de ses préoccupations notamment parce que l’incrimination du bourreau n’est pas le seul objectif de la justice et que, comme le remarquait Hannah Arendt, il faut bien constater qu’il y a « des crimes qu’on ne peut ni punir, ni pardonner ». Parfois présentées comme une solution alternative à la justice pénale, ces commissions ont pour objectif d’établir les méfaits des anciens régimes. Le possible choix entre les commissions vérité et la justice répressive interne ou internationale est écarté dans cette étude qui entend accorder une place importante à la complémentarité des commissions vérité et réconciliation avec les autres mécanismes de la justice transitionnelle, notamment les poursuites judiciaires contre les auteurs des crimes de droit international les plus graves et les réparations pour les victimes. De fait, le but de cette étude n’est pas d’analyser de manière isolée ces commissions mais de constater que les normes internationales et la situation propre à chaque pays en transition limitent les options disponibles du traitement du passé. La recherche est fondée sur la méthode d'étude de cas de plusieurs pays dans une démarche comparative afin d’en tirer des conclusions aboutissant à démontrer la légitimité des commissions vérité et réconciliation en période de transition ainsi que leur fonctionnementThe issue of justice in societies in transition is systematically raised after a conflict, a repressive period or an authoritarian period. Gross violations of international human rights law and grave breaches of international humanitarian law perpetrated under previous regimes cannot let the choice of inaction concerning the past to the new political institutions.Truth and reconciliation commissions constitute one of the mechanisms of transitional justice, which place the victim at the middle of its concerns especially because the criminalization of perpetrators is not the only goal of justice and, as noted by Hannah Arendt, “men are unable to forgive what they cannot punish and are unable to punish what turns out to be unforgivable”. Sometimes presented as an alternative mean to criminal justice, these commissions aim to establish the misdeeds committed by former regimes. The possible choice between truth commissions and international or internal criminal Justice is avoided in this study, which aims to highlight the important role of the complementarity of truth and reconciliation commissions with other transitional justice mechanisms, notably legal prosecutions against the perpetrators of crimes against international law and reparations for victims. In this regard, the aim of this study is not to analyze these commissions in an isolated manner, but to notice that international standards as well as situations in each country restrict the options available for dealing with the past. This research is based on a comparative approach presenting a case study on different countries for demonstrate the legitimacy of truth and reconciliation commissions and their functioning in period of transition
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Portugal, Heloisa Helena de Almeida. "Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos e o Supremo Tribunal Federal: aplicação do princípio da complementaridade na responsabilidade internacional do Estado brasileiro." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2016. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/7007.
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Previous issue date: 2016-02-12Objective with this doctoral thesis demonstrate the viability of law-keeping Brazilian act of grace declared obstacle to compliance with the ruling to the detriment of Brazil for the Inter-American Court of Human Rights within the framework of the Case of Gomes Lund et al (Araguaia guerrilla movement) vs. . Brazil, 24.11.2010 sentence. It stands out, moreover, that a month before the court to rule in this sentence by a provision of Law 6,683 / 1979, the Supreme Court in ADPF 153 / DF judged incorporated this law by the Constitution of 1988. It appears that the Brazilian democratic formation compared in particular with the countries of South America, they showed different times, while in Brazil the transition took place through a negotiated political process and in the context of democratic transition, as a rule, in Latin America the amnesty occurs by imposition. Considering the inter-American system of human rights, the obligations and the international responsibility of State headquarters of violation of fundamental principles, it is concluded that the Supreme Court and the Inter-American Court of Human Rights consists of horizontal and complementary bodies. Having autonomy and government discretion to the decision of the supreme national court
Objetiva-se com a presente tese doutoral demonstrar a viabilidade de manutenção da Lei de Anistia brasileira declarada como óbice ao cumprimento da decisão proferida a desfavor do Brasil pela Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos no marco do Caso Gomes Lund e outros (Guerrilha do Araguaia) vs. Brasil, com sentença de 24.11.2010. Destaca-se, ademais, que um mês antes da Corte pronunciar-se nesta sentença pela nulidade da Lei 6.683/1979, o STF na ADPF 153/DF julgou recepcionado dita lei pela Constituição Federal de 1988. Verifica-se que a formação democrática brasileira se comparada em especial, com os países da América do Sul, apresentaram momentos distintos, enquanto no Brasil a transição deu-se através de um processo político negociado e no âmbito da transição democrática, via de regra, na América Latina a anistia ocorre por imposição. Considerando o sistema interamericano de direitos humanos, as obrigações decorrentes e a responsabilidade internacional de Estado em sede de violação de preceitos fundamentais, conclui-se que o Supremo Tribunal Federal e a Corte Interamericana de Direitos Humanos consistem em órgãos horizontais e complementares. Havendo autonomia e discricionariedade governamental para a decisão da suprema corte nacional
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Söderlund, Erik. "Transnational Corporations and Human Rights : Assessing the position of TNCs within international human rights law, and the appropriateness of an international treaty on business and human rights." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Juridiska institutionen, 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-363144.
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Transnational corporations are playing an important role in the global economy of today. Many of these corporations have great economic resources and have the possibility of contributing to the development of societies in developing states. At the same time, in their search for profit, the activities of TNCs have proven fatal to some of the individuals employed by them, or otherwise in contact with their activities. Within the international legal framework, corporations are not traditionally treated as subjects and if a TNC allocates its production to a state with lax human rights protection, no binding international standards exist to regulate the conduct of the corporation. In my thesis I will assess the position of TNCs under the present core human rights instruments and soft law initiatives. I will also analyze a draft treaty text produced by the Intergovernmental Working Group on Business and Human Rights, released in July 2018, to reach a conclusion on whether such an instrument would affect the international legal status of TNCs and provide a more robust protection of international human rights.
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Lattouf, Ziad. "La mise en oeuvre de l'accord d'association en Algérie - Union européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l'homme." Thesis, Lyon 3, 2011. http://www.theses.fr/2011LYO30002.
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L’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne, paraphé à Bruxelles le 19 décembre 2001 et entré en vigueur le 1er septembre 2005, fonde un partenariat en matière des droits de l’homme. Déclenché par la Déclaration de Barcelone du 27 et 28 novembre 1995, il fournit aujourd’hui le modèle le plus complet pour une meilleure mise en œuvre réelle et effective des droits de l’homme dans le cadre des accords d’associations. Inspiré, d’une politique euro-méditerranéenne qui a pour objectif la promotion et la protection des droits de l’homme, tel qu’énoncée dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, inspire les politiques internes et internationales des parties et constitue un élément essentiel pour la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-UE. Y’a-t-il une réelle mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l’homme ? Et quels sont les moyens mis en place?The Algerian-European association, signed on 19 December 2001 in Brussels and enforced on 1 September 2005, represents a partnership in terms of human rights. Sett off by the Barcelona Declaration of 27 & 28 November 1995, it nowadays serves as the best model for a genuine implementation of human rights in the field of assocation agreements. Inspired by Euro-Mediterranean policy whose objective is the promotion as well as protection of human rights, as stated in the universal declaration of human rights, it affects the parties, domestic and international policies and represents and essential element in the implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement. Is there a genuine implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement in the perspective of the respect of human rights? And what are the means used for that propose?