Dissertations / Theses on the topic 'Amnesty policy'

Master of Arts
Department of Economics
Tracy M. Turner
The report examines the fiscal impact of undocumented persons at the federal, state, and local levels in order to explain the likely effects of an amnesty program. The report first provides background on the population of undocumented persons in the United States and an overview of the laws which govern their status. Details of past and current amnesty legislation are given. The channels through which undocumented immigrants have a fiscal impact on the three levels of government in the United States are explained. The paper discusses the economic theory relating to immigration and its effect on economic growth. Published works on the fiscal impact of the undocumented on state and local budgets and on federal programs such as social security are reviewed. The research reviewed includes an analysis of the long-term fiscal impact of immigrants. Undocumented immigrants impose a net cost at the state and local levels in most cases. However, many undocumented immigrants make income and payroll tax payments and the population of undocumented immigrants imposes a net benefit at the federal level. These sources of information are then used to explain how an amnesty program might change the fiscal impact of the undocumented at the three levels of government. The recent executive order signed by President Obama, known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA), is an amnesty program that has a strong potential to help the U.S. economy retain young and highly educated workers, who have a positive fiscal impact on government finances. This report draws certain recommendations for the design of a successful amnesty and for implementing other immigration reforms from published research.

Although research has been done on amnesty, little is known about amnesty as a public policy tool toward countering insurgence in Nigeria. The purpose of the study was to examine the role of amnesty as a public policy tool. The research questions are: Is there a difference in people's view of amnesty that explain the relevance of infrastructural facilities to stimulate economic growth and development in Nigeria? And, are there specific citizen characteristics that explain the differences in the way citizens perceive amnesty as a public policy choice? The theoretical framework was based on Marx's ideology of conflict theory. This study employed convenience and purposive sampling methods in selecting participant and employed a cross-sectional ex-post facto quantitative research design. Data were collected through a researcher developed survey administered to 100 randomly-selected participants at the Gwagwalada shopping mall, located in the capital city of Abuja. Descriptive statistics and analyses of variances showed a significant mean difference in the perceptions of participants who believed that amnesty would play a viable role in countering insurgency, based on age, income, education, sex, employment status and type of work performed, and the regions in which they reside. However, findings indicate that there is no statistical significance between religious differences or views on economic growth and development and amnesty as a public policy choice. The awareness will provide a framework for better understanding of amnesty as a public policy choice. The positive social change implications include advocacy for amnesty as a public policy tool toward countering insurgence. Implementation of the recommendation of this study lends support to amnesty policies in Nigeria by providing a greater awareness of citizen preferences in policy development.

Oil producing communities of Nigeria known as Niger Delta region has been a region characterized with fierce violent conflict for more than a decade. The conflict is between successive Nigerian Governments and their collaborating oil companies, and militant groups from the region. And the core issues in the conflict are the socio-economic deprivations and denial of resource control which were occasioned by corporate malfeasance and indifference of successive Nigerian Governments to the plight, demands and aspirations of the people of the region. The Nigerian Government who first aggravated the violent conflict in the region through the use of violent repression as an anti-protest measure however proposed an amnesty policy in June 2009 as a non-violent measure to address the crisis in the region. The policy aimed solely at disarming, rehabilitating and reintegrating the militants into the Nigerian state. The implementation of the policy brought a relative peace to the long troubled region for the first time, with the seeming compliance of the militants. This study however argues that the policy has no feasibility of ensuring a genuine and lasting peace in the long troubled region because its focus is not on the root cause of the crisis. Thus it argues that addressing the issue of human rights whose lack is the root cause of the crisis and whose provision has always been demands and the aspirations of the people will instead engender a genuine and lasting peace in the region.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
O presente trabalho analisa um conjunto de filmes nacionais realizados entre 1994 e 2002 cujo enredo aborda o perÃodo da ditadura civil-militar brasileira (1964-1985) em diÃlogo com a Lei de Anistia de 1979. Toma-se como ponto de partida, a hipÃtese de que hà um diÃlogo comum entre as pelÃculas em relaÃÃo ao discurso produzido nas telas que corroboram ou refutam o posicionamento a favor da anistia âampla, geral e irrestritaâ. Para o estudo à fundamental pensar as formas pelas quais os discursos acerca da ditadura presentes no cinema brasileiro produzido entre 1994 e 2002 se relacionam com seu perÃodo de produÃÃo, distribuiÃÃo e consumo, bem como perceber como os filmes dialogam entre si. Os filmes sÃo analisados tomando como premissa a ideia de que sÃo documentos importantes para o entendimento do seu perÃodo de produÃÃo, perÃodo esse de mudanÃas econÃmicas e sociais de cunho neoliberal e ainda de mudanÃas na Lei de Anistia com um aumento da abrangÃncia dos indenizados pelo Estado e discussÃes em torno da possibilidade de mudar a lei no sentido de investigar e punir torturadores. As pelÃculas estudadas trazem representaÃÃes e pontos de vista que tentam reconfirmar a Lei de Anistia ou revÃ-la, a partir de seus personagens e das situaÃÃes em que estÃo envolvidos e das abordagens da ditadura militar.
This paper analyzes a group of national films made between 1994 and 2002 whose plot deals with the period of the Brazilian civil-military dictatorship (1964-1985) in dialogue with the Amnesty Act of 1979. Take as a starting point, the hypothesis that there is a common dialogue between the films in relation to the discourse produced in the screens that confirm or refute the position in favor of amnesty "wide, general and unrestricted." For the study is fundamental to consider the ways in which discourses about the dictatorship present in Brazilian cinema produced between 1994 and 2002 relate to its period of production, distribution and consumption as well as realize how movies interact with each other. The films are analyzed taking as its premise the idea that they are important documents for the understanding of their production period, a period of economic and social changes of neoliberal and even changes in the Amnesty Law to increase the scope of the indemnified by State and discussions about the possibility of changing the law to investigate and punish torturers. The films studied bring representations and views that attempt to reconfirm the Amnesty Act and revising it from his characters and the situations they are involved and approaches of military dictatorship.

The Niger Delta militancy ravaged the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector between 2004-2009, bringing it to a standstill. In response, the Nigerian state adopted an amnesty policy―a globally recognized tool for conflict resolution and peacebuilding―to protect the sector and the economy from collapse. Little is known, however, about the unintended consequences of the amnesty implementation for the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector. Thus, the purpose of this study was to fill this gap in the research literature on the Niger Delta amnesty program. Polarity management was the conceptual framework applied; relative deprivation and polarities of democracy constituted the theoretical foundation for this qualitative case study. Face-to-face interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with 29 purposefully selected participants from the senior ranks of the petroleum industry, sector trade unions, relevant government agencies, and a regional university. Data were inductively coded as part of content analysis, the data analysis strategy. Participants viewed the amnesty policy as being poorly conceived and implemented due to the many unintended negative consequences arising from the policy implementation. The key finding from the study indicates that both the sector and the Niger Delta region are worse off post the amnesty policy implementation. The study concludes that by adopting and implementing the study recommendations, stakeholders may be able to mitigate the identified unintended consequences, position the Nigerian upstream petroleum sector for sustainable growth, address the root causes of the militancy, and deliver a positive social change for the residents of Niger Delta.

CoordenaÃÃo de AperfeiÃoamento de Pessoal de NÃvel Superior
Nos Ãltimos anos foram aprovadas no Brasil leis que continuaram e ampliaram um processo que comeÃou em 1979 com a promulgaÃÃo da Anistia. Denominado genericamente de âreparaÃÃoâ, esse processo vai alÃm do estabelecido pelas Leis. IndenizaÃÃes sÃo concedidas Ãqueles que sofreram perseguiÃÃo polÃtica, casas legislativas restituem o decoro parlamentar Ãqueles que exerciam essas funÃÃes e foram cassados por motivaÃÃo polÃtica durante a ditadura militar (1964-1985), instituiÃÃes homenageiam figuras ilustres que se destacaram na luta contra o regime e reintegram simbolicamente pessoas a cargos. Esses atos trazem à tona distintos significados de ordem moral, polÃtica, jurÃdica, material e simbÃlica, envolvendo diferentes instÃncias para alÃm dos diretamente atingidos. Assim, as famÃlias, os media, entidades da sociedade civil, os poderes pÃblicos e jurÃdicos entram no jogo das disputas e construÃÃes de versÃes sobre o passado. A presente tese busca compreender como esses valores, disputas e representaÃÃes articulam-se em torno desses movimentos reparatÃrios, entendendo-os como espaÃos de luta, acionados nos diferentes eventos criados por ocasiÃo dos atos de reparaÃÃo, nas contendas criadas nos media e nas narrativas dos atingidos.
In the past few years, laws have been passed in Brazil directed towards maintaining and amplifying a process that was started in 1979 with promulgation of the Amnesty. The process named generically of âreparationâ goes beyond what is established by the laws. Compensations in money are paid to those who suffered political persecution, present legislatures have restored to a previous effective state the honorability for representatives who were serving during the military dictatorship (1964-1985) and lost their mandate by arbitrary annulment, institutions pay homage to illustrious citizens who became known for their struggle against the regime, and symbolically reinstated them to their former positions. Those acts bring up distinct meanings of a moral, political, juridical, material and symbolic nature involving several levels beyond which stand those who were directly hit. Thus, families, newsmen, private organizations and public juridical institutions join the dispute in order to advance their own versions of the past. This thesis aims at understanding how those values, disputes and representations fit themselves around those amending movements that are seen as public arenas spurred by different events found in the time of reparation, in the struggles created in the media and in the stories told by the victims..

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Este trabalho possui como objetivo analisar a disputa do sentido das anistias políticas dentro do Estado, observando para tanto os discursos e práticas de ampliação e de restrição dos direitos dos militares anistiados políticos. Os discursos de ampliação dos direitos dos anistiados são analisados no Ministério da Justiça ao passo que as práticas e discursos de restrição dos direitos dos anistiados acontecem no Ministério da Defesa. A pesquisa também se deita sobre as representações que militares alinhados aos dois tipos de discurso possuem sobre a anistia a fim de entender melhor as características desses discursos. Além dos discursos e práticas de ampliação/restrição dos direitos dos anistiados, nos interessa também perscrutar os diálogos que esses discursos e práticas possibilitam com outras esferas estatais. Para lograr êxito nessa pesquisa lançamos mão de referenciais metodológicos que possibilitem analisar os textos, gêneros, discursos e práticas de modo a perceber os direcionamentos ideológicos realizados por cada grupo. Deste modo, a metodologia tem estribo na Análise de Discurso Crítica (ADC) de Norman Fairclough e na teoria de Mikhail Bakhtin. Nos apoiamos na ADC em razão de nos possibilitar analisar os aspectos ideológicos e as lutas de poder que podem ser identificadas nos discursos e práticas sociais. Já Mikhail Bakhtin favorece pensar as repercussões dos textos e práticas do Ministério da Justiça e do Ministério da Defesa com outras esferas estatais, como, por exemplo, o judiciário. Percebemos que a disputa pelo sentido da anistia se dá não só nos aparelhos estatais, mas a sociedade e seus movimentos também estão igualmente disputando esse sentido, que longe de possuir uma natureza jurídica, é construída em meio as disputas que os grupos e seus discursos desejam hegemonizar.
The purpose of this work is to analyze the dispute about the sense of political amnesties within the State, observing both speeches and expansion practices and restriction of the rights of military political amnesty. The expansion speeches of the rights granted to amnesty are analyzed in the Ministry of Justice while the practices and restriction speeches of the rights of amnesty happen in the Ministry of Defense. The survey also lies on the representations that military aligned with both types of speech have on the amnesty in order to better understand the characteristics of these speeches. In addition to the discourses and practices of extension / restriction of the rights of amnesty, we are also interested in peer dialogs that these discourses and practices interact with other state spheres. To achieve success in this research, we lay hold of methodological frameworks that allow analyzing the protests, genres, discourses and practices in order to realize the ideological directions made by each group. Thus, the methodology has stirrup in Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) by Norman Fairclough and the theory of Mikhail Bakhtin. We are supported by the CDA due to enabling us to analyze the ideological aspects and the power struggles that can be identified in the discourses and social practices. On the other hand, Mikhail Bakhtin favors thinking about the repercussions of the texts and practices of the Ministry of Justice and the Ministry of Defense with other state sectors, such as the judiciary. We have realize that the dispute for the meaning of amnesty is true not only in the state apparatus, but also in society and its movements are equally contending that sense, that far from possessing a legal nature, it is built amid the disputes that the groups and their speeches wish to make it a commonplace.

In 2015, Amnesty International introduced a policy called “Sex Worker’s Rights are Human Rights” aimed at preventing discrimination and human rights violations for sex workers. The policy would work to prevent discrimination and human rights violations from occurring for sex workers. By decriminalizing both the sale of sex and the purchase of sex, the organization said that the well-being, health and integrity of sex workers would thus be improved (Amnesty International, 2015).  The purpose of this study is to investigate how the debate on prostitution has undergone a change before Amnesty’s policy began to operate in 2015. The arguments highlighted over time would be examined from the period 2004-2014. The reason why the period 2004 to 2014 has been selected is to position how the organization has undergone a change that may have led to a decision on a new policy. The study also aimed to present and interpret the ideas and arguments that have occurred in the light of the three feminist theories: Radical feminist theory, liberal feminist theory and sex radicalism. The methodological choice is based on a qualitative study in the form of text analysis in which 60 texts from both Amnesty International and Amnesty Press will be analyzed and interpreted.  The results shown in the study are that the section internationally and in Sweden share some differences among each other. There are many in the members of the Swedish section who think that buying sex should be criminalized because they believe that it is a form of exercise of power, while the other part of the section’s members are pushing for liberalization to achieve equality and not objectify the voluntary sex workers as victims. The phenomenon also depicts perspectives depending on when the phenomenon is mentioned, in previous years it is referred to as prostitution, which means from radical perspectives. Whereas, more recently, just before the policy began to operate, it suggested more sex-radical perspectives and a liberalization around the purchase of sexual services. Finally, the perspective is a depicted and moves towards a liberalization where the phenomenon is called after sex work in both the Swedish and the international section.
Amnesty International införde år 2015 en policy vid namn “Sex Worker’s Rights are Human Rights” som syftade till att förhindra att diskriminering och kränkning av de mänskliga rättigheterna uppstår för sexarbetarna. Genom en avkriminalisering på både försäljning av sex och sexköp menade organisationen att sexarbetarnas välmående, hälsa och integritet på så sätt skulle förbättras (Amnesty International, 2015).  Syftet med föreliggande studie är att undersöka hur debatten kring prostitution genomgått en förändring innan Amnestys policy började verka år 2015. Argumenten som lyftes fram över tid skulle undersökas utifrån tidsperioden 2004–2014. Anledningen till att tidsperioden 2004 till 2014 har valts ut syftar på att positionera hur organisationen genomgått en förändring som kan ha lett till ett beslut om en ny policy. Studien syftade även till att framlägga samt tolka idéerna och argumenten som förekommit i ljuset av de tre feministiska teorierna: Radikalfeministisk teori, liberalfeministisk teori och sexradikalism. Metodvalet grundar sig på en kvalitativ studie i form av textanalys där 60 texter från både Amnesty International och Amnesty Press kommer att analyseras och tolkas. Resultat som påvisats i studien är att sektionen internationellt och i Sverige delar en del skiljemeningar bland varandra. Det finns många inom den svenska sektionens medlemmar som tycker att sexköp borde kriminaliseras eftersom de menar att det är en form av maktutövning, medan den andra delen av sektionens medlemmar trycker på en liberalisering för att uppnå jämställdhet och inte objektifiera de frivilliga sexarbetarna till offer. Fenomenet skildrar även perspektiv beroende på när i tiden fenomenet omtalas, under tidigare år benämns det som prostitution vilket menar på radikala perspektiv. Medan senare tid precis innan policyn började verka, tydde på mer sexradikala perspektiv och en liberalisering kring köpet av sexuella tjänster. Avslutningsvis skildras perspektivet och går mot en liberalisering där fenomenet benämns efter sexarbete på både den svenska och den internationella sektionen.

Militancy in the Niger Delta area of Nigeria is a problem that affects government, private organizations, and individuals. The government's Amnesty and Reconciliation Program encouraged individuals to denounce militancy in return for skills training and a monthly allowance. However, the amnesty program has not yielded the desired result of ending insurgent militancy. The purpose of this research was to better understand factors that cause individuals to join militant groups in the Niger Delta region, in order to proffer plausible solutions to address the causes of militancy. Using the root cause conceptual framework in this phenomenological research, I explored the causal factors of militancy in the Niger Delta region for an in-depth understanding of this phenomenon. The key research questions focused on the motivating factors that spur individuals to participate in militant terrorism in Nigeria's Niger Delta region and whether the implementation of the Amnesty and Reconciliation Program mitigated the problem of militant terrorism in Nigeria's Niger Delta. Data were collected from 10 individuals through in-depth face-to-face interviews, while concept mapping was applied in completing the analysis of interview data. Key results revealed 8 core areas as causes of militancy: the lack of local control of resources, underdevelopment, relocation of local government headquarters, poverty, marginalization, environmental pollution, education opportunities, and poor implementation of the amnesty program. Implications for positive social change include using the findings to develop more effective programs and policies for addressing the problem of militancy and to implement strategies that will reduce or eradicate militancy and associated problems.

Orientadora: Profª. Drª. Maria Gabriela Silva Martins da Cunha Marinho
Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Ciências Humanas e Sociais, São Bernardo do Campo, 2018.
De 1964 a 1985 o Brasil esteve sob uma ditadura civil-militar. Este regime foi caracterizado principalmente pela prática e encorajamento de vários tipos de violência contra seres humanos. Isto aconteceu num contexto de ausência de democracia, supressão dos direitos constitucionais, censura, perseguição política e repressão. Por conta da Lei de Anistia, promulgada em 1979, a sociedade brasileira ainda não tinha acesso a quem foram os agentes do Estado que cometeram tais atrocidades e o que exatamente foi a ditadura civil-militar, tampouco se sabia como o regime autoritário operava. Isso vai na contramão do que determina a Justiça de Transição, que impõe como necessária a criação de uma Comissão da Verdade como um dos passos essenciais para um país realizar sua democracia após um regime autoritário, respeitando o Direito à Memória e à Verdade. A partir desse contexto, trouxe-se nessa dissertação a seguinte problemática: "constituiu-se no Brasil, no meio acadêmico, uma comunidade epistêmica em memória política a partir de uma rede de pesquisadores que estudam o advento da aplicação de justiça de transição por meio da Comissão Nacional da Verdade? E também: É possível reconhecer a formação dessa comunidade no Diretório de Grupos de Pesquisa ¿ Plataforma Lattes ¿ CNPq e nos dados presentes no Relatório Final da Comissão? Pretendeu-se analisar a formação dessa comunidade tendo-se como instrumento de análise o próprio conceito de Comunidade Epistêmica. Foi realizada revisão de literatura para construção do referencial teórico no âmbito brasileiro sobre memória política, política de memória, Comissão Nacional da Verdade, Justiça de Transição e Comunidades Epistêmicas, a fim embasar conceitualmente a pesquisa. Realizou-se a extração e análise de dados a fim de sistematizar a formação da comunidade via inventário de grupos de pesquisa estabelecidos no Diretório e no Relatório final da Comissão Nacional da Verdade. A análise foi feita a partir da perspectiva interdisciplinar na literatura. O presente trabalho nasceu do entendimento de que a memória política é um elemento que ajuda a compreender o modo como a sociedade e o Estado lidam com seu passado de graves violações de direitos humanos. Pensou-se que o estudo sobre o tema servirá para reflexão futura sobre as armadilhas e perigos reais do enfraquecimento da democracia e da cultura dos direitos humanos já vivenciados na história do Brasil. Partiu-se do pressuposto de que o entendimento e o uso do conceito de Comunidade Epistêmica contribuem para o aprofundamento da compreensão da formação dessa comunidade em memória política no Brasil, já que identificar uma comunidade epistêmica consiste em identificar um conjunto de atores cuja relevância social e profissional lhes permite fazer, com autoridade, afirmações sobre questões politicamente pertinentes e socialmente relevantes Os resultados encontrados demonstram que a atuação da rede de pesquisadores pode ser caracterizada como típica de uma comunidade epistêmica já que atendem aos requisitos conceituais para tanto.
From 1964 to 1985 Brazil was under a civil-military dictatorship. This regime was characterized mainly by the practice and encouragement of various types of violence against human beings. This happened in a context of absence of democracy, suppression of constitutional rights, censorship, political persecution and repression. Because of the Amnesty Law, promulgated in 1979, Brazilian society still did not have access to who were the agents of the State who committed such atrocities and what exactly was the civil-military dictatorship, nor was it known how the authoritarian regime operated. This is contrary to what determines the Transitional Justice, which imposes as necessary the creation of a Truth Commission as one of the essential steps for a country to achieve its democracy after an authoritarian regime, respecting the Right to Memory and Truth. From this context, the following problematic was brought up in this dissertation: "Brazil is constituted in the academic world, an epistemic community in political memory based on a network of researchers who study the advent of transitional justice through of the National Truth Commission? And also: Is it possible to recognize the formation of this community in the Directory of Research Groups - Plataforma Lattes - CNPq and in the data presented in the final report of the Commission? It aimed to analyze the formation of this community, having as an instrument of analysis the very concept of Epistemic Community. A literature review was carried out to construct the theoretical framework in the Brazilian context on political memory, memory politics, National Truth Commission, Transitional Justice and Epistemic Communities, in order to base the research conceptually. Data extraction and analysis were performed in order to systematize community formation through an inventory of research groups established in the Directory and the Final Report of the National Truth Commission. The analysis was made from the interdisciplinary perspective in the literature. The present work was born from the understanding that political memory is an element that helps to understand the way in which society and the State deal with its past of serious violations of human rights. It was thought that the study on the theme will serve for future reflection on the pitfalls and real dangers of the weakening of democracy and the culture of human rights already experienced in the history of Brazil. It was assumed that the understanding and the use of the concept of Epistemic Community contribute to the deepening of the understanding of the formation of this community in political memory in Brazil, since to identify an epistemic community consists in identifying a set of actors whose social and professional approach allows them to make authoritative statements about politically relevant and socially relevant issues. The results show that the performance of the network of researchers can be characterized as typical of an epistemic community since they meet the conceptual requirements for it.

This thesis is about a remarkable experience lived through by Latvian émigrés in the mid-1950s. They were the targets of a Soviet repatriation campaign, operated by the KGB, which not only envisioned their repatriation to the Soviet Latvian homeland, but also anticipated the destruction of their émigré society as they knew it. The purpose of this thesis is to portray and analyze this repatriation campaign and the émigré Latvian reactions to it. By looking at the activities of the Committee For Return to the Motherland in East Berlin, the contents of the Latvian language repatriation newspaper Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland), and the reactions to the campaign in contemporary émigré press, this study shows how highly developed strategies and tactics were implemented in order to elicit certain behaviors from émigrés, and how émigrés advanced their own counter-strategies to offset the effects of the campaign. More specifically, this study examines the standardized narratives in Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē that were meant for émigré self-identification and emulation. This thesis proposes that the repatriation campaign was a highly complex Soviet propaganda effort. The publicly announced goal of repatriation included several parallel goals, aims, and purposes and encompassed many types of activities. Above all, deception was used to cover the actions undertaken against émigrés and to mislead host country governments and agencies. This thesis concludes that notwithstanding the Soviet superiority in organization and resources, a small, unprotected, and internally divided community could withstand the concerted efforts of Soviet propaganda if the group’s sense of mission was sufficiently strong and firm.
Denna avhandling behandlar de lettiska flyktingarna från andra världskriget och deras erfarenheter av ofrivilliga kontakter med Sovjetlettland vid mitten av 1950-talet, då flyktingarna blev måltavla för en sovjetisk repatrieringskampanj. Målet för denna kampanj var repatriering, dvs att få flyktingarna att återvända till hemlandet, det av Sovjet ockuperade Lettland. Ett annat mål var att splittra flyktingarnas sammanhållning. Avhandlingen beskriver och analyserar den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen och de lettiska flyktingarnas reaktioner. Studien bygger på källmaterial från kampanjverkamheten Committee For Return to the Motherland, som hade sin bas i Östberlin, samt från artiklar i den lettiskspråkiga tidskriften Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē (For Return to the Motherland) som riktade sig till de lettiska flyktingarna. Flyktingarnas reaktioner studeras genom en rad lettiska tidningar som utgavs i Väst. Min avhandling visar hur väl utvecklade strategier användes i syfte att framkalla önskade reaktioner från flyktingarna, samt vilka motåtgärder flyktingar själva utvecklade mot repatrieringskampanjen. Mer specifikt analyseras standardberättelser i Par atgriešanos Dzimtenē som var avsedda för flyktingarnas självidentifiering och igenkännande. Avhandlingen pekar på att den sovjetiska repatrieringskampanjen var en mycket komplex propagandaverksamhet. Utöver det offentligt tillkännagivna kampanjmålet fanns flera parallella målsättningar och avsikter som omfattade en stor mängd skiftande aktiviteter. En strategi som användes aktivt var vilseledning, bl a för att dölja verksamheter riktade mot flyktingarna, och för att förvilla statsledningar och myndigheter i de nationer där flyktingarna vistades. Avhandlingens slutsats är att trots den sovjetiska överlägsenheten i organisation och resurser kunde en liten oförsvarad och inom sig splittrad lettisk gemenskap motstå de samordnade ansträngningar från den sovjetiska propagandan.

L’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne, paraphé à Bruxelles le 19 décembre 2001 et entré en vigueur le 1er septembre 2005, fonde un partenariat en matière des droits de l’homme. Déclenché par la Déclaration de Barcelone du 27 et 28 novembre 1995, il fournit aujourd’hui le modèle le plus complet pour une meilleure mise en œuvre réelle et effective des droits de l’homme dans le cadre des accords d’associations. Inspiré, d’une politique euro-méditerranéenne qui a pour objectif la promotion et la protection des droits de l’homme, tel qu’énoncée dans la Déclaration universelle des droits de l’homme, inspire les politiques internes et internationales des parties et constitue un élément essentiel pour la mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-UE. Y’a-t-il une réelle mise en œuvre de l’accord d’association Algérie-Union Européenne dans les perspectives du respect des droits de l’homme ? Et quels sont les moyens mis en place?
The Algerian-European association, signed on 19 December 2001 in Brussels and enforced on 1 September 2005, represents a partnership in terms of human rights. Sett off by the Barcelona Declaration of 27 & 28 November 1995, it nowadays serves as the best model for a genuine implementation of human rights in the field of assocation agreements. Inspired by Euro-Mediterranean policy whose objective is the promotion as well as protection of human rights, as stated in the universal declaration of human rights, it affects the parties, domestic and international policies and represents and essential element in the implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement. Is there a genuine implementation of the Algerian-European association agreement in the perspective of the respect of human rights? And what are the means used for that propose?

There is little solid research that explores counterinsurgency practices against the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), not only from the standpoint of what is being done, but, rather, what should be done based on past COIN successes. Notable works on counterinsurgency in Colombia include the research of Tom Marks, who focused on operational strategy and tactics; Kevin Self, who professes the importance of controlling territory in defeating the FARC, by addressing the social and institutional ills within Colombia itself; and Dennis Rempe, who notes US involvement in shaping Colombia's COIN strategy. Using a comparative case study model, this thesis provides an analysis of Colombia?s counterinsurgency (COIN) strategies and tactics through the lens of successful and unsuccessful COIN operations in Iraq, Algeria, Malaya, South Vietnam, Thailand, Algeria and El Salvador over the course of the 20th and early 21st centuries. After all, no matter how successful a COIN force is militarily, their accomplishments will ultimately be fruitless if the conditions which fuel insurgency remains present. This paper begins by providing the historical context for the conditions which shaped the Colombian social order, which led to the revolutionary movement. It then follows the growth of the FARC, examining that organization?s strengths and weaknesses. The FARC is contrasted by outlining recent COIN transformation efforts within the Colombian government, to include little acknowledged failures and successes, strengths and weaknesses. An important focus is placed on Colombian President Alvaro Uribe Velez? Democratic Security Policy as the model for Colombia?s current COIN efforts. After next examining various ongoing factors contributing to the Colombian insurgency?to include institutional failures, illicit funding and the problem of paramilitary groups?this thesis examines past COIN efforts by other governments. Finally, after applying lessons learned from thee past COIN efforts?cross-referencing historically successful and unsuccessful tactics with tactics used and not used by Bogota in its fight against the FARC?I provide recommendations to the government of Colombia (GOC) on how to improve its COIN efforts. Although it is important to look at this problem set from an external standpoint, we must still factor in internal factors that have limited Colombia?s ability to emerge victorious, such as allowing porous borders, airspace and coastlines; placing a priority on killing or capturing the enemy and not on engaging the population; and the primacy of military direction of counterinsurgency; disregard of basic human rights; an insufficient judiciary structure; failure to halt financial support mechanisms; and the lack of an outlet for political inclusion . From this vantage point, we will be able to see that these elements?when properly implemented?have proven successful over time and may enhance GOC success and ultimately result in victory over the insurgency that has plagued their country for 40+ years

This thesis examines the status of amnesties and the duty to prosecute gross and systematic human rights violations in international law. The thesis begins by distinguishing amnesty from other related concepts, such as impunity, pardon and statutes of limitations and so on. Unlike these related concepts, amnesty aims to address major social or political crises in society, such as to resolve an armed conflict, allow the return of political refugees or bring about peaceful political transition. Amnesty is linked to the duty to prosecute, because it is so often in direct conflict with international law norms and standards on the duty to prosecute and to compensate victims of human rights violations. Before the First World War, amnesty was a well-established customary practice. Even where a peace treaty was silent on the mater, amnesty was implied. Compensation was also part of the regime of peace treaties, but not followed as consistently as amnesty. This practice changed dramatically after the First and Second World Wars, because, in a break with the past, the victors did not consider themselves to be on the same level as the vanquished. This resulted in the abolition of the traditional practice of granting amnesty and the demand rather that those responsible for aggression be prosecuted and compelled to pay compensation, as was the case with Germany. Since 1948, with the adoption of the United Nations' Charter, and other international human rights treaties, the power of states to grant amnesty gradually became constrained by the obligation to prosecute perpetrators of gross human rights violations and to pay compensation to the victims of war crimes. Nevertheless, this phenomenon did not put an end to the practice of states granting amnesty for gross human rights violations. Internal armed conflicts during and after the end of the Cold War, with no victors and no vanquished, made amnesty an inevitable option. A considerable number of states continue to utilise amnesty as a device for peace and reconciliation, and they have granted amnesty for war crimes, genocide and crimes against humanity. In customary international law, there is a gap between the actual state practice and the existence of the customary norm creating a duty to prosecute. As a result, the status of the so-called "palatable amnesties" (à la South Africa), often granted as part of a truth and reconciliation process, still remains unclear in international law. This is further exacerbated by the inconsistent practice of the United Nations as the main depository and sponsor of human rights instruments. South Africa and Sierra Leone are used as case studies to illustrate this inconsistency in both state and UN practice on the status of amnesties in international law. As a result, the study proposes a balanced approach model, which is an attempt to strike a balance between accountability, political transformation and social stability in transitional democracies. The balanced approach model proceeds from the premise that the international criminal justice system is not flawless and, therefore, it is important to acknowledge its limitations, such as the lack of enforcement agencies, difficulties in the collection of reliable evidence and a lack of resources to prosecute. In terms of the model, consideration is given to (i) the need to respect the legitimacy of the political process that gives rise to the granting of amnesty; (ii) the amnesty must be proportional to the crimes committed and must be rationally connected to the aims of achieving peace and national reconciliation, the interests of justice, compensation for victims; and finally (iii) the general commitment of the state that grants amnesty to respect international law obligations, which includes the implementation of international obligations as part of municipal law and treaty monitoring obligations as preconditions for the amnesty to pass muster in the balanced approach model. In conclusion, the study proposes model Policy Guidelines on Amnesties Granted for Gross and Systematic Human Rights Violations in International Law for the Assembly of States of the International Criminal Court (ICC) to take note of, and to commend to states and international courts and tribunals, leaving its content to be taken up in the normal processes of the application and development of international law. The status of the Guidelines is that of a code of conduct or guide to practice. In that sense, the Guidelines do not have the character of a binding legal instrument and will serve as the basis for the development of sound principles of international law on amnesties.
Constitutional and International Law
L.LD

The aim of this dissertation is to place the phenomenon of the overpopulation of South African prisons in perspective and to rectify the current situation in search of possible solutions. Since 1981, when this phenomenon reached unmanageable proportions, government has made numerous amnesties. This was only a short-term alleviation of the problem due to the high levels of recidivism. Correctional supervision as a sentence option was advocated by both the Lansdowne and Viljoen Commissions, enacted during 1986 and finally implemented during 1991. Initial expectations soon became blurred by factors such as insufficient development programmes and specialised personnel, enormous caseloads and the exclusion of supervision cases from development programmes. This study endeavours to analyse the current application of correctional supervision to determine the stumbling blocks and to create a foundation for new perspectives and possible solutions.
Penology
M.A. (Penology)

No
In a memory survey, adult respondents recalled, dated, and described two earliest positive and negative memories that they were highly confident were memories. They then answered a series of questions that focused on memory details such as clothing, duration, weather, and so on. Few differences were found between positive and negative memories, which on average had 4/5 details and dated to the age of 6/6.5 years. Memory for details about activity, location, and who was present was good; memory for all other details was poorer or at floor. Taken together, these findings indicate that (full) earliest memories may be considerably later than previously thought and that they rarely contain the sort of specific details targeted by professional investigators. The resulting normative profile of memory details reported here can be used to evaluate overly specific childhood autobiographical memories and to identify memory details with a low probability of recall.