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Journal articles on the topic 'Anaphore'

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Published: 4 June 2021

Last updated: 8 June 2024

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1

Cornish, Francis. "‘Antecedentless’ anaphors: deixis, anaphora, or what? Some evidence from English and French." Journal of Linguistics 32, no. 1 (March 1996): 19–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022226700000748.

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Taking a cognitive perspective, and concentrating on instances of exophora (or so-called ‘antecedentless’ anaphora), where by definition there is no co-occurring expression in terms of which a given anaphor might be interpreted (i.e. a potential ‘antecedent’), I aim to show, firstly, that so-called exophora falls within the category of anaphora proper and not deixis; secondly, that it is in terms of a conceptual representation of the situation being evoked, and not in terms of the physical situation itself, that the anaphor is interpreted; and finally, that exophora is in reality a more central manifestation of anaphora than the ‘endophoric’ type, where the ‘antecedent’ expression co-occurs with the anaphor.I will base the discussion on naturally occurring data from French and English, and will consider the contributions of gender- and number-marking within pronominal anaphors, as well as of such features of the anaphoric segment as the argument and referent-order statuses assigned to an anaphor by the governing predicator and its modifiers, and the stress and pitch characteristics of the anaphor. All these features play an important role in the assignment of a full interpretation to so-called ‘endophoric’ anaphors just as much as ‘exophoric’ ones, thereby weakening the theoretical basis for the distinction between the two types.

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2

Kleiber, Georges. "Anaphore Associative, Pontage et Stéréotypie." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 17, no. 1 (January 1, 1993): 35–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.17.1.03kle.

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One of the central questions that any description of associative anaphor (Nous arrivâmes dans un village. L'église était située sur une hauteur) implies is that of the role which stereotypic knowledge plays in its establishment. There are two conflicting answers. One maintains that the associative relation is of semantic or a priori order. The other, on the contrary, asserts that cognition and discourse are responsible for such anaphoric connections. The aim of this paper is to show that, despite their attractive power, the arguments and examples invoked by the second one, are not sufficient to finally carry the day: associative anaphors works with stereotyps.

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3

Salles, Mathilde. "Anaphore associative et anaphore possessive." Revue Romane / Langue et littérature. International Journal of Romance Languages and Literatures 48, no. 1 (June 21, 2013): 51–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/rro.48.1.03sal.

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This paper is devoted to associative anaphora and possessive anaphora with two kinds of nouns. One is meronyms, where a noun denotes a concept that is a part of another as in trunk/tree. The other is what I call “functionally localized” nouns, such as church with respect to village, where the latter denotes a concept that normally implies the existence of the concept denoted by the former : see Kleiber (2001). We first evoke the referential properties of these two kinds of anaphora. The properties of the possessive determiner are then discussed in order to explain its occasional incompatibility with meronyms or functionally localized nouns. Finally, we elucidate the consequences for the choice between associative and possessive anaphora upon textual coherence relations, in particular Claim-Evidence (Cornish, 2009a, b) and Explanation.

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4

Rohn, Jennifer. "Newsmaker: Anaphore." Nature Biotechnology 28, no. 11 (November 2010): 1143. http://dx.doi.org/10.1038/nbt1110-1143.

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5

Zulaica Hernández, Iker. "Resolving abstract anaphors in Spanish discourse: Underspecification and mereological structures." Linguistics 56, no. 3 (June 26, 2018): 681–713. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ling-2018-0008.

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Abstract Anaphoric underspecification involves multiple potential candidate antecedents for an anaphoric expression. In abstract object anaphora, where linguistic antecedents are clauses, sentences and larger fragments of discourse, the source of referential underspecification is commonly found at the propositional level. Thus, underspecified abstract anaphors have multiple antecedents of a higher-order nature (i.e., propositions and events). Following previous research on anaphoric underspecification with nominal antecedents, I propose a hypothetical three-step process toward the resolution of underspecified abstract object anaphors by hearers in discourse: (i) creation of a complex abstract object with a mereological structure that includes all potential interpretations for an anaphor, (ii) recognition of the thematic connection among propositions intended by the speaker in the form of a specific rhetorical relation, and 3) resolution of the abstract anaphor. Potential antecedents for any underspecified abstract anaphor may include atomic propositions and complex abstract referents that result from a merged interpretation of several propositions that are thematically connected. Provided that it is available, I claim that such a merged interpretation, which is part of the mereological structure, is the preferred interpretation as it is generally interpreted as part of a general purpose by the speaker, in addition to contributing to the thematic coherence of discourse.

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6

Reichler-Béguelin, Marie-José. "Déterminant zéro et anaphore." Travaux neuchâtelois de linguistique, no. 23 (December 1, 1995): 177–201. http://dx.doi.org/10.26034/tranel.1995.2641.

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7

Apothéloz, Denis. "Anaphore et temps verbaux." Langue française N° 210, no. 2 (June 8, 2021): 21–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lf.210.0021.

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8

Vallée, Richard. "Descriptions, référence et anaphore." Dialogue 33, no. 4 (1994): 611–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0012217300010714.

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Dans le paradigme russellien (Russell, 1905), les termes dénotants ou termes quantifiés (Neale, 1990) comme «plusieurs hommes», «quelques hommes», «tous les hommes», sont analysés à l'aide de quantificateurs, de variables, de prédicats et de connecteurs logiques à l'intérieur de phrases complètes exprimant des propositions générales. Les descriptions définies comme les descriptions indéfinies y sont aussi traitées comme des termes quantifiés.

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9

Paul, Ileana. "Une anaphore nue en malgache." Revue québécoise de linguistique 31, no. 2 (October 28, 2004): 89–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/009312ar.

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Résumé Cet article porte sur l’anaphore malgache tena ‘corps’. Il est démontré que cette anaphore est un nominal «nu». À cause de sa forme, la distribution de tena est assez restreinte et contraste avec la distribution d’un autre élément supposément anaphorique, ny tenany ‘son corps’. Ce dernier n’est pas une anaphore, en effet, mais a la distribution et l’interprétation d’un nominal complexe qui contient un pronom possessif.

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10

Palomar, M., and P. Martinez-Barco. "Computational Approach to Anaphora Resolution in Spanish Dialogues." Journal of Artificial Intelligence Research 15 (October 1, 2001): 263–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1613/jair.848.

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This paper presents an algorithm for identifying noun-phrase antecedents of pronouns and adjectival anaphors in Spanish dialogues. We believe that anaphora resolution requires numerous sources of information in order to find the correct antecedent of the anaphor. These sources can be of different kinds, e.g., linguistic information, discourse/dialogue structure information, or topic information. For this reason, our algorithm uses various different kinds of information (hybrid information). The algorithm is based on linguistic constraints and preferences and uses an anaphoric accessibility space within which the algorithm finds the noun phrase. We present some experiments related to this algorithm and this space using a corpus of 204 dialogues. The algorithm is implemented in Prolog. According to this study, 95.9% of antecedents were located in the proposed space, a precision of 81.3% was obtained for pronominal anaphora resolution, and 81.5% for adjectival anaphora.

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11

Reichler-Béguelin, Marie-José. "Anaphore, cataphore et mémoire discursive." Pratiques 57, no. 1 (1988): 15–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/prati.1988.1470.

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12

Borillo, Andrée. "Prépositions de lieu et anaphore." Langages 27, no. 110 (1993): 27–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/lgge.1993.1097.

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13

Swiatkowska, Marcela. "L'interjection : entre deixis et anaphore." Langages 40, no. 161 (2006): 47–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/lgge.2006.2704.

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14

Świątkowska, Marcela. "L'interjection : entre deixis et anaphore." Langages 161, no. 1 (2006): 47. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/lang.161.0047.

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15

Saiz-Sánchez, Marta. "Anaphore et marqueurs du discours." Lingvisticæ Investigationes. International Journal of Linguistics and Language Resources 45, no. 1 (December 5, 2022): 1–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00065.sai.

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Résumé Les marqueurs d’accord et de désaccord oui, non et si ont été décrits traditionnellement en termes d’anaphore ou de mot-phrase puisque leur interprétation sémantique dépend du contexte antérieur. Toutefois, dans l’interaction spontanée, ces marqueurs ne sont pas toujours les équivalents d’un segment de discours antérieur. Parfois ils renvoient à l’énonciation, à un contenu sémantique inféré, voire à une situation extralinguistique. Après avoir présenté plusieurs travaux sur différents types d’anaphores, nous proposons le concept d’anaphore situationnelle pour décrire le fonctionnement référentiel de oui, non et si. Ces marqueurs reprennent un schéma situationnel avec des variables qui s’actualisent avec la situation énonciative. Cette proposition permet d’unifier la description anaphorique des trois marqueurs dans tous les cas de figure.

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16

Salles, Mathilde. "Anaphore, partie-de et stéréotypes." Scolia 3, no. 1 (1995): 47–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scoli.1995.876.

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17

Salles, Mathilde. "Anaphore associative et absence d’antécédent ou lorsqu’un conducteur roule en anaphore associative sans son véhicule." Travaux de linguistique 81, no. 2 (October 11, 2021): 7–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tl.081.0007.

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18

Kwawu, Alexander. "Anaphore Nominale Dans Des Récits Écrits Par Des Étudiants Ghanéens : Les Effets D’une Séquence Didactique." European Scientific Journal, ESJ 14, no. 14 (May 31, 2018): 175. http://dx.doi.org/10.19044/esj.2018.v14n14p175.

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This paper assesses the impact of a sequence of didactic interventions on the use of nominal anaphors in a narrative text produced by Ghanaian university students of French as a foreign language. This study is necessitated by the lack of research investigating the effects of instruction on the use of cohesive devices in learner writing. 25 second-year students of the University of Cape Coast participated in a didactic sequence based on the types of nominal anaphors used in folktales. The impact of the teaching sequence was assessed by comparing the results obtained during the pretest with those of the post-test. The results showed improvements in students’use of nominal anaphoric resources. This was manifested in the increased diversification of lexical resources and the increased use of marked anaphoric expressions. These improvements show that the skilful usage of nominal anaphoric resources can be quickly developed in the frame of an adequate pedagogical intervention.

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19

Cornish, Francis. "Anaphora: Text-based or discourse-dependent?" Functions of Language 17, no. 2 (December 2, 2010): 207–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/fol.17.2.03cor.

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The traditional definition of anaphora in purely co-textual terms as a relation between two co-occurring expressions is in wide currency in theoretical and descriptive studies of the phenomenon. Indeed, it is currently adopted in on-line psycholinguistic experiments on the interpretation of anaphors, and is the basis for all computational approaches to automatic anaphor resolution (see Mitkov 2002). Under this conception, the anaphor, a referentially-dependent expression type, requires “saturation” by an appropriate referentially-autonomous, lexically-based expression — the antecedent — in order to achieve full sense and reference. However, this definition needs to be re-examined in the light of the ways in which real texts operate and are understood, where the resulting picture is rather different. The article aims to show that the co-textual conception is misconceived, and that anaphora is essentially an integrative, discourse-creating procedure involving a three-way relationship between an “antecedent trigger”, an anaphoric predication, and a salient discourse representation. It is shown that it is only in terms of a dynamic interaction amongst the interdependent dimensions of text and discourse, as well as context, that the true complexity of anaphoric reference may be satisfactorily described. The article is intended as a contribution to the broader debate within the pages of this journal and elsewhere between the formalist and the functionalist accounts of language structure and use.

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20

Kleiber, Georges. "Anaphore-deixis : où en sommes-nous ?" L Information Grammaticale 51, no. 1 (1991): 3–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/igram.1991.3231.

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21

Vet, Co. "Aspect, anaphore et interprétation du discours." HERMES - Journal of Language and Communication in Business 9, no. 16 (February 9, 2017): 93. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/hjlcb.v9i16.25385.

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22

Theissen, Anne. "Quand est-ce qu'un chien devient l'animal?" Journal of French Language Studies 8, no. 2 (September 1998): 221–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0959269500004166.

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AbstractSi elle est immédiate, la réprise définie anaphorique d'un syntagme indéfini un N (un chien … l'animal) semble être un site approprié pour une anaphore infidèle (un chien … l'animal), mais non tellement pour une anaphore fidèle (un chien … le chien). Ce constat, inattendu, conduira, dans un premier temps, à identifier des exigences spécifiques à la reprise définie immédiate. Dans un second temps, il permettra d'expliquer comment le changement dénominatif et donc l'emploi d'un terme hyperonyme dans le syntagme de reprise définie peut satisfaire à ces exigences.

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23

Dam, Lotte. "The interpretation of encapsulating anaphors in Spanish and their functions." Folia Linguistica 48, no. 1 (May 1, 2014): 37–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/flin.2014.002.

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Abstract Encapsulating anaphors differ from other types of anaphor by having one or more situations - not an entity - as its referent. The main aim of the article is to propose a hypothesis for how anaphoric encapsulation is resolved. The hypothesis builds on the cognitive linguistic theory of instructional semantics to suggest that anaphoric encapsulation provides instructions for the interpretive process, leading to the resolution of the anaphoric relation. A secondary aim is to illustrate various functions of this type of anaphor

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24

Giry-Schneider, Jacqueline. "L'adjectif personnel : anaphore ou prédicat de relation ?" Langue française 136, no. 1 (2002): 20–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/lfr.2002.6469.

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25

Kleiber, Georges. "Anaphore associative, thèse lexico-stéréotypique : oui, mais..." Cahiers de praxématique, no. 24 (January 1, 1995): 69–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/praxematique.3030.

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26

Bessière, Jean. "Représantation et antireprésentation: Rhétoricité, anaphore, vraisemblable paradoxal." Neohelicon 18, no. 2 (September 1991): 203–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02228668.

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27

Hou, Yufang, Katja Markert, and Michael Strube. "Unrestricted Bridging Resolution." Computational Linguistics 44, no. 2 (June 2018): 237–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/coli_a_00315.

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In contrast to identity anaphors, which indicate coreference between a noun phrase and its antecedent, bridging anaphors link to their antecedent(s) via lexico-semantic, frame, or encyclopedic relations. Bridging resolution involves recognizing bridging anaphors and finding links to antecedents. In contrast to most prior work, we tackle both problems. Our work also follows a more wide-ranging definition of bridging than most previous work and does not impose any restrictions on the type of bridging anaphora or relations between anaphor and antecedent. We create a corpus (ISNotes) annotated for information status (IS), bridging being one of the IS subcategories. The annotations reach high reliability for all categories and marginal reliability for the bridging subcategory. We use a two-stage statistical global inference method for bridging resolution. Given all mentions in a document, the first stage, bridging anaphora recognition, recognizes bridging anaphors as a subtask of learning fine-grained IS. We use a cascading collective classification method where (i) collective classification allows us to investigate relations among several mentions and autocorrelation among IS classes and (ii) cascaded classification allows us to tackle class imbalance, important for minority classes such as bridging. We show that our method outperforms current methods both for IS recognition overall as well as for bridging, specifically. The second stage, bridging antecedent selection, finds the antecedents for all predicted bridging anaphors. We investigate the phenomenon of semantically or syntactically related bridging anaphors that share the same antecedent, a phenomenon we call sibling anaphors. We show that taking sibling anaphors into account in a joint inference model improves antecedent selection performance. In addition, we develop semantic and salience features for antecedent selection and suggest a novel method to build the candidate antecedent list for an anaphor, using the discourse scope of the anaphor. Our model outperforms previous work significantly.

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28

Anagnostopoulou, Elena, and Martin Everaert. "Toward a More Complete Typology of Anaphoric Expressions." Linguistic Inquiry 30, no. 1 (January 1999): 97–119. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438999553977.

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Reinhart and Reuland (1993) propose the following typology of anaphoric expressions: SELF anaphors (+SELF, −R), SE anaphors (−SELF, −R), and pronouns (−SELF, +R). We argue that the Greek anaphor o eaftos tu ‘the self his’ exemplifies a fourth type, predicted by Reinhart and Reuland's typology but not instantiated in their system: an “inalienable possession” anaphor (+SELF, +R). Within Reinhart and Reuland's framework such anaphors are allowed provided that (a) they do not enter into chain formation and (b) they satisfy the (reflexivity) binding conditions through abstract incorporation of the nominal head into the predicate they reflexivize. The proposed analysis makes valid predictions concerning the distribution of Greek anaphors as opposed to English/Dutch anaphors.

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29

Woolford, Ellen. "More on the Anaphor Agreement Effect." Linguistic Inquiry 30, no. 2 (April 1999): 257–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/002438999554057.

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This article provides additional evidence for the universality of Rizzi's (1990) anaphor agreement effect, under which the ungrammaticality of nominative anaphors in English, Italian, and Icelandic is due to the presence of agreement. Languages without agreement are shown to allow nominative anaphors. Objective anaphors cannot be associated with agreement, unless the agreement is a special anaphoric form. Superficial counterexamples to Rizzi's proposal are shown not to be problematic. The relative merits of two formal accounts outlined by Rizzi (1990) are discussed. Finally, it is suggested that the anaphor agreement effect can be a diagnostic for the presence of covert agreement.

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30

Theissen, Anne. "Le gérondif à l’aune de l’opposition anaphore / cataphore." Retour(s) sur la cataphore 46, no. 1 (August 24, 2023): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/li.00085.the.

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Résumé Notre objectif est d’aborder le gérondif sous un angle inhabituel, celui de l’opposition anaphore / cataphore. Notre analyse comportera trois parties. Dans la première, nous nous interrogerons sur la quasi-absence de la problématique anaphore / cataphore dans les études sur le gérondif. Dans la deuxième partie, nous montrerons, en partant de son statut de prédication lacunaire, que les lacunes présentées par un gérondif ne peuvent être comblées que par voie « endophorique », c’est-à-dire anaphoriquement et / ou cataphoriquement. Enfin, dans la dernière partie, seront décrites les différentes configurations anaphoriques et cataphoriques auxquelles peut donner lieu un gérondif, avec la mise en avant de celles qui relèvent de la cataphore.

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31

Manuelian, Helene. "La représentation des reprises nominales et des anaphores associatives par les Points De Vue : vers une description unifiée." Archivum 73 (December 13, 2023): 117–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17811/arc.73.1.2023.117-136.

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Les relations entre antécédent et reprises ou anaphores dans les suites référentielles ont souvent été décrites mais de façon isolée et hétérogène. Cet article présente une représentation unifiée de ces relations par le biais des points de vue tels qu’ils ont été décrits par Haillet (2007) et des stéréotypes. Après une présentation des notions de coréférence, d’anaphore associative, de point de vue sous-jacent et de stéréotypes, il présente une série d’exemples attestés qui permettent d’établir une typologie des relations entretenues par les éléments des suites référentielles. Cette étude permet aussi de montrer que la notion de point de vue sous-jacent est un outil supplémentaire dans l’analyse de la cohésion textuelle, puisque ces points de vue sous-tendent manifestement la relation entre antécédent et anaphore ou antécédent et reprise coréférentielle.

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Intiani, Yuni, and Maimunah Maimunah. "Gaya Bahasa Dalam Cerpen Mata Yang Takkan Menangis Di Hari Kiamat Karya Ahmad Rifa’i Ri’fan." Al-I'lam: Jurnal Komunikasi dan Penyiaran Islam 6, no. 1 (September 24, 2022): 01. http://dx.doi.org/10.31764/jail.v6i1.11138.

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Abstrak:Penelitian gaya bahasa dilakukan untuk pencapaian tujuan dakwah untuk amar makruf nahi mungkar, pesan dakwah mudah dipahami, dan memperindah dalam menyampaikan pesan dakwah. Salah satu cara yang dilakukan yaitu dengan menggunakan gaya bahasa dalam tulisan cerpen. Ahmad Rifa’i Rif’an merupakan salah satu penulis yang menghasilkan karya-karya tulis bestseller seperti cerpen bernuansa Islami dengan kandungan pesan dakwah di dalamnya. Strategi dakwahnya melalui tulisan cerpen yaitu dengan menggunakan gaya bahasa. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mendeskripsikan gaya bahasa dalam cerpen Mata yang Takkan Menangis di Hari Kiamat Karya Ahmad Rifa’i Rif’an pada kumpulan cerpen di buku Ketika Tuhan Tak Lagi Dibutuhkan. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. Hasil dari penelitian ini bahwa Ahmad Rifa’i Rif’an dalam cerpen Mata yang Takkan Menangis di Hari Kiamat tersebut menggunakan gaya bahasa tak resmi, antiklimaks, anaphora, mesodiplosis, alusi, asindeton, asonansi, metafora, personifikasi pada awal cerita. Ketika mulai muncul konflik, ada gaya bahasa tak resmi, antithesis, alusi, erotesis. Saat konflik memuncak, digunakan gaya bahasa percakapan, anafora, mesodiplosis, tautotes, aliterasi, asyndeton, asonansi, erotesis, perifrasis, metafora. Ketika klimaks, ada gaya bahasa tak resmi, percakapan, antiklimaks, metafora. Di akhir cerita, ada gaya bahasa tak resmi, percakapan, antiklimaks, paralelisme, anaphora, mesodiplosis, asidenton, erotesis Abstract:Research on Language Style was done because that is support to achieve the goals of da’wah for amar makruf nahi mungkar, making da’wah messages understandable and beautifying the messages of preaching. One way who a person can do about it is by using figure of speech on the short story writing. Ahmad Rifa’i Rif’an is one of authors who make many bestsellers writing like as short story which is an Islamic nuance with da’wah messages on his content. His strategy through it is by using language style. The purpose of this research is describing language style in Mata yang Takkan Menangis di Hari Kiamat short stories of Ahmad Rifa’i Rif’an in the Ketika Tuhan Tak Lagi Dibutuhkan book. This research uses descriptive qualitative method. The result of this is that Ahmad Rifa’i Rif’an in this short story uses informal, anti-climactic, anaphore, mesodiplosis, allusion, asindeton, assonance, metaphor, personification at the beginning of the story. When conflicts arise, there are informal, antithesis, allusion, erotesis. When conflict escalates, there are conversational, anaphore, tautotes, mesodiplosis, alliteration, asyndeton, assonance, erotesis, perifrasis, metaphor. At the climax, there are conversations, informal, anticlimaxes, metaphors. At the end, there are informal, conversations, anti-climax, parallelism, anaphora, asidenton, erotesis, mesodiplosis.

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33

Corblin, Francis. "Quantification et anaphore discursive : la référence aux complémentaires." Langages 30, no. 123 (1996): 51–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/lgge.1996.1756.

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34

Kleiber, Georges, Richard Patry, and Nathan Ménard. "Anaphore associative : dans quel sens « roule »-t-elle?" Revue québécoise de linguistique 22, no. 2 (April 29, 2009): 139–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/602773ar.

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Résumé Parmi les différents problèmes que pose l’anaphore associative, il en est un qui a peu retenu l’attention des spécialistes jusqu’à maintenant. C’est celui de l’orientation du processus anaphorique. La présente étude aborde l’analyse de cette question et démontre à travers l’examen de phénomènes comme les enchaînements coréférentiels pronominaux et nominaux ou l’anaphore hypo/hyperonymique que l’orientation des relations associatives va du « tout » vers la « partie », peu importe l’ordre effectif des termes dans une énonciation donnée.

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Uwasomba, Blessing Ugochi. "Anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo: Binding Theory Approach." Journal of Languages, Linguistics and Literary Studies 2, no. 4 (December 31, 2022): 178–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.57040/jllls.v2i4.339.

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This work investigates Anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo. Anaphoric expressions are useful in the meaningful interpretations of NPs in a discourse. This study adopts the Binding Theory (BT) approach of GB syntax in examining anaphoric expressions in Igbo. Data for this work were elicited from native speakers of Ikwuano in Ikwuano area of Abia State, Nigeria. This paper was verified for cross-referencing purposes given the researcher’s native speaking intuition and introspection. This study investigates anaphors and antecedents and also demonstrates the concepts of C-command and binding, among others in Ikwuano Igbo. The work reveals that Ikwuano Igbo has two types of anaphors- the reflexive and the reciprocal anaphors. The study demonstrates that the binding theory investigates the syntactic relationship that can or must hold between a given proform and its antecedent. In this respect, anaphors (reflexive and reciprocal pronouns) behave very differently from personal pronouns. The work demonstrates the concepts of binding, Co-indexation, Co-referentiality, locality constraint and C-constituent command to show dependency between the antecedents and the anaphors in Ikwuano Igbo. This paper also reveals that Ikwuano Igbo has anaphoric expressions that do not mark gender. The Binding Theory shows that the antecedent and the anaphor occur in the same governing category. Also it shows that a pronominal must be free in its governing category and an R-expression must be free everywhere in a sentence according to the regulating principles of the Theory. This paper reveals the descriptive nature of antecedent- anaphor relationship in the study of syntactic structures for grammaticality.

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Salles, Mathilde. "Les descriptions spatiales au fond, au sommet, dans le fond, à la base. Entre anaphore associative et anaphore à argument nul." Travaux de linguistique 63, no. 2 (2011): 35. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/tl.063.0035.

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Dutta, Kamlesh, Saroj Kaushik, and Nupur Prakash. "Machine Learning Approach for the Classification of Demonstrative Pronouns for Indirect Anaphora in Hindi News Items." Prague Bulletin of Mathematical Linguistics 95, no. 1 (April 1, 2011): 33–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10108-011-0003-4.

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Machine Learning Approach for the Classification of Demonstrative Pronouns for Indirect Anaphora in Hindi News Items In this paper, we present machine learning approach for the classification indirect anaphora in Hindi corpus. The direct anaphora is able to find the noun phrase antecedent within a sentence or across few sentences. On the other hand indirect anaphora does not have explicit referent in the discourse. We suggest looking for certain patterns following the indirect anaphor and marking demonstrative pronoun as directly or indirectly anaphoric accordingly. Our focus of study is pronouns without noun phrase antecedent. We analyzed 177 news items having 1334 sentences, 780 demonstrative pronouns of which 97 (12.44 %) were indirectly anaphoric. The experiment with machine learning approaches for the classification of these pronouns based on the semantic cue provided by the collocation patterns following the pronoun is also carried out.

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Theissen, Anne. "Répétition ou apparition d’un modificateur dans un SN défini anaphorique : une explication en termes informationnels." Scolia 14, no. 1 (2002): 295–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/scoli.2002.1016.

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L ’objectif de notre article réside dans la description de situations où un adjectif ou un participe accompagne le substantif de reprise dans une anaphore définie. Deux types de situations sont envisageables : soit le modificateur est déjà présent dans l’expression antécédente et donc il s’agit d’une situation de répétition, soit l’adjectif apparaît comme un élément nouveau du SN de reprise. Les deux cas sont énigmatiques comme on le verra dans la première partie. En effet, d’une part, on ne s’attend nullement à ce qu’une information nouvelle apparaisse dans le SN de reprise, d’autre part, l ’anaphore suppose généralement une réduction informationnelle à partir de l’information textuelle antécédente. Dans la seconde partie, nous essayerons de mettre en relief les conditions d’émergence de ces deux situations et de montrer que des motivations similaires expliquent en définitive la présence du modificateur dans les deux cas.

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Miller, Philip, Barbara Hemforth, Pascal Amsili, and Gabriel Flambard. "Missing Antecedents Found." Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America 5, no. 1 (August 15, 2020): 822. http://dx.doi.org/10.3765/plsa.v5i1.4795.

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Numerous papers have used so-called `missing antecedent phenomena' as a criterion for distinguishing deep and surface anaphora. Specifically, only the latter are claimed to licence pronouns with missing antecedents. These papers also argue that missing antecedent phenomena provide evidence that surface anaphora involve unpronounced syntactic structure in the ellipsis site. The present paper suggests that the acceptability judgments on which the argument is based exhibit a confound because they do not take discourse conditions on VPE (a surface anaphor) and VPA (a deep anaphor) into account. Two acceptability experiments provide evidence that what is relevant to the judgments are the discourse conditions and not the presence of deep vs. surface anaphors, casting doubt on the reliability of missing antecedent phenomena as a criterion for deep vs. surface status.

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Wichmann, So̵ren, Jacques Moeschler, Anne Reboul, Jean-Marc Luscher, Jacques Jayez, and Soren Wichmann. "Langage et pertinence: Référence temporelle, anaphore, connecteurs et métaphore." Language 72, no. 4 (December 1996): 875. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/416137.

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Eytan, Mychel. "Anaphore associative : une tentative de formalisation via la DRT." Cahiers de praxématique, no. 24 (January 1, 1995): 149–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/praxematique.3038.

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Joly, André, and Dairine O'Kelly. "Anaphore et argumentation : DO dit emphatique en anglais moderne." Cahiers de praxématique, no. 7 (January 1, 1986): 63–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/praxematique.3508.

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Ratié, Michel. "Anaphore : re-présentation d'un construit ou image d'un précontruit." Interfaces 1, no. 1 (1991): 113–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/inter.1991.882.

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Jarbou, Samir O., and Fathi Migdadi. "Testing the Limits of Anaphoric Distance in Classical Arabic: A Corpus-Based Study." Research in Language 10, no. 4 (December 30, 2012): 423–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10015-012-0003-y.

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One of the central aims in research on anaphora is to discover the factors that determine the choice of referential expressions in discourse. Ariel (1988; 2001) offers an Accessibility Scale where referential expressions, including demonstratives, are categorized according to the values of anaphoric (i.e. textual) distance that each of these has in relation to its antecedent. The aim of this paper is to test Ariel’s (1988; 1990; 2001) claim that the choice to use proximal or distal anaphors is mainly determined by anaphoric distance. This claim is investigated in relation to singular demonstratives in a corpus of Classical Arabic (CA) prose texts by using word count to measure anaphoric distance. Results indicate that anaphoric distance cannot be taken as a consistent or reliable determinant of how anaphors are used in CA, and so Ariel’s claim is not supported by the results of this study. This also indicates that the universality of anaphoric distance, as a criterion of accessibility, is defied.

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Johansson-Manoury, Elisabet. "Anaphore et fonction attribut du sujet : le cas de SO." Anglophonia, no. 16 (32) (November 1, 2012): 129–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/anglophonia.180.

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Kara, Mohamed, and Brigitte Wiederspiel. "Anaphore résomptive conceptuelle et mémoire discursive : entre identité et altérité." Itinéraires, no. 2011-2 (July 1, 2011): 79–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.4000/itineraires.134.

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Devos, Paul. "Un témoin copte de la plus ancienne anaphore en grec." Analecta Bollandiana 104, no. 1-2 (June 1986): 126. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/j.abol.4.01501.

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Busterud, Guro. "Methodological problems related to research on L2 Norwegian anaphors." Nordic Journal of Linguistics 33, no. 2 (September 22, 2010): 145–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0332586510000168.

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This article focuses on the methodological challenges involved in investigating anaphoric binding in Norwegian as a second language. Norwegian anaphors can be bound both locally and non-locally, and since anaphors vary cross-linguistically, it is interesting to explore whether and where L2 speakers of Norwegian allow such target-like local and non-local binding in their L2. Sentences with two possible antecedents might be ambiguous for L2 speakers, and the truth-value judgment task is generally considered to be the best method for eliciting knowledge of L2 speakers' intuitions of anaphoric binding in ambiguous sentences. In Norwegian, long-distance binding cannot cross a finite clause boundary, and the long-distance anaphor cannot be locally bound. Because of this, the truth-value judgment task is sometimes less adequate for testing all relevant binding structures in Norwegian. Dialectal variations in Norwegian pose additional challenges for the study of the acquisition of anaphors in an L2. This paper discusses the implications of these methodological challenges.

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Everaert, Martin, Kārumūri V. Subbārāo, and Wichamdinbo Mataina. "Lexical Anaphors and Pronouns in Liangmai." Lingua Posnaniensis 55, no. 2 (December 1, 2013): 41–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/linpo-2013-0012.

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Abstract This paper discusses some aspects of the behavior of anaphors and pronouns in Liangmai, belonging to the Tibeto-Burman language family. W e show that Liangmai offers a unique combination of “reflexivization strategies”. Like other languages it exhibits the strategy of reflexivizing the predicate by reduplication of an anaphoric element, but it simultaneously marks the predicate with a self-element. Two more properties of anaphoric properties of Liangmai are interesting from a cross-linguistic perspective. It shows cases of “swapping” - reordering of differently case-marked elements within the complex anaphor - and long-distance binding - allowing an anaphoric element to refer to an element that is not a co-argument.

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Kang, Namkil. "Anaphora and Merge." Studies in English Language Teaching 9, no. 1 (January 21, 2021): p15. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/selt.v9n1p15.

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The ultimate goal of this paper is to show that binding can be captured in terms of Merge and Transfer. It is well-known that the phi-deficiency view of anaphora is taken to be the predominant view in the Minimalist literature and that an anaphor is assumed to be a nominal that lacks one or more phi-features. We examine the phi-deficiency view of anaphora and argue that animate features, phi-features, and R-features are necessary. Korean ku-casin “he-self” and English himself underspecified for R-features are subject/object/indirect object-oriented and are strictly local anaphors. On the other hand, Korean caki “self” underspecified for phi-features is subject/object-oriented and both locally and non-locally bound. Korean caki-casin “self-self” underspecified for both features (phi-features and R-features) are subject-oriented and strictly a local anaphor. Finally, within the Minimalist work, we show that binding can be captured by animate features, phi-features, R-features, Merge, and Transfer. Transfer provides the governing category and semantic computations, by which binding can be captured.

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