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Journal articles on the topic 'Amoraic'

Author: Grafiati

Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 7 February 2022

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1

Cohen, Barak S. "“Amoraic Baraitot” Reconsidered: The Case of Tannei Tanna Kameh." AJS Review 39, no. 1 (April 2015): 93–120. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400941400066x.

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Earlier scholars typically considered the tannaitic traditions transmitted by Amoraim in the two Talmuds to be later amoraic (largely Babylonian) creations. This supposition was based on a range of formalistic considerations: the introductory terms, the attitude of the Amoraim to their halakhic content, and the lack of parallels in tannaitic literature. A study of the approximately 140 baraitot introduced by the term “a Tanna taught in front of so-and-so” offers substantial critique of this supposition, which was often based on incorrect a priori assumptions or on faulty interpretations of sources. Assessment of the nature and origins of the halakhic content of these so-called “amoraic baraitot” requires thorough analysis of the halakhic traditions found in this collection and their comparison with parallels in Palestinian tannaitic literature.

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2

Bunis, Ivri J. "Palestinian Amoraic Hebrew As A Living Vernacular: An Indication From Morphosyntax." Journal of Semitic Studies 65, no. 2 (September 1, 2020): 319–418. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jss/fgaa027.

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Abstract Presently, most scholars hold that the linguistic status of Rabbinic Hebrew from Byzantine Palestine (380-640 ce) is that of a dead literary language, influenced by Aramaic and earlier varieties of Hebrew, and that Hebrew had already died out as a spoken vernacular in the second or early third century ce. The sources for this variety are rabbinic texts produced by the Palestinian Amoraim and to a lesser degree, epigraphy. The article challenges this view, claiming that such opinions have not been based on a systematic morphosyntactic examination of Palestinian Amoraic Hebrew. The article presents such an analysis of a morphosyntactic structure, namely, pseudo-coordinated verb pairs. Two sub-structures are examined: (I) imperative + imperative and (II) imperative + yiqtol, in Palestinian Amoraic Hebrew, Tannaitic Hebrew, Biblical Hebrew and Jewish Palestinian Aramaic. Palestinian Amoraic Hebrew is found to clearly align with Tannaitic Hebrew, and not Biblical Hebrew and Jewish Palestinian Aramaic.

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3

Zur, Uri. "Genizah Fragment’s Version of the Amoraic Statements in Bavli Eruvin 103a." Arquivo Maaravi: Revista Digital de Estudos Judaicos da UFMG 14, no. 27 (November 30, 2020): 128–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.35699/1982-3053.2020.26478.

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The Genizah fragment Cambridge U-L T-S F2 (2) 23, numbered C98948 in the Friedberg Jewish Manuscript Society, includes among other things the amoraic controversy between R. Eleazar and R. Jose son of R. Hanina, as well as the give and take between R. Safra and Abaye in Tractate Eruvin 103a. Some of the researchers are divided concerning the initial formation of the sugya. The controversy between R. Eleazar and R. Jose son of R. Hanina as presented in the fragment’s version poses difficulties and interferes with the ordered understanding of the methods utilized by these amoraim to solve the contradiction between the Mishna in Eruvin and the Mishna in Pesaḥim. The purpose of the article is to present the difficulties in the fragment’s version with regard to the abovementioned amoraic controversy and reach conclusions regarding the precise original version of the fragment. Thus too in the matter of the fragment’s version of the give and take between R. Safra and Abaye, which differs from other versions. The purpose of the article is to examine the fragment’s version of this give and take in comparison to other versions and reach conclusions regarding the clearest and most precise version compared to the other versions.

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4

Rosenberg, Michael. "The Optional Evening Prayer: A Babylonian Invention?" AJS Review 42, no. 1 (April 2018): 111–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009418000089.

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This article argues that the well-known debate about the obligatory nature of the evening prayer, attributed to tannaitic authorities in both the Palestinian and Babylonian Talmuds, is in fact a Babylonian invention. The article documents the significant evidence that the evening prayer was assumed to be obligatory in tannaitic and early amoraic texts and then argues that the literary context of the debate in both Talmuds strongly suggests Babylonian origins for the debate. Dating the debate is more complex, but it seems relatively unlikely that this represents a pre-amoraic Babylonian tradition. Finally, the article considers the motivation for such a development in amoraic Babylonia and suggests that antiquarian interest in the temple may be the likeliest avenue to pursue.

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5

Koren, Yedidah. "“Look through Your Book and Make Me a Perfect Match”: Talking about Genealogy in Amoraic Palestine and Babylonia." Journal for the Study of Judaism 49, no. 3 (April 2, 2018): 417–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12491089.

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AbstractRabbinic literature is concerned with lineage when determining appropriate marital partners. For the rabbis, not all Jews may marry all other Jews. Some Jews have a lower lineage status and may only marry others of similar status. Scholars have assumed that the Amoraim of Babylonia were more stringent towards matters of lineage than their Palestinian counterparts. However, the talmudic sources themselves do not neatly fit with this dichotomy. Additionally, this generalization does not capture the variety of ways that the Amoraim perceived lineage. In this article, I propose a shift of focus towards the different terminologies and discourses in Amoraic sources, which provide a richer understanding of the ways in which they viewed genealogy, and wished to shape it. These terminologies reflect different ways in which the rabbis constructed the idea of a Jewish people, and its components.

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6

Furstenberg, Ariel. "Restitution of Lost Property in the Tannaitic and Amoraic Halakhah: A Preliminary Philosophical Study of the Forming of a Conception." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000061.

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This paper explores the development of a particular talmudic halakhic theme—the restitution of lost property—through the philosophical prism of Hilary Putnam's distinction between concepts and conceptions. This distinction holds that one can affirm a set of concepts without commitment to the underlying conceptions from which they are drawn. The focus here is upon substantial discrepancies between tannaitic and amoraic authorities in the presentation of the halakhot of restitution of lost property. These discrepancies testify to a significant change in the underlying conceptual framework of tannaitic and amoraic halakhic thinking on this topic.

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7

Kalmin, Richard. "Talmudic Portrayals of Relationships Between Rabbis: Amoraic or Pseudepigraphic?" AJS Review 17, no. 2 (1992): 165–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009400003664.

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In both halachic and aggadic contexts the Talmud frequently supplies information about the relationships between sages. Sages interact with each other, or comment on each other's erudition, piety, personality, and the like. From what sources does the Talmud derive this information? From sources contemporary with the sages involved, or from sources of a much later time?Some of the talmudic information is attributed to named authorities, some of it is presented anonymously. Are the attributed statements pseudepigraphic or authentic? Are there substantive distinctions between the attributed and the anonymous statements? Are the anonymous statements amoraic or post-amoraic?

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8

Kretzmer-Raziel, Yoel. "Revolution or Evolution." Journal of Ancient Judaism 9, no. 3 (May 19, 2018): 386–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00903006.

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The Talmudic laws of handling objects on the Sabbath (referred to usually as muqṣe) relate to one’s mental state towards given objects as a criterion for determining the permissibility of handling them. Examination of the Mishnah and Tosefta in relation to the Talmuds reveals that this approach is an amoraic novelty, whereas the tannaitic sources base the law solely on physical criteria. This development is demonstrated through two main examples: Application of thought to set the status of an object and the consideration of one’s knowledge or awareness of the state of an object in determining its status. The emergence of this mental approach seems to have been deeply influenced, semantically and conceptually, by the tannaitc purity laws. Continuity, rather than revolution, appears to characterize this development, based in the tannaitic purity laws and applied in early and late amoraic discourse in the Yerushalmi and the Bavli.

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9

Marks, Susan. "Who Studied at the Beit Midrash?: Funding Palestinian Amoraic Education." Journal of Ancient Judaism 12, no. 2 (May 12, 2021): 281–312. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-bja10007.

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Abstract The house of study of Amoraic Palestine has resisted study because of its informality. By situating it alongside Hellenistic, Roman and Christian education, this article argues that examining their funding provides a means of understanding the structural tendencies of these study circles. Communal support appears mostly aspirational, providing clues as to intention and conflicts regarding inclusion. Similarly, narratives concerning individual gifts urge their moral good rather than their reliability, thus pointing inevitably to fees as the underlying means of support for the beit midrash. The necessity of fees in turn demands consideration of how those of more marginal means, including scribes, could afford this tuition. Finally, that teaching younger children provided one avenue of such support reveals a complex interdependency of those who had easier access to this education and those who had less access, as well as the barely glimpsed suggestion of other educational alternatives.

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10

Jacobs, Louis. "Development of the Talmudic Sugya: Relationship between Tannaitic and Amoraic Sources." Journal of Jewish Studies 40, no. 2 (October 1, 1989): 249–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.18647/1486/jjs-1989.

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11

Hayman, Pinchas. "From Tiberias to Meḥoza: Redactorial and Editorial Processes in Amoraic Babylonia." Jewish Quarterly Review 93, no. 1-2 (2002): 117–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jqr.2002.0048.

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12

Hayes, C. E. "Amoraic Interpretation and Halakhic Development: the Case of the Prohibited Basilica." Journal for the Study of Judaism 26, no. 2 (1995): 156–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006395x00040.

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13

Hayman, Pinchas. "From Tiberias to Mehoza: Redactorial and Editorial Processes in Amoraic Babylonia." Jewish Quarterly Review 93, no. 1/2 (July 2002): 117. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1455486.

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14

Harris, Jay M. "The Redaction of the Babylonian Talmud: Amoraic or Saboraic?Richard Kalmin." Journal of Religion 72, no. 1 (January 1992): 136–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/488829.

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15

Brandes, Yehuda. "The Canonization of the Mishnah." Journal of Ancient Judaism 10, no. 2 (May 19, 2019): 145–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-01002004.

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What is the Mishnah? A code of law or an anthology of Tannaitic literature? The traditional approach relates to the Mishnah as a legal code written by the school of Rabbi Yehudah The Prince. However, among scholars of Mishnah this approach has been the subject of fierce controversy for many years. There were those who regarded the Mishnah as a collection of sources not intended in any way to present legal rulings. Others, however, followed the traditional approach, arguing that Rabbi Yehudah intended to produce legal rulings in the Mishnah and did so by means of emending the text of the sources he had used and editing them. The resolution of this controversy lies in understanding the historical process of the reception of the Mishnah. At first, the Mishnah did function primarily as an anthology. It was only the second generation of the Amoraim, Talmudic sages, who began to regard the Mishnah as a uniform work and an authoritative and binding legal code. Subsequent generations of Amoraim reformulated their approach to the Mishnah with regard to both hermeneutics and legal decision making. Thus, one who studies the Talmud without taking into consideration the historical development concealed within it is influenced by the later approach, which dominates most of the Talmud. An additional stage in the process of the canonization of the Mishnah took place toward the end of the Amoraic period and, in particular, at the time of the redaction of the Talmud in the Savoraic period: both the text of the Mishnah and its language became consecrated, in similarity to the text of the Bible, and a fastidiousness developed with regard to the language of the text, down to the last word. In this article I will endeavor to delineate this historical process.

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16

Fraade, Steven D. "Response to Azzan Yadin-Israel on Rabbinic Polysemy: Do They “Preach” What They Practice?" AJS Review 38, no. 2 (November 2014): 339–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009414000294.

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The author revisits texts and arguments from his 2007 article in AJS Review 31 no. 1 in response to a “response” by Azzan Yadin-Israel in the April 2014 issue (38, no. 1). The central question is whether the widespread rabbinic textual practices of interpretive polysemy and legal multivocality are the product of the post-amoraic (“stammaitic”) editorial layer of the Babylonian Talmud (Yadin-Israel) or are already evidenced and theologically thematized in the earlier “tannaitic” rabbinic collections from the Land of Israel (Fraade).

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17

Cook, Johann. "The Origin of the Tradition." Journal for the Study of Judaism 38, no. 1 (2007): 80–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006307x170634.

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AbstractThe rabbinic tradition of the good and evil yesarim inherent in man is wide-spread in rabbinic and other sources. There seems to be a development from pre-Christian origins to fully-fledged later, Talmudic and Amoraic perspectives. This article traces this development from its later forms back to its possible origin via relevant Jewish texts from Hellenistic writings (Ben Sira and the LXX of Proverbs) and Qumran. It concludes that this tradition was already in use in Palestine during the 2nd century B.C.E.

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18

Neusner, Jacob. "The Redaction of the Babylonian Talmud: Amoraic or Saboraic? (review)." Hebrew Studies 31, no. 1 (1990): 182–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/hbr.1990.0043.

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19

First, Mitchell. "The Origin of Ta‘anit Esther." AJS Review 34, no. 2 (November 2010): 309–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400941000036x.

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This study seeks to explain the origin of the fast of the 13th of Adar. The practice of fasting on this day is puzzling for a number of reasons. Although the Bible describes fasting in the year of the Purim threat, this fast occurred in Nissan and the weeks thereafter. Nor does tannaitic or amoraic literature mention the practice of fasting on the 13th of Adar. To add to the puzzle,Megillat ta‘anit, compiled in the first centuryce, includes the 13th of Adar as a day on which Jews wereprohibitedfrom fasting.

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20

Yoel Kretzmer-Raziel. "The Impact of Purity Laws on Amoraic Laws Concerning Handling on the Sabbath." Hebrew Union College Annual 87 (2016): 179. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.87.2016.0179.

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21

Lavee, Moshe. "The ‘Tractate’ of Conversion—BT Yeb. 46‐48 and the Evolution of Conversion Procedure." European Journal of Jewish Studies 4, no. 2 (2010): 169–213. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/102599911x573332.

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AbstractTractate Yebamoth of the Babylonian Talmud contains a long unit devoted to the procedure of conversion (Yeb 46a‐48b). Form analysis of the unit reveals its design as a ‘tractate within a tractate.’ The unit is a collection of discussions on baraitas. It follows various literary conventions, such as placing a full description of the procedure towards the end and concluding with haggadic material and a verse of comfort. A variety of methods are applied in order to identify the unique Babylonian tendencies documented in this unit. Synoptic comparison to tannaitic parallels demonstrates the growing stringency and institutionalization of the rabbinic conversion procedure. A common structural feature of each discussion is the ending with an amoraic statement that reassure the halakhic validation of the stringent views. Stammaitic comments and the overall literary structure of the unit also seem to confirm this tendency.This unit demonstrates Babylonian efforts to further reinforce the boundaries of Jewish identity. The traditions as preserved in this unit show that Babylonian proclivities were gradually attributed to earlier Palestinian authorities. The most prominent example is the institution of the court for conversion. This is a Babylonian construct, systematically presented in places where it is missing in Palestinian rabbinic sources. In our unit it is also attributed to early Palestinain amora’im, and even to a tanna. Not only did the Babylonian sages change the model of conversion from witnessed circumcision (and later immersion) to court controlled procedure, they also projected their innovations onto earlier generations.

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22

Rosen-Zvi, Ishay. "Pauline Traditions and the Rabbis: Three Case Studies." Harvard Theological Review 110, no. 2 (March 23, 2017): 169–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0017816017000037.

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The comparative study of Paul and the rabbis, an interest of students of the New Testament ever since Christian Hebraism, radically changed in the second half of the twentieth century. If “the study of relations between Judaism and early Christianity, perhaps more than any other area of modern scholarship, has felt the impact of World War II and its aftermath,” then, within this, Pauline scholarship has felt this impact the most. Various post-Holocaust studies read Paul not only in connection to early Judaism but specifically to rabbinic Judaism, which they saw as the epitome of both halakhic and Midrashic discourses. Turning to Tannaitic and Amoraic literatures expressed an urgent need to recontextualize Paul as part of traditional Judaism.

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23

Simon-Shoshan, Moshe. "Creators of Worlds: The Deposition of R. Gamliel and the Invention of Yavneh." AJS Review 41, no. 2 (November 2017): 287–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009417000393.

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This article will examine the development of Yavneh as a literary and cultural construct from tannaitic sources through the two versions of the story of the deposition of R. Gamliel, in Yerushalmi Berakhot 4:1 and Bavli Berakhot 27b–28a. It will explore the ways in which the talmudic storytellers present a more developed narrative world complete with a social and political culture. It will then analyze the complex relationships between the narrative worlds of the Yerushalmi and Bavli and their respective social and ideological contexts. Based on this analysis, I shall propose a model for understanding the way in which the Yavnehs of both the Bavli and the Yerushalmi functioned in amoraic and postamoraic society to create a nuanced and self-critical rabbinic cultural identity.

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24

Baris, Michael. "“For I Say”: A Keeper at the Rabbinic Gates of Doubt." Review of Rabbinic Judaism 24, no. 1 (June 7, 2021): 56–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700704-12341375.

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Abstract The rabbinic idiom “for I say” (שאני אומר) has been construed philologically as a specific type of presumption, buttressed with first-person rhetoric. From the perspective of legal analysis, I contend that “for I say” and presumption are diametrically opposed decision-rules, employed consistently in tannaitic and amoraic literature. While presumptions are exclusionary rules, circumscribing doubt, “for I say” is an inclusionary rule, validating doubt. The versatility of the “for I say” rule testifies to its preliminary nature – while the outcome is determined by a robust set of primary decision rules. “For I say” should be read as: for I can say, legitimizing doubt and calling on primary rabbinic rules for treating cases of factual uncertainty, in contestable instances.

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25

Edwards, Robert G. T. "Proverbs 8, Christological Controversies, and the Pre-existence of the Son and Torah in the Third and Fourth Centuries." Journal for the Study of Judaism 51, no. 1 (March 3, 2020): 67–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15700631-12511274.

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Abstract This article argues that the opening of Genesis Rabbah 1 can be read productively in conversation with Christian controversies which raged from the middle of the third century to the fourth century. In rabbinic literature, it is not until the Amoraic period, in Palestine, that Proverbs 8 began to be employed as a proof of Torah’s pre-existence. This is precisely the same time that Christians engaged in heated debate as to the pre-existence of the Son, also based on Proverbs 8, not least in Palestine. By way of a broad reading of the christological controversies of this era, and a close reading of the exegesis of Proverbs 8 in Genesis Rabbah 1, the obscure debate partners of Genesis Rabbah 1 come to light: Christians who were debating the pre-existence of Wisdom.

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26

Lund, Jerome A. "The Syntax of the Numeral "One" as a Noun Modifier in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Amoraic Period." Journal of the American Oriental Society 106, no. 3 (July 1986): 413. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/602101.

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27

Nelson, W. David. "Oral Orthography: Early Rabbinic Oral and Written Transmission of Parallel Midrashic Tradition in the Mekhilta of Rabbi Shimon B. Yoḥai and the Mekhilta of Rabbi Ishmael." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000012.

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Throughout the past two centuries, the corpus of rabbinic writings, called either tannaitic midrashim or halakhic midrashim, has served as a pivotal foundation upon which scholars have based their historical reconstructions of the development of rabbinic Judaism. The reasons for this dependence are manifold. Predated in redaction by only the Mishnah, these documents contain a wealth of traditions attributed to the founders of rabbinic Judaism who flourished during its nascency. Moreover, these texts differ significantly in rhetorical style, logic, scope, and concern not only from those rabbinic documents which precede them (Mishnah), follow them (Palestinian/Babylonian Talmuds and amoraic midrashim), or are, perhaps, contemporaneous with them (Tosefta), but also among themselves as a corpus of writings. Finally, these documents are the earliest collections of rabbinic biblical exegesis (“Midrash”) and, were it not for a small number of examples of exegesis preserved in the Mishnah and Tosefta, they would also represent the earliest examples of rabbinic biblical interpretation known today. For reasons such as these, the tannaitic midrashim have figured prominently in research conducted over the past century on the historical development of Rabbinic Judaism.

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28

Lund, Jerome A. "The Syntax of the Numeral "One" as a Noun Modifier in Jewish Palestinian Aramaic of the Amoraic Period Part II." Journal of the American Oriental Society 108, no. 2 (April 1988): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/603648.

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29

Furstenberg, Ariel. "Restitution of Lost Property in the Tannaitic and Amoraic Halakhah: A Preliminary Philosophical Study of the Forming of a Conception." AJS Review 29, no. 1 (April 2005): 207–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0364009405000103.

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30

Atzmon, Arnon. "“In the Third Month”." Journal of Ancient Judaism 6, no. 1 (May 14, 2015): 143–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-00601008.

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The question of the Sitz im Leben of Pesikta de-Rav Kahana and how it affected its redaction and formulation is one of the most fascinating issues in the study of the aggadic midrashim. In this article, I conduct a detailed analysis of the piska referred to as “In the Third Month,” elucidating its character and nature primarily by comparing it to passages found in parallel midrashim. This analysis reveals that the extant piska was created in a two-stage process. First, the original darshan or redactor created midrashic material pertaining to the Shavuot Torah reading from Exod 19–20, the revelation of the Torah at Sinai which had recently replaced the older Shavuot reading connected to the agricultural aspect of the festival. Subsequently a later redactor of the Pesikta augmented the original piska by adding two midrashic passages drawn from the Tanhuma literature. Analysis of the dynamics involved in the creation and redaction of this particular piska sheds light not only on this text but on the connection between the liturgical and literary processes at work in this period as a whole. Most importantly, it affords us a glimpse into the link between the midrashim and actual synagogue life in the amoraic period.

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31

Cohen, Barak Shlomo. "In Quest of Babylonian Tannaitic Traditions: The Case of Tanna D'Bei Shmuel." AJS Review 33, no. 2 (November 2009): 271–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s036400940999002x.

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The question of the existence of Babylonian rabbinic traditions dating from the mishnaic period (pre-220 CE) has not been thoroughly and methodically addressed in the scholarly literature. Historians have pointed out that several rabbis were active in Babylonia during the mishnaic period; some researchers have even suggested that in this early period, organized rabbinic intellectual activity already existed in cities such as Nisibis, Nehardea, and Husal. However, a systematic examination of halakhot whose provenance was Babylonia in the mishnaic period has yet to be undertaken. Most prior attempts to uncover Babylonian rabbinic activity from this period have focused on a few traditions ascribed to Tannaim who had a known connection to Babylonia, such as R. Judah b. Bathyra, R. Nathan, and R. Hiyya (the “Babylonians,” as they are sometimes called in rabbinic literature). In light of the absence of a systematic study of Babylonian pre-talmudic rabbinic traditions, Gafni came to the following conclusion, one that this paper will support with solid evidence: Even if there was a composed Babylonian halakhic tradition that originated before the end of the mishnaic period, it seems that the Palestinian tradition was accepted as the main tradition of the Babylonian sages already at the beginning of the amoraic period. Moreover, when this tradition penetrated into the Babylonian centers of learning, it seems to have completely pushed aside other traditions, causing them to become almost untraceable…. This subject still awaits thorough treatment by talmudic researchers, and at this stage we can discuss only the amount of rabbinic intellectual activity that existed in Babylonia before the talmudic period began…. Reason dictates that after the destruction of the Temple and the Bar-Kochba revolt, as sages began to arrive in Babylonia, the basic foundations of the rabbinic activity were established.

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32

Neusner, Jacob. "Richard KALMIN, The Redaction of the Babylonian Talmud: Amoraic or Saboraic? (Monographs of Hebrew Union College, 12), Pp. xviii and 215, Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati, 1989, cloth, n. pr." Journal for the Study of Judaism 21, no. 2 (1990): 261–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157006390x00360.

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33

Moreno, Andréia De Haro, Lucas Possebon, Moniele Sant’ana, Helena Ribeiro Souza, Melina Misuzaki Iomasa Pilon, and Ana Paula Girol. "Avaliação da atividade antimicrobiana e citotoxicidade hemolítica em diferentes extratos vegetais." Arquivos de Ciências da Saúde 25, no. 1 (April 20, 2018): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.17696/2318-3691.25.1.2018.1172.

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Introdução: A busca por novos agentes terapêuticos tem incentivado as pesquisas com plantas medicinais, pois muitas delas podemapresentar propriedade antimicrobiana e conhecer o potencial citotóxico dos extratos é fundamental para garantir a segurançadurante o uso. Objetivo: Avaliar a atividade antimicrobiana e a citotoxicidade hemolítica de Arctium lappa (bardana), Equisetumarvense (cavalinha), Mikania glomerata (guaco), Morus nigra (amora) e Plantago major (tanchagem), amplamente consumidospela população na forma de chás medicinais. Material e Métodos: Os extratos etanólicos fora preparados a 20% por percolação.Na avaliação antimicrobiana foi utilizada a técnica de difusão em disco, empregando as bactérias Staphylococcus aureus,Escherichia coli, Pseudomonas aeruginosa, Proteus mirabilis, Klebsiella pneumoniae, Acinetobacter sp, Enterococcus sp eSalmonella sp. O ensaio de citotoxicidade baseou-se na exposição dos extratos a 5%, 25%, 50%, 75% e 100% em suspensão dehemácias a 37ºC por 30 minutos, seguido de centrifugação e visualização do grau de hemólise. Resultados: Todos os extratosapresentaram inibição de crescimento microbiano, principalmente sobre Acinetobacter sp (amora), Enterococcus sp (amorae cavalinha), K. pneumoniae (amora, bardana e guaco), P. aeruginosa (cavalinha, tanchagem, bardana e guaco) e Salmonellasp (amora e bardana). No ensaio de citotoxicidade, o grau de hemólise foi classificado como baixo para tanchagem e bardana(5%) e médio para cavalinha, guaco e amora (25%) nas concentrações testadas. Conclusão: Os resultados mostram o potencialantimicrobiano dos extratos de amora, bardana, cavalinha, guaco e tanchagem contra bactérias Gram negativas e a baixacitotoxicidade hemolítica confirma a segurança no uso dos mesmos como agentes terapêuticos.

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Ferreira, Daniela Souza, Veridiana Vera de Rosso, and Adriana Zerlotti Mercadante. "Compostos bioativos presentes em amora-preta (Rubus spp.)." Revista Brasileira de Fruticultura 32, no. 3 (October 8, 2010): 664–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0100-29452010005000110.

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A amora-preta (Rubus spp.), pequena fruta de clima temperado, possui coloração atraente, variando do vermelho púrpura ao azul, devido ao elevado teor de antocianinas. As antocianinas, juntamente com os carotenoides, compõem os pigmentos naturais, majoritários encontrados em diversas frutas. Diversos estudos têm relatado a importância destes pigmentos naturais como protetores e/ou inibidores de doenças degenerativas, porém são escassos os estudos sobre compostos bioativos presentes em amora-preta cultivada no Brasil. Os objetivos do presente estudo foram identificar as antocianinas e os carotenoides presentes em amora-preta, determinar os conteúdos totais de compostos fenólicos, carotenoides, flavonoides, antocianinas totais, monoméricas, poliméricas e copigmentadas, e a capacidade antioxidante frente aos radicais livres ABTS e DPPH. O teor total de carotenoides foi baixo (86,5 ± 0,2 µg/100 g), com all-trans-β-caroteno (39,6 %) e all-trans-luteína (28,2 %) como os majoritários. As amoras-pretas apresentaram elevado potencial antioxidante principalmente pelo teor representativo de antocianinas monoméricas (104,1 ± 1,8 mg/100 g de fruto), presença de antocianinas poliméricas (22,9 ± 0,4 %), baixa porcentagem de antocianinas copigmentadas (1,6 ± 0,1 %) e altos teores de compostos fenólicos (241,7 ± 0,8 mg equivalente de ácido gálico/100 g) e de flavonoides totais (173,7 ± 0,7 mg equivalente de catequina/100 g). Cianidina 3-glucosídeo foi a antocianina majoritária (92,9 %). Diante destes resultados, a amora-preta pode ser considerada uma fonte natural rica em antioxidantes e pigmentos.

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Cohen, Barak Shlomo. "The Tannei Rav X Baraitot in the Babylonian Talmud: From Recitation to Ascription." Journal of Ancient Judaism 12, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 122–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/21967954-12340021.

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Abstract This article examines the meaning and the development of the terms used to introduce baraitot transmitted by amoraim in the Bavli: “Tannei Rav X.” Why are these baraitot not introduced with the more usual terms used for citing a baraita, “tanya” and “tannu rabbanan?” I will argue that the term “tannei Rav X” was created in the generations that followed the named amora, as an alternative to the usual citation formula employed by the sage himself when he first quoted the baraita. A sage later to Rav X (or the “stam”) who wished to refer to a baraita quoted earlier by Rav X, used the term “tannei Rav X” to do so. These baraitot (around 80%) have parallels in tannaitic compositions or in the Yerushalmi. This finding bears additional weight on the question of the origins of the terminology used to quote baraitot in the Bavli.

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Hirsch, Gabriela Elisa, Elizete Maria Pesamosca Facco, Daniele Bobrowski Rodrigues, Márcia Vizzotto, and Tatiana Emanuelli. "Caracterização físico-química de variedades de amora-preta da região sul do Brasil." Ciência Rural 42, no. 5 (May 22, 2012): 942–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0103-84782012005000021.

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A amora-preta (Rubus sp.) é uma fruta cuja exploração comercial está iniciando no Brasil. Seu cultivo iniciou na década de 70 e vem aumentando com a introdução e adaptação de novas cultivares. Porém, pouco se conhece sobre as disparidades geradas na composição e nas características das frutas dessas novas plantas. O objetivo deste trabalho foi avaliar as características físico-químicas de diferentes cultivares ('Tupy', 'Guarani' e 'Cherokee') e seleções (02/96, 07/001 e 03/001) de amora, que estão sendo estudadas para originar cultivares adaptadas à região Sul do Brasil. Foram analisados a cor objetiva, sólidos solúveis (SS), pH, acidez titulável, composição centesimal e ácidos graxos de amoras. As frutas apresentaram umidade entre 84,8 e 90,3%; proteína entre 0,09 e 0,14%, fibra alimentar entre 5,8 e 5,5% e cinzas entre 0,27 e 0,49%. A seleção 02/96 apresentou menor teor de cinzas. Os SS variaram entre 7,3 a 10,2°Brix, a acidez titulável variou entre 1,30 e 1,58% em ácido cítrico e o pH entre 2,8 e 3,1. A seleção 03/001 apresentou menor valor de SS que as demais e menor tendência ao vermelho, mas maior intensidade de cor que a cultivar 'Tupy'. Os ácidos graxos encontrados em maior concentração foram o ácido palmítico (22-29%), oléico (13-32%) e linoléico (15-33%), com diferenças nas concentrações entre os tipos de amora. As variedades de amora-preta avaliadas apresentaram bom valor nutricional com níveis de açúcar e acidez adequados para a industrialização, além de conter ácidos graxos importantes para a manutenção da saúde.

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Curi, Paula Nogueira, Rafael Pio, Pedro Henrique Abreu Moura, Maraísa Hellen Tadeu, Paulyene Vieira Nogueira, and Moacir Pasqual. "Produção de amora-preta e amora-vermelha em Lavras - MG." Ciência Rural 45, no. 8 (April 28, 2015): 1368–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0103-8478cr20131572.

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O cultivo de amoras está amplamente difundido em zonas temperadas, porém, algumas cultivares são de baixa necessidade em frio e podem ser exploradas em locais com temperaturas mais elevadas. Assim, objetivou-se, com o presente trabalho, avaliar a produção de amoras-pretas e amora-vermelha na região de Lavras-MG (clima Cwb). O delineamento experimental foi em blocos ao acaso, com quatro blocos e onze tratamentos (cultivares de amoreiras-pretas 'Arapaho', 'Xavante', 'Ébano', 'Comanche', 'Caingangue', 'Choctaw', 'Tupy', 'Guarani', 'Brazos', 'Cherokee' e a amoreira-vermelha, espécie nativa do Brasil). Em cada parcela, foram coletados dados fenológicos e produtivos no ciclo de produção 2010/11 e 2011/12, além da caracterização físico-química dos frutos. As cultivares de amoreira-preta apresentaram ciclo produtivo entre 66 e 133 dias, com colheitas se iniciando em setembro e se estendendo até janeiro; e a amoreira-vermelha com ciclo produtivo de 283 dias. 'Brazos' apresentou a maior produtividade estimada. As cultivares Brazos e Guarani possibilitaram a produção de frutos de maior massa, enquanto que 'Caingangue', 'Tupy' e 'Choctaw' apresentaram bom equilíbrio entre os sólidos solúveis e acidez. A amoreira-vermelha apresentou elevada produção de frutos (527g por planta no 1o ciclo e 344g por planta no 2o ciclo) e demonstrou-se uma excelente opção para o processamento

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Mendecki, Norbert. "Diaspora babilońska – amoraici i saboryci." Analecta Cracoviensia 18 (December 31, 1986): 245. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/acr.3201.

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HOEFT, WAYNE W., WILLIAM FEINBLOOM, RICHARD BRILLIANT, ROBERT GORDON, CHARLES HOLLANDER, JULIAN NEWMAN, EDWIN NOVAK, BRUCE ROSENTHAL, and ERWIN VOSS. "Amorphic Lenses." Optometry and Vision Science 62, no. 2 (February 1985): 142–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.1097/00006324-198502000-00013.

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Fuhrmann, G., M. Gröger, and T. Jäger. "Amorphic complexity." Nonlinearity 29, no. 2 (January 25, 2016): 528–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0951-7715/29/2/528.

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Silva, Juliana Boeira da. "A descoberta do amor para as amoras: uma análise das descobertas sexuais em Amora, de Natalia Borges Polesso." Nau Literária 16, no. 2 (August 3, 2020): 238–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.22456/1981-4526.105884.

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Este artigo tem como propósito abordar a temática das descobertas amorosas e sexuais nos contos “Primeiras vezes”, “Vó, a senhora é lésbica?”, “Flor, flores, ferro retorcido”, “Minha prima está na cidade”, “Amora” e “Umas pernas grossas”, presentes no livro Amora (2015), de Natalia Borges Polesso. O objetivo é delinear como ocorre esse movimento inicial rumo às relações amorosas se tratando da experiência de personagens lésbicas, uma vez que a literatura, em predominância, concentra-se em falar dessa temática apenas retratando relações heterossexuais. Para tanto, será utilizado o aporte teórico de Simone de Beauvoir, Tania Navarro-Swain, Lúcia Facco e Michel Foucault.

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42

Vizzotto, Márcia, Maria do Carmo Bassols Raseira, Marina Couto Pereira, and Mariana da Rosa Fetter. "Teor de compostos fenólicos e atividade antioxidante em diferentes genótipos de amoreira-preta (Rubus sp.)." Revista Brasileira de Fruticultura 34, no. 3 (September 2012): 853–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/s0100-29452012000300027.

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Tendo em vista que alguns compostos fenólicos encontrados em amora-preta são benéficos para a saúde humana, este estudo foi conduzido com o propósito de quantificar os teores de compostos fenólicos totais e a atividade antioxidante em diferentes genótipos produzidos por 10 seleções e 4 cultivares de amoreira-preta com ou sem espinhos. Quanto aos resultados, pode-se observar que, dentre as seleções e cultivares de amoreira-preta com espinho, a seleção S16/96 apresentou o maior teor de compostos fenólicos e atividade antioxidante. Dentre as seleções sem espinho, a S17/01 e a S02/96 apresentaram os maiores valores, não diferindo da S12/01 para a atividade antioxidante. Não houve diferença estatística para os teores de compostos fenólicos totais e atividade antioxidante, quando comparadas entre si as seleções e as cultivares de amoreira-preta com espinhos. A correlação entre o teor de compostos fenólicos totais e a atividade antioxidante nas amoras-pretas estudadas é baixa, indicando presença de outros fitoquímicos e/ou vitaminas que podem influenciar o poder antioxidante.

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43

Grossi, Vittorino. "Amoris Laetitia." Mayéutica 45, no. 100 (2019): 235–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/mayeutica20194510031.

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Burnett, H. Sterling. "Amoral Politics." International Studies in Philosophy 30, no. 4 (1998): 145–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/intstudphil199830440.

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Leslie, Stuart. "Amoral advances." New Scientist 201, no. 2694 (February 2009): 26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(09)60355-9.

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Freeman, Pamela. "Amoral advances." New Scientist 201, no. 2694 (February 2009): 27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0262-4079(09)60370-5.

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Verkiel, Saskia E. "Amoral enhancement." Journal of Medical Ethics 43, no. 1 (October 6, 2016): 52–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/medethics-2015-103317.

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Tassone, Giuseppe. "Amoral Adorno." European Journal of Social Theory 8, no. 3 (August 2005): 251–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368431005054793.

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Scheuer, Han Jürgen. "Receptaculum Amoris." Zeitschrift für Literaturwissenschaft und Linguistik 44, no. 176 (December 2014): 149–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf03377233.

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Ponomarenko, I. N., and A. Rahnamai Barghi. "On amorphic C-algebras." Journal of Mathematical Sciences 145, no. 3 (September 2007): 4981–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/s10958-007-0333-9.

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