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1
Valentin, Paul. "Karl Bühler und die Anapher." Cahiers d’études germaniques 37, no. 2 (1999): 41–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/cetge.1999.1486.
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Cornish, Francis. "‘Antecedentless’ anaphors: deixis, anaphora, or what? Some evidence from English and French." Journal of Linguistics 32, no. 1 (March 1996): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700000748.
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Taking a cognitive perspective, and concentrating on instances of exophora (or so-called ‘antecedentless’ anaphora), where by definition there is no co-occurring expression in terms of which a given anaphor might be interpreted (i.e. a potential ‘antecedent’), I aim to show, firstly, that so-called exophora falls within the category of anaphora proper and not deixis; secondly, that it is in terms of a conceptual representation of the situation being evoked, and not in terms of the physical situation itself, that the anaphor is interpreted; and finally, that exophora is in reality a more central manifestation of anaphora than the ‘endophoric’ type, where the ‘antecedent’ expression co-occurs with the anaphor.I will base the discussion on naturally occurring data from French and English, and will consider the contributions of gender- and number-marking within pronominal anaphors, as well as of such features of the anaphoric segment as the argument and referent-order statuses assigned to an anaphor by the governing predicator and its modifiers, and the stress and pitch characteristics of the anaphor. All these features play an important role in the assignment of a full interpretation to so-called ‘endophoric’ anaphors just as much as ‘exophoric’ ones, thereby weakening the theoretical basis for the distinction between the two types.
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Hou, Yufang, Katja Markert, and Michael Strube. "Unrestricted Bridging Resolution." Computational Linguistics 44, no. 2 (June 2018): 237–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli_a_00315.
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In contrast to identity anaphors, which indicate coreference between a noun phrase and its antecedent, bridging anaphors link to their antecedent(s) via lexico-semantic, frame, or encyclopedic relations. Bridging resolution involves recognizing bridging anaphors and finding links to antecedents. In contrast to most prior work, we tackle both problems. Our work also follows a more wide-ranging definition of bridging than most previous work and does not impose any restrictions on the type of bridging anaphora or relations between anaphor and antecedent. We create a corpus (ISNotes) annotated for information status (IS), bridging being one of the IS subcategories. The annotations reach high reliability for all categories and marginal reliability for the bridging subcategory. We use a two-stage statistical global inference method for bridging resolution. Given all mentions in a document, the first stage, bridging anaphora recognition, recognizes bridging anaphors as a subtask of learning fine-grained IS. We use a cascading collective classification method where (i) collective classification allows us to investigate relations among several mentions and autocorrelation among IS classes and (ii) cascaded classification allows us to tackle class imbalance, important for minority classes such as bridging. We show that our method outperforms current methods both for IS recognition overall as well as for bridging, specifically. The second stage, bridging antecedent selection, finds the antecedents for all predicted bridging anaphors. We investigate the phenomenon of semantically or syntactically related bridging anaphors that share the same antecedent, a phenomenon we call sibling anaphors. We show that taking sibling anaphors into account in a joint inference model improves antecedent selection performance. In addition, we develop semantic and salience features for antecedent selection and suggest a novel method to build the candidate antecedent list for an anaphor, using the discourse scope of the anaphor. Our model outperforms previous work significantly.
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Miller, Philip, Barbara Hemforth, Pascal Amsili, and Gabriel Flambard. "Missing Antecedents Found." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (August 15, 2020): 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4795.
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Numerous papers have used so-called `missing antecedent phenomena' as a criterion for distinguishing deep and surface anaphora. Specifically, only the latter are claimed to licence pronouns with missing antecedents. These papers also argue that missing antecedent phenomena provide evidence that surface anaphora involve unpronounced syntactic structure in the ellipsis site. The present paper suggests that the acceptability judgments on which the argument is based exhibit a confound because they do not take discourse conditions on VPE (a surface anaphor) and VPA (a deep anaphor) into account. Two acceptability experiments provide evidence that what is relevant to the judgments are the discourse conditions and not the presence of deep vs. surface anaphors, casting doubt on the reliability of missing antecedent phenomena as a criterion for deep vs. surface status.
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Zulaica Hernández, Iker. "Resolving abstract anaphors in Spanish discourse: Underspecification and mereological structures." Linguistics 56, no. 3 (June 26, 2018): 681–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2018-0008.
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Abstract Anaphoric underspecification involves multiple potential candidate antecedents for an anaphoric expression. In abstract object anaphora, where linguistic antecedents are clauses, sentences and larger fragments of discourse, the source of referential underspecification is commonly found at the propositional level. Thus, underspecified abstract anaphors have multiple antecedents of a higher-order nature (i.e., propositions and events). Following previous research on anaphoric underspecification with nominal antecedents, I propose a hypothetical three-step process toward the resolution of underspecified abstract object anaphors by hearers in discourse: (i) creation of a complex abstract object with a mereological structure that includes all potential interpretations for an anaphor, (ii) recognition of the thematic connection among propositions intended by the speaker in the form of a specific rhetorical relation, and 3) resolution of the abstract anaphor. Potential antecedents for any underspecified abstract anaphor may include atomic propositions and complex abstract referents that result from a merged interpretation of several propositions that are thematically connected. Provided that it is available, I claim that such a merged interpretation, which is part of the mereological structure, is the preferred interpretation as it is generally interpreted as part of a general purpose by the speaker, in addition to contributing to the thematic coherence of discourse.
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Kang, Namkil. "Anaphora and Merge." Studies in English Language Teaching 9, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): p15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v9n1p15.
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The ultimate goal of this paper is to show that binding can be captured in terms of Merge and Transfer. It is well-known that the phi-deficiency view of anaphora is taken to be the predominant view in the Minimalist literature and that an anaphor is assumed to be a nominal that lacks one or more phi-features. We examine the phi-deficiency view of anaphora and argue that animate features, phi-features, and R-features are necessary. Korean ku-casin “he-self” and English himself underspecified for R-features are subject/object/indirect object-oriented and are strictly local anaphors. On the other hand, Korean caki “self” underspecified for phi-features is subject/object-oriented and both locally and non-locally bound. Korean caki-casin “self-self” underspecified for both features (phi-features and R-features) are subject-oriented and strictly a local anaphor. Finally, within the Minimalist work, we show that binding can be captured by animate features, phi-features, R-features, Merge, and Transfer. Transfer provides the governing category and semantic computations, by which binding can be captured.
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Palomar, M., and P. Martinez-Barco. "Computational Approach to Anaphora Resolution in Spanish Dialogues." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 15 (October 1, 2001): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.848.
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This paper presents an algorithm for identifying noun-phrase antecedents of pronouns and adjectival anaphors in Spanish dialogues. We believe that anaphora resolution requires numerous sources of information in order to find the correct antecedent of the anaphor. These sources can be of different kinds, e.g., linguistic information, discourse/dialogue structure information, or topic information. For this reason, our algorithm uses various different kinds of information (hybrid information). The algorithm is based on linguistic constraints and preferences and uses an anaphoric accessibility space within which the algorithm finds the noun phrase. We present some experiments related to this algorithm and this space using a corpus of 204 dialogues. The algorithm is implemented in Prolog. According to this study, 95.9% of antecedents were located in the proposed space, a precision of 81.3% was obtained for pronominal anaphora resolution, and 81.5% for adjectival anaphora.
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Pathanasin, Saranya, and Wirote Aroonmanakun. "A Centering Theory Analysis of Discrepancies on Subject Zero Anaphor in English to Thai Translation." MANUSYA 17, no. 1 (2014): 45–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-01701003.
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Centering theory (CT) has been adopted in analyzing 84 zero anaphors in 50 informative texts. It is found that most zero anaphors occur in Continuation state both in English texts (source texts (ST)) and Thai translation (target texts (TT)). Zero anaphors in the TT outnumber those in ST and are found in more environments. In terms of translation, most zero anaphors in source texts remain in the same form in the target texts although some items are translated into different anaphor forms. Results indicate that zero anaphor is used to keep discourse coherence and to refer to the backward-looking center (Cb) of current utterances in both languages. Therefore, most zero anaphors in source texts are translated into zero anaphors in target texts when the CT transition state of utterances in source texts and target texts is Continuation, and are translated into other anaphors when the CT transition state in source texts is changed to another transition state in the target texts. Constraints in translation of zero anaphors can be explained in terms of anaphor interpretation, salience of entities, syntactic constraint, and naturalness of translation. However, this paper focuses only on one type of anaphor, namely subject zero anaphor; investigation of other types of anaphor will reveal other discrepancies in using and translating anaphors from this language pair.
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SHOJI, Shinichi. "Understanding Reference: Morphological Marking in Japanese." Acta Linguistica Asiatica 7, no. 1 (June 28, 2017): 9–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/ala.7.1.9-21.
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This study investigates reference resolution with repeated-name anaphors in Japanese, particularly focusing on (i) subject anaphor with the nominative postposition ga, (ii) topic-subject anaphor with the topic postposition wa, (iii) scrambled object anaphor with the accusative postposition o, and (iv) topic-object anaphor with the topic postposition wa. A self-paced sentence-by-sentence reading experiment was conducted using two-sentence discourse items followed by comprehension questions, aiming to examine which type of anaphor would trigger a faster realization of the anaphor-antecedent relationship. The discourse items included antecedents in the first sentence and anaphors in the second sentences, and the comprehension questions asked about the antecedents in the first sentences. Results showed that the comprehension questions for the discourses that included topic anaphors (topic-subject-wa and topic-object-wa) were responded to faster than those for the discourses that included non-topic anaphors (subject-ga and scrambled object-o). The results indicate that anaphors’ topic-hood given by wa facilitates the realization of antecedents.
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Cornish, Francis. "Anaphora: Text-based or discourse-dependent?" Functions of Language 17, no. 2 (December 2, 2010): 207–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.17.2.03cor.
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The traditional definition of anaphora in purely co-textual terms as a relation between two co-occurring expressions is in wide currency in theoretical and descriptive studies of the phenomenon. Indeed, it is currently adopted in on-line psycholinguistic experiments on the interpretation of anaphors, and is the basis for all computational approaches to automatic anaphor resolution (see Mitkov 2002). Under this conception, the anaphor, a referentially-dependent expression type, requires “saturation” by an appropriate referentially-autonomous, lexically-based expression — the antecedent — in order to achieve full sense and reference. However, this definition needs to be re-examined in the light of the ways in which real texts operate and are understood, where the resulting picture is rather different. The article aims to show that the co-textual conception is misconceived, and that anaphora is essentially an integrative, discourse-creating procedure involving a three-way relationship between an “antecedent trigger”, an anaphoric predication, and a salient discourse representation. It is shown that it is only in terms of a dynamic interaction amongst the interdependent dimensions of text and discourse, as well as context, that the true complexity of anaphoric reference may be satisfactorily described. The article is intended as a contribution to the broader debate within the pages of this journal and elsewhere between the formalist and the functionalist accounts of language structure and use.
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Anagnostopoulou, Elena, and Martin Everaert. "Toward a More Complete Typology of Anaphoric Expressions." Linguistic Inquiry 30, no. 1 (January 1999): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438999553977.
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Reinhart and Reuland (1993) propose the following typology of anaphoric expressions: SELF anaphors (+SELF, −R), SE anaphors (−SELF, −R), and pronouns (−SELF, +R). We argue that the Greek anaphor o eaftos tu ‘the self his’ exemplifies a fourth type, predicted by Reinhart and Reuland's typology but not instantiated in their system: an “inalienable possession” anaphor (+SELF, +R). Within Reinhart and Reuland's framework such anaphors are allowed provided that (a) they do not enter into chain formation and (b) they satisfy the (reflexivity) binding conditions through abstract incorporation of the nominal head into the predicate they reflexivize. The proposed analysis makes valid predictions concerning the distribution of Greek anaphors as opposed to English/Dutch anaphors.
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Bacchini, Simone. "Looking back and moving forward: what anaphora can reveal about human languages and the mind." English Today 29, no. 4 (November 21, 2013): 59–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078413000370.
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Arguably, anaphora is one of the most interesting linguistic phenomena. Broadly speaking, the term refers to a relation between two linguistic elements. In this relation, the interpretation of one element, the anaphor, is determined by the interpretation of another: the antecedent. Thus, in the sentence Cordelia said she loved Manet, the pronoun ‘she’ is the anaphor, which refers back (the word ‘anaphor’ is derived from a Greek term which translates as ‘to carry back’), while Cordelia is its antecedent. Anaphora is closely linked to deixis, the phenomenon in language whereby the meaning of certain elements requires contextual and/or co-textual information.
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Woolford, Ellen. "More on the Anaphor Agreement Effect." Linguistic Inquiry 30, no. 2 (April 1999): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438999554057.
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This article provides additional evidence for the universality of Rizzi's (1990) anaphor agreement effect, under which the ungrammaticality of nominative anaphors in English, Italian, and Icelandic is due to the presence of agreement. Languages without agreement are shown to allow nominative anaphors. Objective anaphors cannot be associated with agreement, unless the agreement is a special anaphoric form. Superficial counterexamples to Rizzi's proposal are shown not to be problematic. The relative merits of two formal accounts outlined by Rizzi (1990) are discussed. Finally, it is suggested that the anaphor agreement effect can be a diagnostic for the presence of covert agreement.
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Dhifallah, Amira. "Collective Nouns and Reciprocal Anaphors: A Study on Tunisian Arabic." ARGUMENTUM 20 (January 1, 2024): 128–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.34103/argumentum/2024/7.
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This paper aims to investigate the compatibility of singular collective nouns and reciprocal anaphors in Tunisian Arabic. I hypothesize that while singular collective nouns in this Arabic variety are compatible with both singular and plural reciprocal anaphors, agreement in number between the anaphor and the verb is imperative, disallowing instances of mismatch in agreement patterns. These hypotheses were tested through a language questionnaire designed for Tunisian Arabic native speakers to investigate the compatibility of reciprocal anaphors with singular collective nouns in different agreement patterns. Analysis of the questionnaire responses supports the conclusion that a singular collective noun can be the antecedent of both singular and plural reciprocal anaphors, contingent upon the reciprocal anaphor agreeing in number with the verb preceding it.
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Freeman, Margaret H. "Grounded spaces: deictic -self anaphors in the poetry of Emily Dickinson." Language and Literature: International Journal of Stylistics 6, no. 1 (February 1997): 7–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/096394709700600101.
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Ungrammaticality in poetry, when it is considered 'acceptable' by literary critics, has been characteristically dismissed as 'poetic licence', as though poets are somehow exempt from the constraints on linguistic usage. Autonomous (traditional or transformational) grammar has no explanation for the occurrence of forms such as Emily Dickinson's -self anaphor pronouns. On the contrary, under a cognitive linguistic account, her apparently ungrammatical -self anaphors are perfectly grammatical. Dickinson's -self anaphors, grounded in mental spaces, are triggered by the subject/agent of their originating space. That the grounding of these -self anaphors makes them deictic is attested by the existence of 'crossover' spaces. Dickinson's use of the -self anaphor in projected mental spaces makes the self deictically present in that space: not any self, but the self as agent in the originating space. By using the principle of -self anaphor projection from the subject/agent in one mental space into another, Dickinson creates for us a world of possibilities : a world in which things can happen and be made to happen through the agencies of the self.
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Shoji, Shinichi. "Antecedent Retrieval with Repeated Name Anaphors in Japanese: Topic and Subject." Journal of Language Teaching and Research 8, no. 4 (July 1, 2017): 663. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/jltr.0804.04.
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The present study tested whether repeated-name anaphors in Japanese elicit different effects in retrieving antecedents, depending on the anaphors being either a topic anaphor appended with the topic marker wa or a non-topic anaphor with the nominative marker ga. Early studies have shown that pronoun anaphors facilitate faster retrieval of their antecedents relative to repeated name anaphors, when the anaphors are grammatical subjects that refer to salient antecedents. In Japanese, however, grammatical subjects can be further classified into topic-subjects marked by wa and non-topic subjects marked by ga. Therefore, different antecedent-retrieval patterns may be possible between topic-wa and topic-ga even when they both were repeated-name anaphors. In addition, the present study investigated this issue with native English speakers who were learners of Japanese. Because their first language, English, does not overtly mark an entity as topic or non-topic, it was predicted that they might be relatively insensitive to anaphors’ topic-hood and may not show different effects between topic-wa and non-topic-ga. A self-paced reading experiment showed that native Japanese speakers retrieved antecedents faster for repeated-name topic-wa anaphors than for non-topic-ga. On the other hand, native English speakers showed only marginally faster retrieval of antecedents for topic anaphors compared with to non-topic anaphors.
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Yang, Xiaofeng, Jian Su, and Chew Lim Tan. "A Twin-Candidate Model for Learning-Based Anaphora Resolution." Computational Linguistics 34, no. 3 (September 2008): 327–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli.2008.07-004-r2-06-57.
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The traditional single-candidate learning model for anaphora resolution considers the antecedent candidates of an anaphor in isolation, and thus cannot effectively capture the preference relationships between competing candidates for its learning and resolution. To deal with this problem, we propose a twin-candidate model for anaphora resolution. The main idea behind the model is to recast anaphora resolution as a preference classification problem. Specifically, the model learns a classifier that determines the preference between competing candidates, and, during resolution, chooses the antecedent of a given anaphor based on the ranking of the candidates. We present in detail the framework of the twin-candidate model for anaphora resolution. Further, we explore how to deploy the model in the more complicated coreference resolution task. We evaluate the twin-candidate model in different domains using the Automatic Content Extraction data sets. The experimental results indicate that our twin-candidate model is superior to the single-candidate model for the task of pronominal anaphora resolution. For the task of coreference resolution, it also performs equally well, or better.
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Charnavel, Isabelle, and Dominique Sportiche. "Anaphor Binding: What French Inanimate Anaphors Show." Linguistic Inquiry 47, no. 1 (January 2016): 35–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00204.
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Owing to different ideas about what counts as an anaphor subject to Condition A, two influential but superficially incompatible versions of Condition A of binding theory have coexisted: Chomsky’s (1986) version, and versions of predicate-based binding theories defended by Pollard and Sag (1992) and Reinhart and Reuland (1993) and modified in various ways since ( Pollard 2005 , Reuland 2011 ). Using inanimate anaphors to independently control for sensitivity to Condition A without the confound of logophoricity, we show that Condition A must be checked at the syntax-interpretation interface and that Chomsky’s (1986) version (an anaphor must be bound within the smallest complete functional complex containing it and a possible binder) is nearly correct, with one amendment: a tensed TP boundary is opaque to the search for an antecedent. Given these results, we argue that Condition A should be reduced to phase theory and we outline how this can be done.
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Mohd Noor, Noor Huzaimi@Karimah, Shahrul Azman Mohd Noah, and Mohd Juzaiddin Ab Aziz. "CLASSIFICATION OF SHORT POSSESSIVE CLITIC PRONOUN NYA IN MALAY TEXT TO SUPPORT ANAPHOR CANDIDATE DETERMINATION." Journal of Information and Communication Technology 19, Number 4 (August 20, 2020): 513–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.32890/jict2020.19.4.3.
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Anaphor candidate determination is an important process in anaphora resolution (AR) systems. There are several types of anaphor, one of which is pronominal anaphor. Pronominal anaphor is an anaphor that involves pronouns. In some of the cases, certain pronouns can be used without referring to any situation or entity in a text, and this phenomenon is known as pleonastic. In the case of the Malay language, it usually occurs for the pronoun nya. The pleonastic that exists in every text causes a severe problem to the anaphora resolution systems. The process to determine the pleonastic nya is not the same as identifying the pleonastic ‘it’ in the English language, where the syntactic pattern could not be used because the structure of nya comes at the end of a word. As an alternative, semantic classes are used to identify the pleonastic itself and the anaphoric nya. In this paper, the automatic semantic tag was used to determine the type of nya, which at the same time could determine nya as an anaphor candidate. The new algorithms and MalayAR architecture were proposed. The results of the F-measure showed the detection of clitic nya as a separate word achieved a perfect 100% result. In comparison, the clitic nya as a pleonastic achieved 88%, clitic nya referring to humans achieved 94%, and clitic nya referring to non-humans achieved 63%. The results showed that the proposed algorithms were acceptable to solve the issue of the clitic nya as pleonastic, human referral as well as non-human referral.
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Rangkupan, Suda. "Participant Continuity in Thai Fictional Narrative." MANUSYA 5, no. 2 (2002): 52–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/26659077-00502005.
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This paper examines participant continuity in Thai fictional narratives using the quantitative method of referential distance (RD) proposed by Givón (1983, 1995). According to Givón, referential expressions are different in terms of their RD value: average RD of full noun phrases is the highest, that of pronouns lower and that of zero anaphors the lowest. However, the result from this study shows that pronouns and zero pronouns in Thai have equal average RD value while full noun phrases have much higher average RD. Moreover, zero anaphors appear to have longer distance than expected. Considering the distribution of the long distance zero anaphors in different modes of text, we have found that they tend to refer to a character whose thought is presented as self-reflected. In this case, the reader is still able to resolve the referent of the zero anaphor. Therefore, the continuity of character is maintained. We can conclude that zero anaphors are devices for maintaining participant continuity even though the distance between the anaphor and the textual antecedent is quite long. Thus, we argue that features of the deictic center need to be taken into account in the investigation of participant continuity.
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Gros, Daniel, Tim Habermann, Giulia Kirstein, Christine Meschede, S. Denise Ruhrberg, Adrian Schmidt, and Tobias Siebenlist. "Anaphora Resolution." International Journal of Information Retrieval Research 8, no. 3 (July 2018): 33–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/ijirr.2018070103.
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This article analyses the effect of anaphora resolution on information retrieval performance for systems with relevance ranking. It will be investigated if the Mean Average Precision of a retrieval system is improved after an intellectual replacement of all anaphors in a corpus with various texts. These texts mostly consist of news stories and fairy tales, thus covering two varying genres with different amounts of anaphors. A model retrieval system is developed using Lucene to measure the effects of anaphora resolution. Different queries are used and the rankings are analysed in order to show the changes induced by the anaphora resolution. In addition, approaches of automated anaphora resolution are considered. It turns out that the Mean Average Precision improves noticeably by 36% after the anaphora resolution. Thus, it is highly recommended to improve existing approaches of automated anaphora resolution in the future as current attempts do not yet yield satisfying results.
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Kim, Eun Hee, and James Yoon. "Experimental evidence supporting the overlapping distribution of core and exempt anaphors: Re-examination of long-distance bound caki-casin in Korean." Linguistics 58, no. 6 (November 25, 2020): 1775–806. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2020-0233.
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AbstractThe Korean anaphor caki-casin, which has been regarded as a local anaphor, has been shown to allow long-distance binding when local binding is not an option (Kim, Ji-Hye & James Yoon. 2009. Long-distance bound local anaphors in Korean: An empirical study of the Korean anaphor caki-casin. Lingua 119. 733–755). In this study, we examined the long-distance binding of caki-casin in domains where local binding is possible, and compare it with the long-distance binding of caki, the representative long-distance anaphor in Korean. Our investigation revealed that the availability of local binding does not rule out long-distance/exempt binding of caki-casin. The results imply that core and exempt binding may not be in complementary distribution, at least in Korean.
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Uwasomba, Blessing Ugochi. "Anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo: Binding Theory Approach." Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jllls.v2i4.339.
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This work investigates Anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo. Anaphoric expressions are useful in the meaningful interpretations of NPs in a discourse. This study adopts the Binding Theory (BT) approach of GB syntax in examining anaphoric expressions in Igbo. Data for this work were elicited from native speakers of Ikwuano in Ikwuano area of Abia State, Nigeria. This paper was verified for cross-referencing purposes given the researcher’s native speaking intuition and introspection. This study investigates anaphors and antecedents and also demonstrates the concepts of C-command and binding, among others in Ikwuano Igbo. The work reveals that Ikwuano Igbo has two types of anaphors- the reflexive and the reciprocal anaphors. The study demonstrates that the binding theory investigates the syntactic relationship that can or must hold between a given proform and its antecedent. In this respect, anaphors (reflexive and reciprocal pronouns) behave very differently from personal pronouns. The work demonstrates the concepts of binding, Co-indexation, Co-referentiality, locality constraint and C-constituent command to show dependency between the antecedents and the anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo. This paper also reveals that Ikwuano Igbo has anaphoric expressions that do not mark gender. The Binding Theory shows that the antecedent and the anaphor occur in the same governing category. Also it shows that a pronominal must be free in its governing category and an R-expression must be free everywhere in a sentence according to the regulating principles of the Theory. This paper reveals the descriptive nature of antecedent- anaphor relationship in the study of syntactic structures for grammaticality.
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Dam, Lotte. "The interpretation of encapsulating anaphors in Spanish and their functions." Folia Linguistica 48, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin.2014.002.
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Abstract Encapsulating anaphors differ from other types of anaphor by having one or more situations - not an entity - as its referent. The main aim of the article is to propose a hypothesis for how anaphoric encapsulation is resolved. The hypothesis builds on the cognitive linguistic theory of instructional semantics to suggest that anaphoric encapsulation provides instructions for the interpretive process, leading to the resolution of the anaphoric relation. A secondary aim is to illustrate various functions of this type of anaphor
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Markert, Katja, and Malvina Nissim. "Comparing Knowledge Sources for Nominal Anaphora Resolution." Computational Linguistics 31, no. 3 (September 2005): 367–402. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/089120105774321064.
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We compare two ways of obtaining lexical knowledge for antecedent selection in other-anaphora and definite noun phrase coreference. Specifically, we compare an algorithm that relies on links encoded in the manually created lexical hierarchy WordNet and an algorithm that mines corpora by means of shallow lexico-semantic patterns. As corpora we use the British National Corpus (BNC), as well as the Web, which has not been previously used for this task. Our results show that (a) the knowledge encoded in WordNet is often insufficient, especially for anaphor' antecedent relations that exploit subjective or context-dependent knowledge; (b) for other-anaphora, the Web-based method outperforms the WordNet-based method; (c) for definite NP coreference, the Web-based method yields results comparable to those obtained using WordNet over the whole data set and outperforms the WordNet-based method on subsets of the data set; (d) in both case studies, the BNC-based method is worse than the other methods because of data sparseness. Thus, in our studies, the Web-based method alleviated the lexical knowledge gap often encountered in anaphora resolution and handled examples with context-dependent relations between anaphor and antecedent. Because it is inexpensive and needs no hand-modeling of lexical knowledge, it is a promising knowledge source to integrate into anaphora resolution systems.
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Pereltsvaig, Asya M. "Understanding the Nature of 'Self': Binding and the OVS Word Order in Russian." Journal of Slavic Linguistics 30, no. 3 (2022): 1–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/jsl.2022.a923071.
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abstract: Anaphor binding is a broadly-studied and widely-used diagnostic for syntactic structure across languages: since anaphors (which are subject to Principle A of the Binding Theory) require an antecedent that is local, c-commanding and in an A-position, the possibility of anaphor binding is commonly used as a diagnostic for both c-command (e.g. Barss & Lasnik 1986) and A- vs. A'- distinction. This use of anaphor binding as a syntactic diagnostic is not without problems, however, as evidenced from the debate surrounding the structure of OVS sentences in Russian. The goals of this paper are, thus, three-fold: (a) to gain a better understanding of anaphor binding as a syntactic diagnostic, (b) to shed new light on the long-standing and hotly-debated puzzle of OVS sentences in Russian, and (c) to explore the interaction of syntax and semantics, as concerns binding and thematic roles.
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Zulaica-Hernández, Iker. "Spanish null complement anaphora at the grammar-discourse interface." Quaderns de Filologia - Estudis Lingüístics 23, no. 23 (December 24, 2018): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.7203/qf.23.13522.
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The study of null complement anaphora (NCA) is important for the grammar-discourse interface as it seems to incarnate some of the core processes commonly found in other discourse phenomena, namely: reference, anaphora, ellipsis, inference, salience, or accommodation. Although NCA has been studied extensively, the debate whether it is an elliptical or an anaphoric process is still ongoing. This paper contributes to the view of NCA as a deep anaphor by providing evidence from Spanish discourse. I argue that NCA is an anaphor that selects the most prominent antecedent in well-defined discourse hierarchical structures. My analysis is mainly based on the comparison among Spanish neuter pronouns and NCA, and on the observed similar behavior shown by NCA and pronouns under discourse embedding conditions. Previous accounts on NCA are reviewed (Depiante 2000, 2001; Williamson 2012), and a tentative analysis of VP ellipsis based on discourse relations (Hardt & Romero 2004) is applied to Spanish NCA.
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Butiurca, Doina. "Anaphora Issue in Medical Discourse." Acta Marisiensis. Philologia 1, no. 1 (September 1, 2019): 1–5. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/amph-2022-0003.
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Abstract The assertion from which we start our study is that in the last decades the anaphor has been defined relatively homogeneously from one researcher to another, from two perspectives: a. The syntactical-semantic perspective; and b. The rhetorical perspective - in the linguistics of the text, cultivated in pragmatics, in cognitive sciences, etc. We approach the anaphor in our research, from a syntactical-semantic perspective, as a semantic relation between two linguistic elements, in which the element with subsequent occurrence in the speech does not have a stand-alone meaning, being interpreted by reference to the antecedent. The objective of the research is to analyze the anaphora in the medical discourse. The descriptive-linguistic, analytical and contrastive methods are used in the research. One of the main conclusions is that in the medical discourse, the typology, the ways of accomplishing the anaphora, according to the criterion of referential continuity, are particularly complex.
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Gómez, Kryzzya, Maia Duguine, and Hamida Demirdache. "Interpretive asymmetries between null and overt PRO in complement and adjunct infinitives in (Colombian) Spanish." Isogloss. Open Journal of Romance Linguistics 8, no. 2 (February 22, 2022): 1–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.140.
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Cross-linguistically, control complement clauses have been reported to allow overt pronominal subjects displaying the diagnostic properties of obligatory control (‘Overt PRO’; see Livitz (2011) and reference therein). Building on Gómez (2017), we extend the empirical range of the overt PRO phenomena to para finality adjunct clauses in (Colombian) Spanish. We show that the controlled subject of para-infinitives ―be it null PRO or overt PRO― has the same distribution and interpretive properties as that of complement infinitives. We bring to light unexpected asymmetries in the interpretive properties of overt vs. null PROs which we dub the Overt vs. covert PRO paradox: while they both only allow a bound variable reading under ellipsis, overt PRO, unlike null PRO, also allows a coreferential reading under association-with-focus. Here again, the data are identical in complement vs. adjunct control. We account for this paradox by putting forth the Anaphor Generalizations, which state that (i) both overt and null anaphors must be syntactically bound, and (ii) while null anaphors must be semantically bound, overt anaphors can but need not be semantically bound. We further show how the Anaphor Generalizations can be extended to account for similar patterns of interpretation reported for English and French reflexives.
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Crompton, Peter. "Complex anaphora with this: variation between three written argumentative genres." Corpora 12, no. 1 (April 2017): 115–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/cor.2017.0111.
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The concept of complex anaphora – ‘nominal expressions referring to propositionally structured referents’ ( Consten et al., 2007 ) – makes a useful distinction between a text-structuring function, one important to argumentative text, and the forms used to accomplish the function. Since complex anaphors often contain the demonstrative this, the contexts of all this tokens in three corpora of written argumentation – research articles, editorials and student essays – were analysed in order to identify instances of complex anaphora. While the frequencies of pronoun use for complex anaphora were similar, the frequencies of determiner use varied, as did placement of anaphors within their host sentence, with determiners appearing non-initially much more often than pronouns in all corpora, particularly editorials. Overall, there was greater variation between the patterns of use in research articles and editorials than between these and student essays.
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Dutta, Kamlesh, Saroj Kaushik, and Nupur Prakash. "Machine Learning Approach for the Classification of Demonstrative Pronouns for Indirect Anaphora in Hindi News Items." Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics 95, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10108-011-0003-4.
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Machine Learning Approach for the Classification of Demonstrative Pronouns for Indirect Anaphora in Hindi News Items In this paper, we present machine learning approach for the classification indirect anaphora in Hindi corpus. The direct anaphora is able to find the noun phrase antecedent within a sentence or across few sentences. On the other hand indirect anaphora does not have explicit referent in the discourse. We suggest looking for certain patterns following the indirect anaphor and marking demonstrative pronoun as directly or indirectly anaphoric accordingly. Our focus of study is pronouns without noun phrase antecedent. We analyzed 177 news items having 1334 sentences, 780 demonstrative pronouns of which 97 (12.44 %) were indirectly anaphoric. The experiment with machine learning approaches for the classification of these pronouns based on the semantic cue provided by the collocation patterns following the pronoun is also carried out.
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Lødrup, Helge. "Some Norwegian “Type Anaphora” are Surface Anaphora." Journal of Germanic Linguistics 24, no. 1 (February 7, 2012): 23–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1470542711000134.
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The Norwegian pronoundet‘it, that’ is basically third person neuter singular. Under certain conditions, it can have antecedents that are not neuter singular (for example,Marit kjøpte en kylling—Detkjøpte John også‘Marit bought a chicken.masc—John bought one too’). Used this way, the pronoun does not refer to the same object as its antecedent; Borthen 2003 refers to it as a “type anaphor.” This article argues that type anaphora are not a unitary phenomenon. There are two groups with very different properties. One group realizes what was called surface anaphora in Hankamer & Sag 1976. The other group has a generic or eventive interpretation.*
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Charnavel, Isabelle. "Logophoricity and Locality: A View from French Anaphors." Linguistic Inquiry 51, no. 4 (October 2020): 671–723. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/ling_a_00349.
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In many unrelated languages, the same anaphor is either subject to Condition A of the binding theory, or exempt from it but with specific interpretive properties. On the basis of French data and crosslinguistic comparisons, I first show that such exempt anaphors must be anteceded by logophoric centers. Elaborating on but modifying Sells 1987 , I provide specific tests to argue that these logophoric antecedents can be classified into two kinds of perspective centers, attitude holders and empathy loci, thus reducing logophoricity to mental perspective. Next, I propose to derive the logophoricity of exempt anaphors from the following hypothesis: seemingly exempt anaphors are in fact bound by silent logophoric pronouns introduced by syntactically represented logophoric operators within their local domain. Crucially, this hypothesis, which is independently supported by exhaustive coreference constraints on locally cooccurring exempt anaphors, also accounts for their apparent exemption from Condition A, reanalyzed here as local binding by a silent logophoric binder.
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Eilers, Sarah, Simon P. Tiffin-Richards, and Sascha Schroeder. "The repeated name penalty effect in children’s natural reading: Evidence from eye tracking." Quarterly Journal of Experimental Psychology 72, no. 3 (February 16, 2018): 403–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1747021818757712.
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We report data from an eye tracking experiment on the repeated name penalty effect in 9-year-old children and young adults. The repeated name penalty effect is informative for the study of children’s reading because it allows conclusions about children’s ability to direct attention to discourse-level processing cues during reading. We presented children and adults simple three-sentence stories with a single referent, which was referred to by an anaphor—either a pronoun or a repeated name—downstream in the text. The anaphor was either near or far from the antecedent. We found a repeated name penalty effect in early processing for children as well as adults, suggesting that beginning readers are already susceptible to discourse-level expectations of anaphora during reading. Furthermore, children’s reading was more influenced by the distance of anaphor and antecedent than adults’, which we attribute to differences in reading fluency and the resulting cognitive load during reading.
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Udayana, I. Nyoman. "On the Distribution of Reflexive Anaphors and Logophoric Anaphors in Balinese." Theory and Practice in Language Studies 12, no. 9 (September 1, 2022): 1848–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.17507/tpls.1209.18.
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The central claim of this paper is that reflexive anaphors and logophoric anaphors in Balinese share the same forms. It is shown that Balinese possesses simple and complex reflexives. Only complex reflexives participate in the logophoric environment. Importantly it is claimed that the logophoric use of the reflexive anaphor occurs in a clausal complement of the verbs of communication and other verbs denoting a general state of consciousness. The logophor can appear in the subject or object position of the embedded clause while the reflexive use of the anaphor is only limited to occurring in a single clause and is restricted to occupying the object position, either the object of a verb or the object of a preposition. The characteristic differences in the distribution between the two are reflected in a syntactic domain having to do with passivization in that logophoric constructions allow it while reflexive constructions completely ban it. In addition, logophoricity may characterize an operation where there is a mismatch in the agreement between the logophor and its targeted antecedent whereas in reflexivity there must be an agreement in the phi-features between the binder and the bindee.
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Bailey, Benjamin. "Mandarin learners’ (L2) comprehension of zero anaphora in Mandarin phone conversations." Chinese as a Second Language Research 4, no. 2 (October 1, 2015): 195–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caslar-2015-0011.
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AbstractThis article analyzes patterns of comprehension of zero anaphor by native-English-speaker learners of Mandarin in recordings and transcriptions of four naturally occurring Mandarin telephone conversations. Because many anaphoric pronouns have no overt expression in Mandarin, comprehension of even basic clause constituents of Mandarin texts can require discourse-level inferencing that English does not require. Despite these differences between English and Mandarin, intermediate to advanced level Mandarin learners in this study were able to successfully interpret and translate zero anaphor in these telephone conversation texts about 72% of the time. The greatest difficulties with zero anaphor were related to a) instances in which the initial, explicitly expressed antecedent was misinterpreted, and b) shifts in footing, or verbal activity, in which speakers moved, for example, from narrative description to direct address of interlocutor or personal evaluation of a situation just described. These patterns suggest that greater awareness of discourse level structures in naturally occurring verbal interaction – which could be taught through explicit instruction – might help intermediate and advanced Mandarin learners to correctly interpret a broader range of zero anaphora.
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Busterud, Guro. "Methodological problems related to research on L2 Norwegian anaphors." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 33, no. 2 (September 22, 2010): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586510000168.
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This article focuses on the methodological challenges involved in investigating anaphoric binding in Norwegian as a second language. Norwegian anaphors can be bound both locally and non-locally, and since anaphors vary cross-linguistically, it is interesting to explore whether and where L2 speakers of Norwegian allow such target-like local and non-local binding in their L2. Sentences with two possible antecedents might be ambiguous for L2 speakers, and the truth-value judgment task is generally considered to be the best method for eliciting knowledge of L2 speakers' intuitions of anaphoric binding in ambiguous sentences. In Norwegian, long-distance binding cannot cross a finite clause boundary, and the long-distance anaphor cannot be locally bound. Because of this, the truth-value judgment task is sometimes less adequate for testing all relevant binding structures in Norwegian. Dialectal variations in Norwegian pose additional challenges for the study of the acquisition of anaphors in an L2. This paper discusses the implications of these methodological challenges.
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Kananu, Edna, Prof Peter Muriungi, and Dr Ann Hildah Kinyua. "The Syntax of Anaphors in Ki-Imenti: A Bantu Language Spoken in Kenya." SMART MOVES JOURNAL IJELLH 8, no. 4 (May 28, 2020): 223. http://dx.doi.org/10.24113/ijellh.v8i4.10540.
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This paper is an investigation of the distribution of anaphors in Ki-Imenti. Ki- Imenti is a Bantu language spoken in Meru Central, North Imenti and Buuri sub-counties, Meru County. It is one of the dialects of Kimeru. The objective of this paper is to determine the syntax of anaphors in Ki- Imenti. The study is guided by Chomsky’s Binding Theory. The binding theory divides noun phrases into three basic categories anaphors, pronouns and R-expressions. This theory develops three binding principles to explain the distribution of these noun phrases. These are the binding principle A, binding principle B and binding principle C. This study is only limited to the distribution of anaphors. The study adopts a qualitative study research design as it gives detailed descriptions and explanations of the phenomena studied. The researcher generated the data for the study herself using self-introspection and the data was corroborated by ten native speakers who were purposively sampled. The paper has established that Ki-Imenti conforms to the binding principles. Anaphors are bound in their binding domain, whereby the binding domain is the inflectional phrase or the noun phrase containing the anaphor. This paper will make a contribution to the knowledge of the syntax of anaphors in Ki- Imenti and the description of the syntax of Bantu linguistics in general.
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Ríos-García, Carmen. "Discourse anaphora in Peninsular Spanish interactions: Signalling alignment through anaphor selection." Journal of Pragmatics 43, no. 1 (January 2011): 183–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.pragma.2010.07.027.
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Storoshenko, Dennis Ryan. "The Shona reflexive as covert anaphora." Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique 61, no. 2 (April 6, 2016): 156–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cnj.2016.13.
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AbstractThis paper presents an analysis of reflexives in Shona. Taking seriously the observation that the reflexive morpheme zvi- is homophonous with one of Shona's object markers, I argue that this homophony is not accidental. Rather, the morpheme that emerges in reflexive contexts is object marking triggered by a covert anaphor. The analysis rests on two planks: first, establishing that zvi- is the default agreement form in the language generally; and second, establishing that a covert anaphor may trigger such an agreement. In so doing, a treatment of object marking as the exponence of discourse-givenness is advanced. The analysis is compatible with treatments of object marking in Shona as either an agreement affix or a clitic. Theoretical issues related to default agreement, covert anaphors, and distinctions between discourse-givenness and topicality are also discussed, along with an alternative account treating zvi- as a valence-reducing derivational affix.
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Dolmatova, Olesya Vladimirovna, Deana Aronovna Akselrood, and Mariya Sergeevna Brodskaya. "Parameters of antecedent – possessive postcopular anaphor correlation: the case of definiteness effect." Филология: научные исследования, no. 4 (April 2024): 94–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0749.2024.4.70570.
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The paper aims at finding correlation between possessive postcopular anaphor in English existential there-sentences and its antecedent. English there-sentences provide a site for the phenomenon known as definiteness effect, one of the most controversial and still not fully resolved issues in linguistics today. The current state of this problem determines the relevance of this article. The subject of the study is the relationship of possessive post-сopular noun phrases and their antecedents. So, the features of the definiteness effect are studied in terms of anaphor - antecedent distance. The purpose of the work is to establish some possible patterns of mutual arrangement of these units. The corresponding tasks are the following: collecting data that satisfy the input conditions; identifying the antecedents of a possessive anaphor; establishing the distance between the anaphor and the antecedent. The British National Corpus is the source for the research material. The novelty of the study lies in the very formulation of the problem, which has not been previously raised in the scientific literature, as well as in the results obtained. The findings are the following: the authors have identified certain types of antecedents united in enlarged groups, namely, explicitly expressed antecedents and antecedents without verbal embodiment. The detected distance between antecedents and their possessive anaphors is fixed as minimal, within the framework of neighbouring sentences, in some cases tending to zero value. A correlation is found between the type of antecedent, its location and distance from the possessive anaphor. The authors assume that such distance may serve as an additional licensing stipulation ensuring the admission of possessive noun phrases to the postcopular position of English existential sentences.
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Spathas, Giorgos. "Focus on reflexive anaphors." Semantics and Linguistic Theory, no. 20 (April 3, 2015): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v0i20.2555.
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Focus related phenomena have long been used to draw conclusions about the syntax and semantics of anaphora. I use examples in which focus is the result of information-structural considerations to argue for a semantics of reflexive anaphors. I show that a theory that treats reflexive anaphors as reflexivizing functions is empirically superior to theories that interpret them like variables. The discussion also leads to some interesting conclusions about focus theory. It is argued that the domain of application of the relevant information-structural notion should be limited to verb phrases and sentences and that the relevant economy condition should be localized accordingly.
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Spathas, Giorgos. "Focus on reflexive anaphors." Semantics and Linguistic Theory 20 (August 14, 2010): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/salt.v20i0.2555.
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Focus related phenomena have long been used to draw conclusions about the syntax and semantics of anaphora. I use examples in which focus is the result of information-structural considerations to argue for a semantics of reflexive anaphors. I show that a theory that treats reflexive anaphors as reflexivizing functions is empirically superior to theories that interpret them like variables. The discussion also leads to some interesting conclusions about focus theory. It is argued that the domain of application of the relevant information-structural notion should be limited to verb phrases and sentences and that the relevant economy condition should be localized accordingly.
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Teomiro, Ismael. "Reflexivity and adjustment strategies at the interfaces." Nordlyd 37 (October 27, 2011): 119. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/12.2026.
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<p>I argue in this work that Reinhart & Reuland’s (1993) conditions A and B hold for Spanish. I provide evidence supporting the hypothesis that this language makes use of both <strong>SE </strong>and <strong>SELF</strong>-anaphors. Inherent reflexive verbs undergo an internal argument reduction operation in the lexicon. However, the syntax always requires two arguments. Therefore certain clitics, which are SE-anaphors, are inserted in these derivations. This is a last-resort mechanism that makes an adjustment between the valence of the lexical entry of the verb and the requirements of the syntax in order for the derivation to converge at the C-I interface. These clitics are syntactic arguments. Nevertheless, they are not interpreted as semantic arguments since they violate the <em>double chain condition, </em>which forces nominal elements to share both a tense and thematic features with the verb and the tense heads. Non- inherent reflexive verbs require the presence of a SELF-anaphor, which is formed out of a SE-anaphor along with a protector SELF element. Therefore, both syntactic elements are interpreted as two distinguishable semantic elements at C-I despite the fact that there is binding between them both. The interpretation of both syntactic elements as just one semantic element is a pragmatic epiphenomenon.</p>
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Lyutikova, Ekaterina. "Person Agreement with Anaphors: Evidence from Tatar." Languages 8, no. 1 (February 2, 2023): 46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/languages8010046.
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In this paper, I present evidence for variable agreement with anaphors in Tatar. I show that inflected reflexives trigger co-varying person agreement as DP/nominalization subjects and as complements of postpositions, which appears to contradict the generalization on the anaphor agreement effect (AAE). At the same time, inflected reciprocals induce 3p agreement on external targets. These data are puzzling in two aspects. First, it is unclear how to derive co-varying agreement with inflected reflexives because it cannot be handled as a regular exception to AAE predicted to arise by the agreement-based theory if the antecedent of the anaphor is positioned lower than the agreement target. Secondly, the difference between reflexives and reciprocals with respect to external agreement looks enigmatic. I propose that Tatar reflexives and reciprocals, despite their superficial resemblance, have different internal structures, which in turn bring about differences in their feature sets, and external agreement reveals these differences. As to AAE violations, I propose that the Tatar data can be accounted for under the feature sharing approach whereby the features on the anaphor and on the external probe are first identified as instances of the same feature set and then valued by the anaphor’s binder.
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Bryant, Shannon. "Location, location, location: Anaphor selection in English locative prepositional phrases." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 7, no. 1 (May 5, 2022): 5263. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v7i1.5263.
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This paper presents experimental work on the relative naturalness of subject-oriented reflexives (herself) and pronouns (her) in English locative prepositional phrases (e.g., Michele set a glass next to her/herself). Syntactic approaches to anaphor licensing have tended to focus on the lack of complementarity in such constructions; however, it has long been observed that preferences between forms may depend on verb meaning (change in location vs. perception vs. possession) and spatial relation (+contact vs. -contact), with very strong preferences reported in some cases. This study aims to clarify the extent to which these two factors shape anaphor choice. Results confirm that both play a significant role: reflexives are most natural in the expression of change in location and direct contact, while pronouns pattern oppositely. Importantly, preferences between forms are less stark than those found in constructions where syntactic constraints are assumed to render one form ungrammatical. I suggest that these findings favor a treatment of English anaphora that takes event structure into account.
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Antonenko, Andrei. "Principle A and feature valuation." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 3, no. 1 (March 3, 2018): 37. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v3i1.4325.
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Traditional binding theory is largely incompatible with minimalist assumptions. In this paper I propose an analysis of anaphoric binding based on a feature-checking mechanism (Pesetsky and Torrego 2007), by introducing the feature ⟨ρ⟩, a formalization of the reflexivity proposal of Reinhart and Reuland 1993. I argue that the ⟨ρ⟩ feature is responsible for establishing coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent, by being present and valued on reflexives while being unvalued on a higher phrasal head. Valuation of ⟨ρ⟩ under Agree results in the introduction of a λ -operator, which binds the reflexive variable, thereby establishing the coreference between an anaphor and its antecedent. I further demonstrate how this revision of binding theory can derive subject orientation of monomorphemic anaphors, Barss- Lasnik effects, and restrict at which moment of derivation binding theory can apply. In conclusion I show some novel asymmetries observed in wh-dislocated reflexives in English vs. Russian indirect questions.
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Rákosi, György, and Enikő Tóth. "Pushed out of arm's reach: Pronouns and spatial anaphora in Hungarian." Acta Linguistica Academica 69, no. 2 (June 16, 2022): 235–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1556/2062.2022.00539.
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Abstract This paper investigates hitherto unnoticed variation in the linguistic coding of spatial anaphora in locative PPs in Hungarian. While Hungarian primarily employs reflexives in these configurations, it is well-known that pronouns are the default strategy in English, and the reflexive anaphor is allowed in locative PPs only in the presence of certain licensing factors. One such factor is the availability of body-oriented readings (Rooryck & Vanden Wyngaerd 2007, 2011), and we argue here that this plays an important role in Hungarian, too. The paper reports the findings of a corpus study and an online questionnaire study and shows that pronouns are not only acceptable in Hungarian spatial anaphora, but either outperform or form a viable alternative to reflexives when the location denoted by the PP is not close to the referent of the antecedent. A secondary effect of structure building is also observable in two configurations of the extended PP. We argue that the employment of a possessive structure in certain PPs, and moving a P-element to a CPPP cap may also contribute to saving pronouns in contexts of spatial anaphora.
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Kolhatkar, Varada, Adam Roussel, Stefanie Dipper, and Heike Zinsmeister. "Anaphora With Non-nominal Antecedents in Computational Linguistics: a Survey." Computational Linguistics 44, no. 3 (September 2018): 547–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli_a_00327.
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This article provides an extensive overview of the literature related to the phenomenon of non-nominal-antecedent anaphora (also known as abstract anaphora or discourse deixis), a type of anaphora in which an anaphor like “that” refers to an antecedent (marked in boldface) that is syntactically non-nominal, such as the first sentence in “It’s way too hot here. That’s why I’m moving to Alaska.” Annotating and automatically resolving these cases of anaphora is interesting in its own right because of the complexities involved in identifying non-nominal antecedents, which typically represent abstract objects such as events, facts, and propositions. There is also practical value in the resolution of non-nominal-antecedent anaphora, as this would help computational systems in machine translation, summarization, and question answering, as well as, conceivably, any other task dependent on some measure of text understanding. Most of the existing approaches to anaphora annotation and resolution focus on nominal-antecedent anaphora, classifying many of the cases where the antecedents are syntactically non-nominal as non-anaphoric. There has been some work done on this topic, but it remains scattered and difficult to collect and assess. With this article, we hope to bring together and synthesize work done in disparate contexts up to now in order to identify fundamental problems and draw conclusions from an overarching perspective. Having a good picture of the current state of the art in this field can help researchers direct their efforts to where they are most necessary. Because of the great variety of theoretical approaches that have been brought to bear on the problem, there is an equally diverse array of terminologies that are used to describe it, so we will provide an overview and discussion of these terminologies. We also describe the linguistic properties of non-nominal-antecedent anaphora, examine previous annotation efforts that have addressed this topic, and present the computational approaches that aim at resolving non-nominal-antecedent anaphora automatically. We close with a review of the remaining open questions in this area and some of our recommendations for future research.
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Kamune, Kalyani Pradiprao, and Avinash Agrawal. "Hybrid Model of Automated Anaphora Resolution." IAES International Journal of Artificial Intelligence (IJ-AI) 3, no. 3 (September 1, 2014): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.11591/ijai.v3.i3.pp105-111.
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Anaphora resolution has proven to be a very difficult problem of natural language processing, and it is useful in discourse analysis, language understanding and processing, information exaction, machine translation and many more. This paper represents a system that instead of using a monolithic architecture for resolving anaphora, use the hybrid model which combines the constraint-based and preferences-based architectures, each uses a different source of knowledge, and proves effective on theoretical and computational basis. An algorithm identifies both inter-sentential and intra-sentential antecedents of “Third person pronoun anaphors”, “Pleonastic it”, and “Lexical noun phrase anaphora”. The algorithm use Charniak parser (parser05Aug16) as an associated tool, and it relays on the output generated by it. Salience measures derived from parse tree, in order to find out accurate antecedents from the list of potential antecedents. We have tested the system extensively on 'Reuters Newspaper corpus'.